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해석: (사전적 의미 또는 비유적/관용적 의미)
맥락: (해당 단어/구절이 언급된 기사 문장과 여기에서의 정확한 맥락)
Fuel costs hurt, but there are ways oil supply can be boosted to help meet demand.
* 메모지의 색은 흰색으로 통일
* 익명으로 작성하지 않음 (반드시 학교 구글계정으로 로그인)
* 메모지 한 개 당 단어/구절 하나씩
* 메모지의 순서를 바꿀 수 있으니 단어 순으로 정렬

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now overturned: 이제 뒤집히다
Roe vs. Wade is now overturned,

Roe 와 Wade(미국 대법원이 1973년 내린 임신 중절에 관한 조선부 합헌 판결, 여성의 임신 중절권 보장의 근거가 되고 있음) 사건은 이제 뒤집혔고,

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해석: 여전히 그렇게 할 것이다.
맥락: Myers says that in regions of the country where abortion is banned and where travel distances will increase for women to be able to get an abortion. about three-quarters of women seeking will still do so.
낙태가 금지되어 있고 멀리 이동해서 낙태를 받아야 되는 장소에 있는 여성 중 3/4는 여전히 먼 거리를 이동하여 낙태를 받을 것이다.

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effectively make abortion illegal in about half of US states

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effectively make abortion illegal in about half of US states

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사실상 미국의 절반에서 낙태를 불법으로 만들것이다
which will soon effectively make abortion illegal in about half of US states.

이는 곧 약 미국의 절반에서 사실상 낙태를 불법으로 만들것이다.

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해석: 넓은 범위의
맥락: That means roughly a quarter of women there - in Myers's words, "the poorest, the most fragile women in a wide swath of the Deep South and the Midwest" - will not receive their health care services.
Deep South 와 the Mildwest 의 넓은 지역(범위)에 살고 있는 가난하고 피해 입기 쉬운 여성들은 건강 서비스를 받지 못할 것이다.

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이번 주 안으로 할 일

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이번 주 안으로 할 일

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- ClassCard: Food Crisis, Abortion 단어 학습하고 시험 치기
- Abortion 기사 전체 복습해두기
- 말하기 수행평가 주제 올리기
- Padlet 노락딱지 붙은 사람 수정해두기

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https://www.vox.com/recode/23074696/abortion-illegal-supereme-court-women-work

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This story is part of a group of stories called

Uncovering and explaining how our digital world is changing - and changing us.

Roe vs. Wade is all but certain to be overturned, which could effectively make abortion illegal in about half of US states. If that happens, historical data tells us that not only will this affect women personally, but it will jeopardize their professional lives, too.

That decision, a draft of which was leaked to Politico earlier this month, affects a woman's likelihood to work at all, what type of job she takes, how much education she receives, how much money she makes, and even the hopes and dreams she has for herself. In turn, her career affects nearly all other aspects of her life, from her likelihood to live in poverty to her view of herself.

And taking away the ability to make that decision stands to upend decades of progress women have made in the workforce, which has cascading effects on women's place in society.

As Caitlin Myers, a professor of economics at Middlebury College, put it, "Childbearing is the single most economically important decision most women make."

We know all this because of decades of research on how abortion bans hurt women - research that Myers, along with more than 150 other economists, outlined in an amicus brief to the Supreme Court in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the Mississippi case that's likely to upend Roe v. Wade. In addition to long-term studies specifically looking at outcomes of women who were unable to get an abortion versus those who did, there's even more robust data around the negative causal effects of having children on women in general. It's also just common sense, according to Jason Lindo, a professor of economics at Texas A&M University.

"Anyone who has had kids or seriously thought about having kids knows it's super costly in terms of time and money," Lindo said. "So of course restrictions that make it harder for people to time when they have kids or which increase the number of children that they have is going to have serious impacts on their careers and their economic circumstances."

Even in the absence of a national ban, state anti-abortion measures have been a huge burden on women and society at large. The Institute for Women's Policy Research (IWPR) estimated that state-level restrictions have cost those economies $105 billion a year in reduced labor force participation, reduced earnings, increased turnover, and time off among prime working-age women.

An abortion ban won't affect all women equally, either. Myers says that in regions of the country where abortion is banned and where travel distances will increase for women to be able to get an abortion, about three-quarters of women seeking abortions will still do so. That means roughly a quarter of women there - in Myers's words, "the poorest, the most vulnerable, the most financially fragile women in a wide swath of the Deep South and the Midwest" - will not receive their health care services.

As the US faces an ongoing labor shortage - one led in part by women who have left the workforce to care for children and elders during the pandemic - the Supreme Court's expected decision will exacerbate the situation and potentially change women's experience in the workforce for years to come.

1) Women's labor force participation could go down

Abortion access is a major force that has driven up women's labor force participation. Nationally, women's labor force participation rates went from around 40 percent before Roe v. Wade was passed in 1973 to nearly 60 percent before the pandemic (men's participation was nearly 70 percent at that time). Abortion bans could thwart or even reverse some of those gains.

Using data from the Turnaway Study, landmark research that compares outcomes over time for women across the country who received or were denied abortions, University of California San Francisco professor Diana Greene Foster and fellow researchers found that six months after they were denied an abortion, women were less likely to be employed full-time than those who received an abortion. That difference remained significant for four years after these women were denied abortions, a gap that could affect their employment prospects even further into the future.

2) Lower educational attainment

Education rates are foundational for career prospects and pay. A 1996 study by Joshua Angrist and William Evans looked at states that liberalized abortion laws before Roe v. Wade andfound abortion access leads to higher education rates and labor-market outcomes. American University economics professor Kelly Jones used state abortion regulation data to determine that legal abortion access for young women who became pregnant increased their educational attainment by nearly a year and their likelihood of finishing college by about 20 percentage points. The evidence is largely driven by the impacts on young Black women.

Other research by Jones and Mayra Pineda-Torres found that simple exposure to targeted restrictions on abortion providers, or TRAP laws, reduced young Black teenagers' likelihood of attending or completing college. In turn, lower education affects which jobs women are qualified for.

3) The types of jobs women get will be more restricted

Having children significantly affects the types of jobs women get, often steering them to part-time work or lower-paying occupations. While a broader abortion ban is on the horizon, plenty of individual states have already enacted TRAP laws that make getting an abortion more difficult. This legislation has also provided a natural experiment for researchers like Kate Bahn, chief economist at research nonprofit Washington Center for Equitable Growth, who found women in these states were less likely to move into higher-paid occupations.

"We know a lot from previous research on the initial expansion of birth control pills and abortion care in the '70s that, when women have a little more certainty over their family planning, they just make choices differently," Bahn told Recode.

This could lead to more occupational segregation - women's overrepresentation in certain fields like health care and teaching, for example - which reduces wages in those fields, even when accounting for education, experience, and location.

4) All of the above negatively affect income

Curtailing which jobs women get, taking time out of the workforce, receiving less education - all of these hurt women's pay, which is already lower on average than men's.

One paper by economist Ali Abboud that looked at states where abortion was legal before Roe v. Wade found that young women who got an abortion to delay an unplanned pregnancy for just one year had an 11 percent increase in hourly wages compared to the mean. Jones's research found that legal abortion access for pregnant young women increased their likelihood of entering a professional occupation by 35 percentage points.

The IWPR estimates that if existing abortion restrictions went away, women across the US would make $1,600 more a year on average. Lost income doesn't just affect women who have unwanted pregnancies, but also their families and their existing children. Income, in turn, affects poverty rates of not only the women who have to go through unwanted pregnancy, but also their existing children.

5) Lack of abortion access limits women's career aspirations

Perhaps most insidiously, lack of abortion access seriously restricts women's hopes for their own careers. Building on her team's research in the Turnaway Study, Foster found that women who were unable to get a desired abortion were significantly less likely to have one-year goals related to employment than those who did, likely because those goals would be much harder to achieve while taking care of a newborn. They were also less likely to have one-year or five-year aspirational goals in general.

Limiting women's autonomy over their reproductive rights reinforces the unequal status of women in ways that are both concrete and ephemeral, C. Nicole Mason, president and CEO of IWPR, told Recode.

"That's a very psychic, emotional, psychological feeling - to feel and understand that my equality, my rights, are less than my male counterparts," she said. "The law is making it so. The Supreme Court is making it so."

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5 ways abortion bans could hurt women in the workforce

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Uncovering and explaining how our digital world is changing - and changing us. Roe vs. Wade is all but certain to be overturned, which could effectively make abortion illegal in about half of US states. If that happens, historical data tells us that not only will this affect women personally, but it will jeopardize their professional lives, too.

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해석: 낙태 제공자(ex 의사, 병원)를 제한하는 법. Targeted Regulation Of Abortion Providers의 약자.

맥락: Other research by Jones and Mayra Pineda-Torres found that simple exposure to targeted restrictions on abortion providers, or TRAP laws, reduced young Black teenagers’ likelihood of attending or completing college.
다른 연구는 '낙태 제공자를 제한하는 TRAP 법에 대한 단순한 노출이 젊은 흑인 여성의 대학 진학 또는 졸업 가능성을 감소시켰다' 는 사실을 알아냈다.

**낙태 제공자를 제한하는 법이 생기면 낙태 시술을 집행하는 그 병원과 의료진들은 수술을 해주고 싶어도 해줄 수 없다. 따라서 TRAP법을 제정한 후로 더욱더 여성이 낙태를 하기 어렵게 만들어버렸다.

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해석: 노동시장 성과

맥락: A 1996 study by Joshua Angrist and William Evans looked at states that liberalized abortion laws before Roe v. Wade and found abortion access leads to higher education rates and labor-market outcomes.
1996년의 한 연구는 낙태법이 자유화 되어진 주들을 조사 했고 낙태를 허용하면 교육률이 더 높아지고 노동시장 성과를 불러온다는 사실을 발견했다.

**노동시장은 노동력이 상품으로 거래되는 시장을 일컫는 말로, 교육률이 높아지면서 많은 여성들이 취업을 하게 되는 결과를 노동시장 성과로 표현했다.

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Women's labor force participation could go down.
해석 : 여성의 노동력 참여가 감소할수있다.

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Abortion access is a major force that has driven up women's labor force participation.
해석 : 낙태에서의 접근은 여성의 노동참여를 주도한 주요 동력입니다.

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맥락: American University economics professor Kelly Jones used state abortion regulation data to determine that legal abortion access for young women who became pregnant increased their educational attainment by nearly a year and their likelihood of finishing college by about 20 percentage points.
미국 대학 경제학 교수 Kelly Jones는 주 낙태 규제 자료를 사용하여서 임신한 젊은 여성에 대해 합법적 낙태 접근이 대학 졸업 가능성을 약 20퍼센트 포인트 높이고 1년 가까이 교육 성취도를 높였다고 판단하였다.
- 합법적 낙태: 대학 졸업 가능성을 높이는 등 교육 성취도 높일 수 있음

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해석 : 위태롭게 하다
맥락 : but it will jeopardize their professional lives, too.
하지만 낙태를 금지하는 것은 여성들의 직장 생활을 위태롭게 한다.

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That decision, a draft of which was leaked to Politico in May and released in its final from Friday
해석: 그 결정의 초안은 5월에 폴리티코에 유출되었고 금요일에 최종발표되었다.

leak 새다, 유출되다
Politico 폴리티코 (미국의 정치전문 일간 신문)

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Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), was a landmark decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in which the Court ruled that the Constitution of the United States conferred the right to have an abortion. The decision struck down many federal and state abortion laws, and caused an ongoing abortion debate in the United States about whether, or to what extent, abortion should be legal, who should decide the legality of abortion, and what the role of moral and religious views in the political sphere should be.
낙태를 합법화한 계기이자, 낙태의 허용과 범위, 합법화, 판결에 대한 논쟁을 불러일으킨 사건
Roe vs. Wade is now overturned, which wil soon effectively make abortion illegal in abut half of US states. : Roe vs. Wade사건의 결과가 이제 뒤집혔다. (=낙태가 금지됨) 이것은 곧 미국의 주 중 절반에서 낙태가 금지되게 할 것이다.

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해석 : 의견서
맥락 : We know all this because of decades of research on how abortion bans hurt women - research that Myers, along with more than 150 other economists, outlined in an amicus brief to the Supreme Court in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization~
우리는 모두 몇 십 년 간에 연구를 통해 낙태 금지가 여성들에게 있어 얼마나 치명적인지 안다 - 최고 법정에서 Myers를 포함한 150여명의 경제학자들이 기술한 의견서~

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해석 : 줄이다
맥락 : Curtailing which jobs women get, taking time out of the workforce, receiving less education-all of these hurt women's pay, which is alreadly lower on average than men's
여성들이 어떤 얻는 일자리를 줄이고, 노동력의 시간을 빼앗고, 교육을 덜 받도록 하는것-이 모든 것들이 이미 남성들보다 평균이 낮은 여성들의 임금을 손상시킨다.

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해석 : 은밀하게
맥락 : Perhaps most insidiously, lack of abortion access seriously restricts women's hopes for their own careers.
아마도 가장 은밀하게, 낙태 접근에 대한 부족은 그들 자신의 직업에 대한 여성들의 희망을 심각하게 제한한다.

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해석:  지나가다, 없어지다
맥락: The IWPR estimates that if existing abortion restrictions went away, women across the US would make $1,600 more a year on average.

IWPR은 현존하는 낙태 규제가 없어지면 US의 여성이 1년에 평균 1,600달러를 만들 수 있다고 추정한다.

- 낙태 규제가 없어지면 더 많은 여성이 일을 할 수 있으며 국가의 이득으로 돌아온다는 맥락

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해석:자치권,자율성
맥락:Limiting women’s autonomy over their reproductive rights reinforces the unequal status of women in ways that are both concrete and ephemeral, C. Nicole Mason, president and CEO of IWPR, told Recode.
여성의 생식권에 대한 자율성을 제한하는 것은 여성의 불평등한 지위를 구체적이고 일시적인 방식으로 강화한다. IWPR의 사장 겸 CEO인 니콜 메이슨은 Recode에게 말했다.

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해석: 열망
맥락: Lack of abortion access limits women's career aspirations
낙태에 대한 접근 부족은 여성의 직장에 대한 열망을 제한한다.

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This could lead to more occupational segregation — women’s overrepresentation i n certain fields like health care and teaching, for example — which reduces wages in those fields, even when accounting for education, experience, and location.
이것은 직종분리로 이어질 수 있다 -의료, 교육과 같은 분야에서 여성의 과도한 대표성- 직종분리는 그러한 분야들의 임금을 낮춘다. 교육, 경험, 위치에 관해서도
직업에서 어떤 한 성별이 다른 성별보다 훨씬 많아 과도하게 대표성을 띤다는 내용이다.

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Women were less likely to be employed full-time than those who received an abortion.
여성들은 낙태를 받는 여성들 보다 풀 타임(상근의, 정규직)으로 고용될 가능성이 적다.

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해석:~에 의해
맥락:The evidence is largely driven by the impacts on young Black women.
증거는 주로 젊은 흑인 여성들에 대한 영향에 의해 주입됩니다.

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해석: 직종분리

맥락: This could lead to more occupational segregation — women’s overrepresentation in certain fields like health care and teaching, for example — which reduces wages in those fields, even when accounting for education, experience, and location.
이건 직종분리로 이어질 수 있다 -간호, 교육과 같은 분야에서 여성의 과한 대표성- 직종분리는 그러한 분야들의 임금을 낮춘다.

**직종분리는 남녀차별을 나타낸다. 간호사나 선생님들 중에 성비가 여성이 훨씬 많다. 이는 여성의 과한 대표성을 의미하기도 한다. 여성이 많은 직종의 임금은 결국 낮아진다. => 남녀차별

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less likely to move into higher-paid occupations

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less likely to move into higher-paid occupations

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해석 : 고임금 직업으로 옮길 가능성이 적다.

맥락 : This legislation has also provided a natural experiment for researchers like Kate Bahn, chief economist at research nonprofit Washington Center for Equitable Growth, who found women in these states were less likely to move into higher-paid occupations.
낙태를 더 어렵게 만드는 TRAP 법이 제정된 주의 여성들은 고임금 직업으로 옮길 가능성이 적게 한다는 연구결과가 있다고 말한다.

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... women who have left the workforce to care for children and elders during the pandemic...
...코로나 펜데믹 동안 노인과 아이들을 돌보기 위해 일(직장)을 그만둔 여성들...

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뜻: 추정하다
The IWPR estimates that if existing abortion restrictions went away, women across the US would make $1,600 more a year on averge

IWPR은 기존의 낙태 제한이 없어지면 미국의 모든 여성들이 평균적으로 연간 1,600달러를 더 벌 수 있을 것으로 추정함