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Evoking eerie parallels to the Nazi regime, the German New Right has unified a populist response to issues of xenophobia and islamophobia, which has been correlated with on one hand, independent terrorist violence but on the other hand, a more legal branch whose ideas are slowly infiltrating the political sphere.

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(Cont.) In the next chapter, Rosenfeld contends that although the internet has broadened the accessibility and interactivity of Nazi public history, its negative effects range from discouraging active remembrance, to enabling neo-nazi groups, and ultimately, to trivializing and normalizing Nazism through the rise of meme culture.

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In chapter 5 of "Hi, Hitler!" Gavriel Rosenfeld demonstrates the evolution of the depiction of Hitler in film, from comedic shorts before the war, to exclusively moralistic narratives in the second half of the twentieth century; more recently, however, film has developed a tendency to normalize and aestheticize Hitler as just another human being.

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In her graphic novel, Belonging, Nora Krug illustrates the journey of uncovering her family's Nazi past to emphasize the responsibility of each individual to confront the most uncomfortable, personal elements of their collective history; however, in doing this she is finally able to shed some of the shame associated with anything German and embrace the comfort and love of her Heimat.

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Hi, Veronica!
Having gone through the most recent version of the Timeline, I have you down for 10 of 10 entries -- great! Unfortunately, the hyperlinks do not seem to be transferring over to the timeline, so please add the links to your primary source documents to the end of the descriptions. Do also proofread closely, in particular to make sure that you are consistent about using the past tense. For your 7/3/34 entry, make sure that you are linking directly to the image (right-click on the image, then copy image address). For the Reich Citizenship Law entry, remember that this was one of the Nuremberg Laws, so the phrase "following the Nuremberg Laws" sounds odd. Finally, it's not quite clear how the Gertud Scholz-Klink source or the 8th grade lesson relate to your research project. Remember that these are the primary sources that you will use for your analytical essay, and your argument will emerge out of them and be proved using them, so they all need to relate in clear ways to your broader focus.. See also the general comments that I put on Brightspace and the group Padlet.
EAD

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In the context of the 21st century upsurge in Luftskrieg remembrance, Mary Nolan's essay, "Air Wars, Memory Wars," argues that discussions of German victimhood were already very prevalent in Germany up until the sixties, and that their decline and ensuing resurgence differed between East and West, but have recently sparked a debate as to the morality and legality of civilian bombing as both of means of morale destruction and retribution.

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In light of the Cold War, the seventies and eighties saw the rise of a debate that strongly reflected the political tensions of the time; while conservatives advocated for a historical interpretation of Nazism that exculpated Germans by placing blame on pre-war Soviet acts of violence as well as Hitler as a totalitarian ruler, liberals were quick to warn against the view that the past had to pass.

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While the allies approached the post-war period with a punitive strategy towards Germany that would completely eradicate Nazism from the world, the rise of the Cold War replaced denazification; both the United States and the Soviets used the term 'Nazi' as a trigger word to attack the opposing ideology, but at the same time political and economic needs encouraged them to reintegrate previous Nazis into the government, leading to the return of radicalism in the nineties.

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In Bergen's chapter of Nazi Germany,  he argues that while the evolution of Nazi policy was complex and sometimes contradictory, the ideologies that shaped the holocaust were already used for experimentation in the early periods of the Third Reich and were simply exacerbated by the SS as well as the Wermacht during the war on the Eastern front.

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After the start of the war, Hitler used public announcements to create the illusion that he was attempting to promote peace and allegiance, but privately his military policy was deeply rooted in racial discrimination to such an extent that he often prioritized brutal ideological goals over logical military and economic decisions.

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Cristopher Browning's book, Ordinary Men, argues that while there were cases of extreme sadism as well as exceptional resistance to the crimes of the holocaust, most members of the armed police forces were just 'ordinary men' who complied with the orders they were given, albeit showing  various degrees of internal and external resistance to the Nazi commands.

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The military and economic rearmament leading to the invasion of Poland in 1939 shows a clear discrepancy in German attitudes towards the Soviet Union - while the Nazis viewed themselves as politically and ideology in competition with Russia, they also were willing to reach temporary compromises as a means to address more pressing goals in the West.

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In Chapter 7 of Nazi Germany, Tooze defies the conventional view of the Third Reich as a solely political and not economically motivated government by explaining how in pre-war Germany the Nazis established specific policies to create jobs for workers, support industrialists, and promote agriculture and even during the war used racial policy to support many of their economic aims.

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In her book, The Nazi Conscience, Claudia Koonz argues that the atrocities committed by the Third Reich were rooted in a philosophical sense of righteousness, in which scholarly intellectuals used economics, science, and logic to develop theories that allowed them to feel justified when carrying out mass murders.

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Premising her argument with the idea that religion has been and continues to be a very relevant societal force, Steigmann-Gall claims that while Christian religious groups faced some level of tension with the Nazi regime (Catholics more than Protestants) even the most persecuted Christian groups were given more of a chance at 'redemption' than the racially-categorized Jews.

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Consistent with their general attempts to uphold popular satisfaction with their regime, the Nazi party understood the importance of religion in a majority of German citizens' lives and instead of publicly opposing it, tried to undermine the church's powers by slowly replacing it with a national state-bound moral education program.

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Rather than explicitly defining women as inferior to men, Nazi leaders attempted to force women into the domestic sphere by marketting as equally as important as the state sphere due to the huge significance Nazis placed on childbirth and increasing birth rates.

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In "Women, Motherhood, and Family in the Third Reich," Stephenson makes the claim that the primary role of women in Nazi Germany was the domestic sphere and, in particular, motherhood; this was actively promoted through extensive propaganda, establishment of social spheres, and even legal action to incentivize having children.

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The mass extermination of disabled people during the holocaust can be traced back to the concepts of racial hygiene and eugenics of the nineteenth century that used scientific theories to promote murder for what they truly believed to be a noble purpose - one that would create a stronger, better future.

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In "The Exclusion and Murder of the Disabled," Friedlander argues that the notion of eugenics, which was growing in prevalence throughout the entire 'Western hemisphere,' was used by Nazi racial scientists as a justification to create the T4 program and undertake the mass murder of disabled people through gas chambers and then euthanasia.

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In "An Architecture of Absence," Hanson-Glucklich makes the argument that Libeskind's German Jewish Museum is different than other Holocaust Museums due to its use of voids to illustrate the 'negative sacred' and the sense of emptiness and loss that followed the Holocaust, which could never be conveyed through simply increasing the amount of evidence on display.

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Given the massive amounts of memorialization and remembrance of Nazi Germany crimes in Berlin through the use of monuments and architecture, some Germans express a certain resistance to the constant inclusion of Nazism into all discourse in Germany, and consider the importance of including memorials to highlight the more positive instances in German history.

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In his article "The Rhetoric of Ruins," James Young considers the topic of Nazi Death Camp remembrance by weighing three main aspects: the memorialization of the sites through various forms of art, the informational value of the camps as historical landmarks, and the importance to combine both of these while emphasizing respect to the millions who died on those grounds during the Third Reich.

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Ahr's article, "Memory and Mourning in Berlin," uses a description of Eisenman's very abstract and largely unexplained 'Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe' to make the argument that the "Field of Stelae" is ambiguous, but this ambiguity allows it to uniquely interact and impact each visitor.

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The various forms of resistance, from the White Rose to the July 20 Military Revolt, illustrate on one hand that the terror mechanisms implemented by the Nazis did not quash all forms of resistance and independent thinking, but on the other hand, reveal the fact that people were more often than not actually aware of the atrocities being committed by the Nazis and despite this remained compliant to the regime.

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In his chapter on German remembrance of the Third Reich, Moeller makes the argument that for many years, German's focused on their own role as victims of both Nazi and Soviet fascism, before finally being able to reconcile the crimes against humanity perpetrated by Germans on a variety of minority groups; however, Moeller suggests that perhaps this path was the best way for Germany to successfully recover from the war and reach a better future.

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In his chronological analysis of the evolution of concentration camps, Wachsmann argues that under the leadership of Himmler and his Gestapo, concentration camps transformed from a place to store 'legally kidnapped' political opponents of the Nazis (almost always German men) to a method of corralling and eventually massacring hundreds of thousands of undesirable racial and social groups from across Europe.

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In her article on Jews in Nazi Germany, Kaplan argues that while before 1938 Jews generally dealt with discrimination by looking inward and forming close knit religious communities, after Kristalnacht, when violence was officially instigated, emigration became impossible for many Jewish persons.

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From initial attacks against Jewish financial institutions in the 1930s to the execution of the genocidal final solution during World War II, the Nazi policy against Jews used increasing escalating notions of race and racial superiority to help define the idea of German-ness through discrimination against the 'other'.

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The reports of previous SPD leaders over the period of 1935-1939 on the creation of the KdF reveal a disgruntled disappointment with the success of Nazi attempts to gain the support of the working class, the simultaneous dismemberment of workers unions adds on to the idea that the Nazi party's efforts to appear aligned with the workers was only a facade to gain greater control over society.

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In Hasso Spode's article, "Fordism, Mass Tourism, and the Third Reich," he illustrates how the Nazi party utilized the growing concept of 'rationalization' to dramatically improve the quality and quantity of leisure activities, leading to a reduction in class divisions, a boost to the tourism economy, and an overall increase in general popular satisfaction.

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While the Law On The Hitler Youth and Rudiger's corresponding article on the League of German Girls reveal an adamant attempt on the part of Nazi Germany to secure its future through complete control and manipulation of the youth, the 1942 Report On Swing Dancing highlights the failure of the previously mentioned documents at quashing alternative forms of youth organization and protest.

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Despite Nazi attempts to unify society under one imagined community, Peukert's article on youth counter culture movements during the Nazi regime, such as the Edelweiss Pirates or the Swing movement, demonstrates that the Nazi state was not as successful in it's totalitarian goals as some would claim it to be.

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David Welch's article on Nazi propaganda highlights the idea that while propaganda was very effective in spreading ideology and consolidating power, more than brainwash the population, this propaganda served as a tool to unify the people under the ideas many already held.

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In Hitler's analysis of oratory and mass culture, alongside Goebbels' discussion of propaganda, it is apparent that the true genius behind the Nazi regime lay in the very thought out use of psychological strategies to understand and rally the people into supporting Hitler.

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Himmler's attacks on homosexuals as well as gypsies reflects a bigotry very characteristic of the 20th century in which he justified violence and discrimination through scientific and political goals for the supposed betterment of society.

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While the existence of some opposition groups to the Nazi regime cannot be discounted, the widespread use of propaganda and resulting 'Hitler myth' led to a society that was generally tolerating if not actively supporting of the Nazis at least during the pre and early war period.

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Following Hitler's appointment to chancellor, Northeim underwent a period of six months saturated with overwhelming levels of nationalism and propaganda alongside the newly revitalized censorship and abuses of civil liberties; however, as authoritarianism transitioned into the status quo, the excitement of revolution devolved into passive discontent and silent disillusionment.

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From 1933 to 1935, Hitler and his cabinet continued use fear tactics, nationalist diction, and policies demanding strict obedience and loyalty in their address of the public, but simultaneously consolidated power through legislation that essentially gave Hitler dictator powers.

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Through a repeated emphasis on fragmentation and discord, Hitler's regime was characterized by a combination of disregard for strict control over policy and a simultaneous demand of uttermost loyalty towards Hitler and the state of Germany, leading to a reduction of the bureaucracy and an increase in state sponsored violence and propaganda.

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From the period of 1922 to immediately before Hitler's appointment to Chancellor, Allen shows the how extremists on both ends of the political spectrum exploited both the already somewhat existing ideologies of nationalism and militarism and the economic depression in order to promote the embrace of violence and chaos.

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Hitler’s appointment to the position of Chancellor in 1933 was not only fundamentally enabled by the economic crisis of 1929 but also rooted in a decade of growing support for nationalist parties, and it was followed by a series of highly acclaimed pieces of legislation that consolidated power in Hitler’s hands.

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From his original 25 points to the ensuing speeches and documents written by Hitler, he consistently uses the scapegoats of the Jews and Communists to insist that National Socialism was the only feasible alternative, despite his repeatedly vague explanations of what policies he planned to implement.

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How does the rise of Nazi Germany from the Weimar Republic compare and contrast with the rise of Soviet Russia during the same time period, and how are the extremist leaders that arose from both movements both similar and different?

HI, VERONICA -- I'M NOT TRYING TO YELL AT YOU, BUT CAN YOU ENABLE COMMENTS ON YOUR PADLET AND ADD THE UP/DOWN VOTE FEATURE. THAT WILL ENABLE ME TO PROVIDE FEEDBACK.
My concern about your proposed topic here is that while you will find plenty of sources on the rise of the Nazis to power in the GHDI digital archive, you will not find things about Soviet Russia. Perhaps you can keep your focus to the rise of the Nazis in the late Weimar period. What do you think?

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Contrary to the beliefs of historians immediately after WWII, Nazism was very much a political ideology that combined fervent nationalism, a promotion of physical power, and modern justifications for ethnic cleansing and took advantage of economic and political instability to be able to rise to power.

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The severe growing anti-semitism that evolved from Chamberlain’s defamation of the Jews as an entire race to Class’ proposal for their gradual expulsion and alienation, alongside a strong promotion of nationalism and militarism, were barely addressed in post war policies, showing a naive tendency to put aside social and political issues that ought to have been actively confronted.