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He Junyi/China News Service/VCG via Getty Images

Chinese media has been showing off a lot of Chinese weapons systems, running out report after report over the past month.

Some analysts speculated that China was trying to send a warning about its growing power.

China ran report after report on Chinese military developments this past month, leading some observers to suspect that the country is trying to send a message to its rivals and citizens at a time of heightened tensions with the US.

China is "on the verge of fielding some of the most modern weapon systems in the world," a new US defense intelligence assessment said in mid-January. The Chinese media seems determined to let the world, especially the US, know it's developing powerful new weapons.

The Chinese military is reportedly working on everything from railguns and knife guns to "carrier killer" anti-ship missiles. Here are seven of the weapons China's been showing off.

1. Electromagnetic railgun

Photos of an old tank-landing ship carrying a railgun prototype surfaced online last year, and Chinese state media said earlier last month that Chinese warships will "soon" be equipped with naval railguns capable of hitting targets at great distances.

"Chinese warships will 'soon' be equipped with world-leading electromagnetic railguns, as breakthroughs have been made," China's Global Times reported, citing state broadcaster China Central Television (CCTV). Chinese media said "China's naval electromagnetic weapon and equipment have surpassed other countries and become a world leader."

While it appears that China is making progress, railguns are militarily useless compared with existing alternatives, experts have told Business Insider.

"This is a part of China's strategic communication plan to show that it is a rising power with next-generation military capabilities," Bryan Clark, a naval-affairs expert, said.

China has suggested that the technology could be used to develop electromagnetic catapults for China's future aircraft carriers.

2. China's version of the 'Mother of All Bombs'

China North Industries Group Corporation Limited, a major Chinese defense-industry corporation, has, according to Chinese media, developed a massive conventional weapon for China's bombers known as the "Chinese version of the 'Mother of All Bombs.'"

The weapon is China's largest nonnuclear bomb, the Global Times said, citing the state-run Xinhua News Agency.

Although China is using the same nickname for its bomb, the Chinese weapon is smaller and lighter than its American counterpart, a 21,600-pound bomb that the US dropped on Islamic State targets in Afghanistan in 2017.

The weapon would likely be carried by the Chinese Xi'an H-6K bombers. The American version is so large that it has to be carried by a C-130.

3. 'Carrier-killer' missiles

The DF-26 ballistic missile is not a new weapon, but China recently released, for the first time, video footage of a recent exercise involving the weapon, which is reportedly able to carry conventional and nuclear warheads for strikes against land and sea targets.

The DF-26 is commonly referred to as a "carrier killer." The video revealed certain features suggesting the missile is a capable anti-ship weapon with the ability to take out a US aircraft carrier. These missiles are also known as "Guam-killer" missiles because they are believed to be capable of ranging US military installations in the Pacific.

Analysts said China released the video of its DF-26 ballistic missiles to send a message to the US.

The exercise sent "a clear message to the US about China's growing missile capability, and that it can hold at risk US strategic assets, such as carriers and bases," Adam Ni, a researcher at Macquarie University in Sydney, told the South China Morning Post.

4. Super-soldiers armed with guns that shoot around corners

Chinese state media said last month that the Chinese military is arming its special forces with "sci-fi" weapons - "futuristic individual combat weapons like grenade-launching assault rifles, corner shot pistols and knife guns."

Citing a Beijing military expert, the Global Times said China was developing "super" soldiers who will be able to take on 10 enemy combatants at one time.

CCTV said these weapons highlight the People's Liberation Army's modernization, according to Chinese state media. The Chinese military is undergoing a massive overhaul with the goal of creating a world-class fighting force.

5. Stealth drones

CCTV aired a video showcasing China's stealth drone "Sky Hawk" taking flight for the first time earlier last month.

The drone, which made an appearance at Airshow China 2018 in Zhuhai last November, was shown taking off and landing at an undisclosed location, the Global Times reported. Experts suggested that the unmanned aircraft could be launched from China's future aircraft carriers.

Another Chinese stealth drone in the works, according to Chinese media, includes the CH-7, which was also on display at the event in Zhuhai.

Chinese military experts said the US maintains an edge in this area, having developed the X-47B carrier-based drone, but both China and Russia are both rushing to develop stealth drones for future missions.

6. Upgraded stealth fighter

China is considering the development of a twin-seat variant of the J-20 stealth fighter, which would be a first for fifth-generation aircraft, the Global Times reported last month, citing CCTV.

Chinese media said the aircraft would be capable of tactical bombing missions or electronic warfare, not just air superiority.

Having aircraft variations "that other countries do not possess will greatly expand the Chinese military's capability in an asymmetric warfare," the Global Times said, citing Chinese analysts.

China has also, according to Chinese media, been looking at the possibility of creating a twin-seat variant of the carrier-based J-15s to expand the combat capability of the fighters, which are considered problematic and are expected to eventually be replaced.

In a related report, China's Global Times said the advanced J-16 strike fighters now possess "near stealth capability" thanks to a new paint job. Detection may be more of a challenge, but it is unlikely the aircraft could be considered stealthy.

7. Underground bunkers and intercontinental-ballistic-missile strikes

Chinese troops have reportedly been conducting simulated intercontinental-ballistic-missile (ICBM) strike exercises from underground bunkers, the Global Times reported last month, citing CCTV.

The nuclear-attack exercises, which are aimed at simulated enemies, are designed to improve China's counterattack (second-strike) capability in the event a war breaks out, Chinese media explained. The strategic bunkers where the drills were staged are referred to as China's "underground Great Wall" by Qian Qihu, the man who designed them.

The drill was "about signaling China's modernizing nuclear deterrence. It is about telling the Americans and others that China has a credible second-strike capability and that it is determined to use it if it comes under nuclear attack," Ni told the South China Morning Post, adding that he believes it is "in part a message from Beijing to the US about the ultimate perils of escalation."

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Ryan Pickrell, Business Insider US

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China's been showing off a lot of new powerful weapons, and experts think they're sending a message

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source He Junyi/China News Service/VCG via Getty Images Chinese media has been showing off a lot of Chinese weapons systems, running out report after report over the past month. Some analysts speculated that China was trying to send a warning about its growing power.

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Two Chinese armored brigades clashed in a week-long training exercise at the Zhurihe Training Base in Inner Mongolia in 2015. Both brigades were equipped with identical armored vehicles and weapons. The Blue opposing forces brigade (OPFOR), however, was organized and fought in the fashion of a United States brigade combat team.

The Red friendly force was crushed. "Within an hour we were hit with airstrikes, enemy satellite reconnaissance, and cyberattacks ... Frankly, I never imagined it would be this hard," said Wang Ziqiang, the armored brigade commander of the Red force. Wang's political commissar Liu Haitao was caught on camera sobbing after the defeat. In a documentary aired on state television days before the 19th Party Congress in October, Liu said that his unit was initially very confident of victory over the Blue team, which was formerly a sister unit. "But over the course of seven days, we were beaten ... we lost because we didn't meet realistic combat standards when training our troops," he said.

Subpar training tells only part of the story. Between 2014 and 2016, the "American" Blue team scored a total of 32 victories and one defeat against Red forces that comprised some of the best and most well-equipped units in the People's Liberation Army (PLA). On average, Red forces sustained 70 percent simulated casualties after clashing with the Blue team. The PLA's poor performance against a modern military unit gave President and Commander-in-Chief Xi Jinping sufficient reason to seek an overhaul.

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In September 2015, Xi announced sweeping military reforms that included a 300,000 troop cut, the creation of a joint command structure that has drawn comparisons with the United States's Goldwater-Nichols Act, and a military-civilian integration program that appears to draw inspiration from the American military-industrial complex. During his speech at the 19th Party Congress, Xi set three goals for the PLA: By 2020, achieve basic mechanization, make significant progress in using information technology, and elevate strategic ability; by 2035, become a modernized defense and military force; by 2050, become a world-class military.

If Xi is can fully implement his reforms while successfully fending off military and political opponents, the PLA should most closely resemble the U.S. military in terms of organization and chain of command. The reformed PLA, however, is unlikely to best the U.S. military in a conventional war given its technological gap and lack of warfighting experience. But factor in unconventional warfare tactics and next-generation technology, and the PLA may stand a chance of rivaling the world's strongest fighting force.
Reasons for Reform
Xi's military reforms appear to be driven by two factors: China's need as an aspiring world power for a modern military that can fight and win wars, and Xi's need to consolidate power in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

The former factor is the more obvious of the two. While previous CCP leaders had carried out some military reform and updated the military's weaponry, the PLA had long remained organized along the Soviet model. Combat tactics and doctrine didn't differ much from the low-tech, ground forces-heavy style utilized during the 1950 Korean War. While militaries around the world had been moving toward joint service operations since the 1980s, the army was still the most prominent service branch in the PLA. The navy and air force played an auxiliary role.

From a national defense and overseas security standpoint, the relative backwardness of the PLA is a pressing concern for the Xi administration. China has pledged hundreds of billions of dollars for its Belt and Road Initiative, a major transnational development strategy to promote trade between China and Eurasian countries through an overland route and a maritime route. The PLA also periodically faces border issues with India and Vietnam, and maritime run-ins with neighboring countries in the South China Sea. And in the east, China has to contend with a nuclear-capable North Korea whose leadership is aligned with Xi's political rivals.

The need for modern tactics and joint operations was firmly impressed upon the commanders who participated in or observed the training exercises in Zhurihe. Previously, training exercises were formulaic affairs that usually ended up with friendly Red teams defeating Blue teams made up of rotated units. Xi, however, required a professional OPFOR to test the combat effectiveness of PLA units more rigorously. So the 195th mechanized infantry brigade under commander Xia Minglong underwent reorganization between 2013 and April 2014 to serve as a dedicated Blue team. State media hinted that the "foreign combat doctrine" embraced by the Blue team was similar to that of the U.S. military, and its organization should more closely resemble a U.S. combat brigade.

A typical training exercise at Zhurihe would see the Blue team launch nuclear strikes, carpet bombing runs, and electronic attacks against the attacking Red force, as well as conduct nightly raids. Special forces tactics were also utilized - Blue team troops impersonating local government representatives delivering goodwill provisions to a Red team force successfully met with and captured their commander. While the Blue team was equipped with outdated Type 59 main battle tanks and Type 63 armored troop carriers, it is likely that they were simulated as M1 Abrams and Bradley Fighting Vehicles using multiple integrated laser engagement systems. Lastly, the Blue team usually emerged overwhelmingly victorious as both a defender or aggressor force.

The sobering performance of the various PLA units at Zhurihe seemed to be sufficient for Xi to convince the top PLA brass to adopt deep reforms for the military to stay relevant. The reforms that have been rolled out thus far appear to largely take reference from the United States:

The Central Military Commission (CMC) was reorganized to accommodate a permanent joint command and control structure. This is reflected in the abolishing of the four General Departments and the creation of 15 new departments, as well as inclusion of top naval and air force generals in the CMC of the 19th Central Committee.

The chain of command was separated into an operational chain and an administrative chain. For instance, the new military theaters oversee combat preparations, while the service branch headquarters see that the various units are organized, trained, and equipped for missions.

The PLA is now organized around brigade combat teams as opposed to divisions.

China's new civilian-military integration program is geared toward the development of a military-industrial complex like the United States'

On November 10, the CMC announced regulations governing the creation of a new civilian service.

On November 24, state media announced the piloting of a military professional education program.

Operationally, the PLA may more closely resemble the U.S. military after reform, albeit with a Leninist dual command structure that allows the CCP to retain full control over the troops.

The success of Xi's military reforms, however, hinges on his efforts to consolidate power in the CCP. While Xi emerged from the 19th Party Congress with greater authority, he still faces resistance from the influential Jiang Zemin faction. Top CMC members and the PLA newspaper continue to stress the importance of cleaning out the "pernicious influence of Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou," two former CMC vice chairs and Jiang faction elites, from the military. Many of the other 64 top ranking generals who were purged under Xi's anti-corruption campaign are also associated with the Jiang faction. Furthermore, there might be senior military leaders who aren't clearly linked with the Jiang faction but are unhappy with Xi - Hong Kong media reported that vanished former CMC members Fang Fenghui and Zhang Yang (who was later confirmed to have committed suicide) were dissatisfied with Xi's military reforms. Perhaps the best indicator that Xi is genuinely worried about internal resistance is the inclusion of CMC Discipline Inspection chief Zhang Shengmin in a downsized CMC.
China vs. The United States: The Gap
The PLA should become a modernized fighting force if Xi is successful in implementing his reforms, but it will unlikely surpass the U.S. military in a conventional skirmish.

Every year, America spends 3.3 percent of its GDP (about $611 billion in 2016) to develop and maintain a military force that is widely regarded as the strongest in the world. In terms of equipment, the U.S. military has 10 aircraft carriers, combat-proven vehicles like the M1 Abrams tank and the Apache helicopter, next-generation fighter jets like the F-35, advanced military communications satellites, and about 6,800 nuclear warheads. There are about 1.3 million active-duty personnel, of which under 200,000 are deployed overseas. Training standards and professionalism are high, and U.S. troops have participated in conflicts around the world since World War II.

In contrast, China spends just 1.9 percent of its GDP (about $216 billion in 2016) on its military. China's defense ministry acknowledges a "definite gap" between the PLA's military technology and that of other developed countries. For instance, China's maiden aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, is a refurbished Soviet-era steam turbine vessel, while the PLA's next-generation fighter jet, the J-31, lacks an advanced engine to fly at the supersonic speeds of an F-35. The Type 99 is a modern main battle tank, but it hasn't been combat-tested. And except for a handful of senior commanders who fought in China's disastrous war against Vietnam in 1979, most of the PLA's 2 million-strong military is lacking in combat experience. Worse, the PLA has to overcome a severe professionalism problem: Under Jiang Zemin's era of dominance (1997-2012), senior military officials had to bribe their way up the ranks, training exercises were routine and conducted for show and profit, and the military had a problem with binge drinking.
Bypassing the Gap
To match or even surpass the United States, the modernized PLA will resort to the unconventional means that it has already been experimenting with in recent years.

In his bestselling book The Hundred-Year Marathon, Pentagon consultant Michael Pillsbury described simulated war games between the American military and the PLA where the Chinese side "was the victor" whenever it "employed Assassin's Mace methods." Assassin's Mace, or shashoujian, are weaponry that the PLA has developed to cripple or bypass technologically superior militaries. Such weaponry includes anti-satellite and anti-aircraft carrier missiles, high-powered microwave and electromagnetic pulse weapons, and radar jammers. Because Assassin's Mace weapons are far cheaper than carriers or next-generation fighter jets, they are a cost-effective way for the PLA to gain an advantage over more powerful militaries that rely on satellites, networks, and the internet for communications.

Getting China-manufactured components into the high-tech military hardware of other countries is another way that the PLA can gain an edge. Microchips made in China are known to be counterfeit in some cases or actual spyware in others. In 2010, the U.S. Navy found that it had bought 59,000 fake computer microchips from China. These chips were meant for use in missiles, fighter planes, warships, and other equipment. Reuters reported in 2014 that the Pentagon had approved the use of Chinese magnets in the construction of the F-35's sensitive hardware. In the best case scenario, the made-in-China parts work as advertised and no harm is done. In the worst case scenario, the Chinese parts could cause catastrophic system failure or serve as surveillance devices for the PLA.

Perhaps more disturbing is what the PLA could potentially develop. Stuart Russell, an artificial intelligence scientist at the University of California in Berkeley, released a short film on November 13 which highlighted the devastating capabilities of fictional autonomous "slaughter bots" - using tiny weaponized AI drones, malicious figures eliminate politicians and activists in broad daylight. Russell's vision of the future is stark, but China could make it a reality. Presently, China is at the forefront of drone manufacturing and has a sizable slice of the civilian drone market (Dajiang Innovation alone has 70 percent of the global market share). Meanwhile, Beijing plans to spend $100 billion to grow its semiconductor industry under a Made in China 2025 program. It is not inconceivable that the PLA could eventually develop advanced AI-powered drones and put them to use, even if their ethical use becomes a concern. The CCP has proven that it has no scruples about crushing "anti-revolutionaries" (political opponents, students at Tiananmen, ethnic minorities, and religious groups), and its military will likewise pursue asymmetrical hybrid warfare tactics to achieve its ends against external foes.

Finally, the PLA is a legitimate cybersecurity threat. In recent years, PLA cyber units have successfully breached the networks of U.S. businesses, infrastructure companies, and the government. In May 2014, the U.S. Justice Department announced indictments against five members of the former General Staff Department's Unit 61398 for hacking Westinghouse Electric, the United States Steel Corporation, and other companies. Chinese hackers backed by the state also allegedly breached the computer system of the U.S. Office of Personnel Management, compromising the private data of its 4 million current and former government employees. Militaries that rely on cyber networks for communications may find their operations severely hampered in a conflict with the PLA.

This year, four U.S. Navy vessels were involved in collisions in the East China Sea. Internal investigations indicated that crew negligence was to blame. But the particularly severe collisions of destroyers USS Fitzgerald and the USS John S. McCain with commercial ships, as well as the frequency and close timing of the accidents, have led government investigators and technology experts to consider the possibility of the warships being targeted by cyber attacks. If cyber sabotage is indeed a reason for the collisions, then the PLA is suspect.
Conclusion
Xi Jinping's military reforms appear to draw inspiration from the U.S. military, and serve the dual purpose of modernizing the PLA and consolidating his control over the CCP. A modernized PLA will unlikely surpass the United States in a conventional engagement, but the outcome will scale toward the PLA if it uses unconventional tactics and weapons. In this scenario, the PLA is set to become the largest "American" military force to pose a threat to the U.S.
Translated by Larry Ong. Don Tse is the CEO and co-founder of SinoInsider Consulting LLC, a consulting and research company based in New York City. Larry Ong is a senior analyst with SinoInsider Consulting LLC.

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Two Chinese armored brigades clashed in a week-long training exercise at the Zhurihe Training Base in Inner Mongolia in 2015. Both brigades were equipped with identical armored vehicles and weapons. The Blue opposing forces brigade (OPFOR), however, was organized and fought in the fashion of a United States brigade combat team.

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Since coming to power in 2012, Mr. Xi has used a crackdown on corruption to purge commanders deemed corrupt or disloyal. The moves have given Mr. Xi, whose father was an important figure in China's revolutionary army, a degree of authority over the People's Liberation Army that had eluded previous civilian leaders.

Mr. Xi "has been able to take political control of the military to an extent that exceeds what Mao and Deng have done," said Tai Ming Cheung, a professor at the University of California, San Diego, who studies China's defense forces. "He has already demonstrated ahead of the congress his ability to elevate key commanders that are close to him."

The abrupt disappearance of the two generals before the congress underlined how ruthlessly Mr. Xi was willing to act. He is now poised to cement his control by installing a new cohort of civilian and military leaders loyal to him and his vision for the Chinese military.

Before his abrupt removal, General Fang, 66, had seemed positioned for promotion at the congress. He had recently laid out China's stance on North Korea to his visiting American counterpart and was enforcing Mr. Xi's overhaul. He even accompanied Mr. Xi to Florida in April for a summit meeting with President Trump at his golf resort in Palm Beach.

General Fang, however, seems to have fallen afoul of Mr. Xi, for reasons that are not fully apparent. He has been put under investigation on suspicion of abuses of office, two former officials in Beijing said, confirming reports that first appeared in several overseas news outlets. Both spoke on the condition of anonymity, fearing recrimination for discussing internal affairs. One said General Zhang, 66, was also under investigation.

They are not the first commanders purged under Mr. Xi. There have been trials of dozens of high-ranking officers, including the two highest-ranking generals ever toppled for corruption in modern China: Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, two former vice chairmen of the Central Military Commission, the party committee that commands China's armed forces.

"Strong Military," an eight-part documentary series shown on Chinese television in recent weeks, said that Mr. Xi had to act urgently because bribery and embezzlement in the top ranks had corroded morale and threatened battle-readiness in the armed forces.

One episode showed the confessions of Generals Guo and Xu as well as a luxurious compound that another fallen general had turned into his private playground.

"The problems of corruption and work style in the armed forces weren't just harming the image of the military, they were badly damaging morale in the ranks," Wan Minggui, a commissar in the Chinese military, says in the documentary. "It really had reached the point where something had to be done."

For Mr. Xi, gaining firmer control of the military could help ensure his grip on power during his second terms as party leader and president, which he is all but certain to receive at this month's party congress and a session of China's legislature next year.

It could also be a way for Mr. Xi to extend his influence beyond a second term. Two predecessors, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, wielded influence after retiring from other official posts by staying in charge of the Central Military Commission, which Mr. Xi now leads.

The party congress, scheduled to open Oct. 18, could fill the 11-member commission with younger commanders loyal to Mr. Xi or shrink the size of the commission to enhance his say. Separately, dozens of other rising military officers are likely to be promoted to the Central Committee, the party's highest organ, whose some 200 voting members oversee governance of the entire nation, not just the military.

"The control of the military is an ironclad insurance policy for Xi," said Minxin Pei, a professor at Claremont McKenna College in California who studies Chinese politics. "If Xi has complete control of the military, nobody dares lift a finger."

Mr. Xi's reshuffling of the military leadership is also aimed at accelerating the changes he has sought in the People's Liberation Army, which, for all its size and influence, had become sclerotic and inward-looking.

Since late 2015, Mr. Xi has reorganized the army to weaken the traditional land forces and shift more resources to the technology-dependent naval, air and missile forces. Seven military regions - the heart of the old arm-focused system - were replaced with five new theater commands, and the army is cutting 300,000 enlisted soldiers and officers, paring the military to two million personnel.

Mr. Xi wants to create an integrated armed forces that can enforce China's claims to disputed islands in the East and South China Seas, offset American influence and protect China's growing interests as far away as Africa, Latin America and the polar regions.

It is a military that, while not yet a rival to the United States, could soon be one.

"China's military modernization is targeting capabilities with the potential to degrade core U.S. military-technological advantages," the Pentagon's annual report to Congress on China's military abilities asserted.

China's military spending, officially $144 billion in 2016, still lags far behind the more than $600 billion spent last year by the United States. China, though, spends nearly three times as much as Russia, and its annual defense budgets are expected to continue to grow 7 percent per year on average, the report said.

"If I look out to 2025, and I look at the demographics and the economic situation, I think China probably poses the greatest threat to our nation," Gen. Joseph F. Dunford Jr., the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, testified at his Senate reconfirmation hearing.

The biggest challenges to Mr. Xi's military modernization may involve updating attitudes as well as technology. It could take years for new commanders to overcome rivalries and learn to operate jointly in the fog of war. But experts already credit with Mr. Xi with making significant progress in creating a leaner, more modern, more professional force.

"No one had the political mojo to pull it off until Xi Jinping, and Xi Jinping only had an anticorruption campaign to use as a hammer," said James Mulvenon, a specialist on China's military at SOS International, a firm that provides security services and advice. "The P.L.A. has known that they have to go to a joint force structure and get rid of the military regions for 25 years, but they had not been able to generate the political will to be able to do that. He was able to do it."

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Xi Jinping Presses Military Overhaul, and Two Generals Disappear

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Since coming to power in 2012, Mr. Xi has used a crackdown on corruption to purge commanders deemed corrupt or disloyal. The moves have given Mr. Xi, whose father was an important figure in China's revolutionary army, a degree of authority over the People's Liberation Army that had eluded previous civilian leaders.