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I offer Double Dutch Methodology (DDM) as an alternative way of thinking about qualitative research and as a set of methodological strategies. This essay is my attempt at providing a useful way to think about and practice being a researcher. Essentially I hope to provide a piece that I would have appreciated reading when I was just starting to conduct ethnographic research with youth of color in an urban context. To that end, I begin by sharing the components of the metaphorical Double Dutch Methodology. The first part of DDM involves “learning the ropes” (Gaunt, 2006, p. 37), or critically exploring researcher positional-ity. For example, what are the intersecting identities that researchers bring to the research context? And, what are the multiple roles and shifting orientation that a researcher may experience during the research process? The second component of DDM includes “plant[ing] both feet” (Gaunt, 2006, p. 174), or considering the main theoretical standpoints on which DDM or a humanizing qualitative research approach is based. Specifically, what theoretical lens(es), conceptual framework(s), or set of principles informs DDM as a new way of thinking about and doing research? Finally, the third component of DDM entails “keeping time and rhythm,” or engaging in participant observation that is complicated, contextually stylized, and improvisational. In particular, during fieldwork, how and when do qualitative researchers, utilizing the method of participant observation, engage as “a participant observer at times, an observer at other times, and a participant at still other times” (Paris, 2011, p. 8)? Moreover, a Double Dutch Methodology is concerned with privileging the everyday interactions, voices, and experiences of the participants. This kind of approach to research invites reflexivity, relevance, and reciprocity, which is transferable to researchers in other disciplines, in particular scholars of color who are struggling with the notion of needing to be “distant” and “neutral” observers in spaces or research contexts that include participants from oppressed or marginalized communities.

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I offer Double Dutch Methodology (DDM) as an alternative way of thinking about qualitative research and as a set of methodological strategies. This essay is my attempt at providing a useful way to think about and practice being a researcher. Essentially I hope to provide a piece that I would have appreciated reading when I was just starting to conduct ethnographic research with youth of color in an urban context. To that end, I begin by sharing the components of the metaphorical Double Dutch Methodology. The first part of DDM involves “learning the ropes” (Gaunt, 2006, p. 37), or critically exploring researcher positional-ity. For example, what are the intersecting identities that researchers bring to the research context? And, what are the multiple roles and shifting orientation that a researcher may experience during the research process? The second component of DDM includes “plant[ing] both feet” (Gaunt, 2006, p. 174), or considering the main theoretical standpoints on which DDM or a humanizing qualitative research approach is based. Specifically, what theoretical lens(es), conceptual framework(s), or set of principles informs DDM as a new way of thinking about and doing research? Finally, the third component of DDM entails “keeping time and rhythm,” or engaging in participant observation that is complicated, contextually stylized, and improvisational. In particular, during fieldwork, how and when do qualitative researchers, utilizing the method of participant observation, engage as “a participant observer at times, an observer at other times, and a participant at still other times” (Paris, 2011, p. 8)? Moreover, a Double Dutch Methodology is concerned with privileging the everyday interactions, voices, and experiences of the participants. This kind of approach to research invites reflexivity, relevance, and reciprocity, which is transferable to researchers in other disciplines, in particular scholars of color who are struggling with the notion of needing to be “distant” and “neutral” observers in spaces or research contexts that include participants from oppressed or marginalized communities.

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Operational: We went at 5-5:30 in the garden by the walkway between the library and Salazar hall where most people were walking to cars/class. It was not particularly busy as it was in between class times.

Coding: There were many scantrons and pencils in hand and students on their way to take midterms. Many of the same people walked up the walkway to get a scantron ad came back with one in hand. A notable number of people had no bag, backpack, or anything they were carrying at all and most people walked with their heads down, looking at the ground.

Analytical: Most of the people walking past looked sad, likely due to them walking to take their midterm that they are dreading taking. They seemed to be lost in thought, looking at the ground, probably going over course material on their way to their test.

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We observed by sitting on one of the tables in the library.  It was around 5 pm, so the library was one of the only places opened in campus. We observed a diverse student body sitting in the first floor of library.

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Operational: We went to the library first floor and noticed other students sitting down. Roughly 5:15pm so classes were going on at the time.

Coding: Students were working individually or just keeping to themselves. Most students had a coffee and wondered if it could be because of the time change. Students were not socializing.

Analytical: Students look tired and burnt out and might be because they just got off work or are just ending their school day with homework or they may be even be waiting to get picked up.

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Operational- I entered the University Student union with two of my classmates around 5 P.M.This spot was chosen because there  is usually a lot of activity.  I sat at a table that was in the center. Around me where different students. Some where sitting at a table, others were sitting on the couches. At first it seemed hard to just sit, listen and observe. In a way I felt like I was invading on these peoples space and privacy. Once I opened my notebook and picked up my pen, I began looking around. Immediately I began noticing what some students were doing as well as conversations that were taking place.

Coding:
Electronic Devices-  out of the people that I observed there was only two that were not on any elctronic devices. Some where looking at their phone, others were on their laptops or tablets.  I found that this shows that electronic devices is something that people use for varies things, especially being on a college campus.

Meeting Friends: There were two female students that were having an early dinner together. They were talking about things and people that are apart of their social life. Their sister, cousin, etc. This could be something that students do on campus with friends from class. It's a way of focusing on something else than academics. it is also a way to connect with people and build bonds.

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We observed near a parking structure and the transit center, where students are able to come in and out of campus, but this was at 5 pm, when many students have either already left or are already in class. This area would likely receive more traffic earlier in the day.

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I realized that spending time in a particular space will help to conceptualize research questions. For instance, at the University-Student Union, I discovered that the first floor dining area is used for multiple purposes. How does getting to know the people being observed influence the findings? How does not informing them that they're being researched result in more authentic responses? I realized that I may change my approach in the future based on my experiences this time.

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Sunny/Windy Monday 5:09 pm Student transition from or to buildings/class through the walkway walking at different paces.

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Students sitting in groups of 2 or 3 in the University Student Union. I observed two different groups. Listening to each group for a few minutes at a time, and then switching to the other group. The first group, two female Latinx students (according to my perception). The second group was two young Black men (early 20's) and one Asian student (also early 20's).

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We assume the people we observed were either just arriving to campus or were about to leave campus, and so we paid attention to what they were carrying with them. Many students had something in their hands (phone, coffee) and the vast majority had backpacks. Two were walking away from the main campus but were carrying scantrons and pencils in their hands, so we assumed they were not leaving.

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operational - we sat down and observed student athletes practicing running on the track - some of the athletes where milling around while one or two were actually practicing their running skills with their coach. While we were there observing we noticed that there was a coach wearing a team USA sweater that made us wonder if that coach had any association to the USA olympics team. When the track athletes left, a group of 5 regular students joined the field and started practicing their baseball skills. They looked to be there just for fun.

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The first group (two female Latinx) were talking closely to each other, engaging in a conversation about one female's cousin. The student narrated the cousin's situation and appeared to criticize her cousin's decisions: "She acts like she don't have kids. Like no responsibility." The second female agreed with her and said "That's wrong." At times, the two females leaned closer to each other and whispered to each other. In the background, I could a Spanish radio station and it was challenging to discern parts of the conversations. At times, the two females laughed and looked at each other phones. They appeared to be sharing something on their phones. The two females conversed comfortably and appeared to enjoy each other's company.

The second group was a Bible study. One male stated: "The Bible is useful. It's not just something that sits on a shelf." The group was discussing a Bible scripture and all three males were engaged in the conversation.

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Operational: The three researchers (including Michelle and Jany) were seated at a round table and observed students seated at the tables around us.

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coding: There were either athletes or coaches on the track field but it seemed that regular students were allowed to use the field as well.

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We noticed that everyone was looking down and that people were either on their phones or laptops with headphones on. Some were doing work and some were taking a break. We did not see any socializing between the students. We also noticed that students looked very tired and almost students have a beverage (with caffeine).

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We observed a group of about 5 individuals (men) who were training. Three of them were sitting down on the grass while the other two were actually doing what they were supposed to. The individuals were running as well as practicing their hurdle jumps. There were also two coaches, a man and a woman. After about 10 minutes, the students who were not doing anything left the area along with the coaches and only one of the students who was practicing stayed behind.

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analytical: it seems that around 4:30 track and field athletes train with their coaches up until 5 and then that is when the field is open to certain people with permission. It seems that depending on the time of day the field would be used for different purposes.

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students (some wearing masks some aren't)
(some with headphones some having conversations)
dark/dull color clothing
facing down
scantrons/papers in hand

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I noticed that many of the people we observed were walking alone, and that the majority of them were carrying something in their hands. Many had their phones out and were using them while they walked. Those who didn’t have their phones had something else in their hands that kept their attention or else we’re looking at the ground as they walked. This might reflect a reluctance among students to engage with their surroundings or a need/desire to appear occupied. There was a man handing out flyers that people might’ve been avoiding.

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Operational: We went to observe students sitting in a library focused on their work. The people being observed are diverse students.
Coding: Most are wearing headphones and doing their own work. They are not socializing and are focused on their own studies. Most students seem to have a beverage, particularly caffeine drinks.
analytical: Most of these students look burnt and tired. We believe they have caffeine drinks because they need energy to focus on their work, or maybe since the recent daylight savings time change made them feel more tired. I question if maybe different environments in school students act differently.

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I can say that most people that walking down the walkway were students as they carried what seemed to be a backpack or a scantron in hand

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Students
Staff/faculty
Bible Study
Social Gathering
Independent Work
Eating
Relationship issues
Aspirations

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The social context, a university space for students, provided a safe space for two female Latinx students to engage in a social practice, to talk about their personal experiences with family and friends. The two females engaged in a Latinx social practice, "chisme," were comfortable with each other. This is often perceived as a negative practice. However, chisme can be liberating and therapeutic.

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Based on my observation, students that are campus around 5pm are not here to socialize. Since Cal State LA is a commuter school, they are either on campus for class or waiting for transportation.
The students also looked very tired. The tiredness can be from daylight savings yesterday or that it was a Monday evening. Students that were waiting for evening classes might’ve worked in the morning or afternoon, since most Cal State LA students are part of the working class.

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Athletes were wearing shorts and a t shirt. The coaches were wearing a jacket and a cap. As the athletes were leaving they put on a jacket.