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Este video da un buen ejemplo al fenómeno “cambio de código”. La niña en el video está comunicando en inglés y español al mismo tiempo, pero aparece que no hay un razón que explica porque ella cambia entre español y ingles en los momentos que ella hace.

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Este video es sobre “cambio de códigos”, lo cual es el fenómeno cuando personas bilingües incorporan múltiples idiomas en su dialogo, cambiando sin aviso. En cambios de códigos, una lengua es más dominante. Esta es típicamente la lengua nativa y se llama “matrix language” y la lengua aprendido se llama “embedded language”.

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CODE-SWITCHING: Jumping Between 2 Different Languages

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Amazon esta creando maneras para mejor la experiencia de usares hispanohablantes. Más tarde en 2019 la programa “Alexa” podrá hablar en español. Entonces, hispanohablantes en los estados unidos pueden comunicar con Alexa en su idioma nativa. También, Alexa tendré una programa para aprender español por personas quienes quieren aprender la lengua.

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Amazon is creating a better Spanish experience for Americans in 2019 with updates on the company's voice assistant Alexa.

Not only will the company be launching a Spanish-speaking Alexa in the United States, but developers can also start to build Spanish-language skills using the Alexa Skills Set. Soon, Spanish-speaking Americans will get the luxury of talking to Alexa in their native tongue.

Support For Spanish-Speaking Americans

Amazon has begun a preview program that will help them create an effective Spanish-language experience for Alexa users in the United States, according to Tech Crunch. The program will help the company build an experience for users that incorporates local humor, correct word choice, and slang.

While the preview program is by invite only, Americans can expect Alexa to launch with support for the Spanish language within 2019.

In an announcement on Amazon's official blog, the company also revealed that a new voice model supporting Spanish is now available in the United States. This will allow developers to craft skills that specifically target Spanish-speaking citizens.

Any skill built by developers will be available in the preview program for clients on the platform. It is also expected to be launched along with Alexa's Spanish language support later in the year.

Furthermore, it's not just Echo devices that are expected to carry the capabilities targeting Spanish clients. Other big companies such as Bose, Facebook, and Sony are already expected to roll out Alexa built-in devices with Spanish language support, while Honeywell Home, Philips, and TP-Link will offer connected devices that support the Spanish-language features in the United States.

Spanish-Speaking Individuals In The US

With 48.6 million people in the country speaking Spanish, it is the second most dominant language in the United States after English by far. It is also the second most spoken language in the world, following Chinese with about 400 million native speakers.

While Amazon's Alexa has supported Spanish language skills in Mexico and Spain, these capabilities have not been available in the United States until now. Other companies have been ahead of Amazon in this respect, with the year 2018 seeing both Google Home and Apple's HomePod adding Spanish language support for their clients.

Alexa already speaks a couple of other languages. Aside from English, developers have already had access to support for German, Japanese, French, and Portuguese.

ⓒ 2018 TECHTIMES.com All rights reserved. Do not reproduce without permission.

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Alexa To Start Speaking Spanish In The US This Year

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Amazon is creating a better Spanish experience for Americans in 2019 with updates on the company's voice assistant Alexa. Not only will the company be launching a Spanish-speaking Alexa in the United States, but developers can also start to build Spanish-language skills using the Alexa Skills Set.

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Este informe da información sobre el futuro de la lengua español en los estados unidos. Hoy en día español está aumentando en parte debido a las tazas de inmigración de México y Centroamérica. Cuando otros lenguas aparte de ingles tienden a decrecer a través del tiempo, es importante a muchos inmigrantes que sus hijos continúan hablar español, entonces es probable que español continúe ser un idioma común.

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With more than 37 million speakers, Spanish is by far the most spoken non-English language in the U.S. today among people ages 5 and older. It is also one of the fastest-growing, with the number of speakers up 233% since 1980, when there were 11 million Spanish speakers. (The number of Vietnamese speakers grew faster, up 599% over the same period).

As Spanish use has grown, driven primarily by Hispanic immigration and population growth, it has become a part of many aspects of life in the U.S. For example, Spanish is spoken by more non-Hispanics in U.S. homes than any other non-English language and Spanish language television networks frequently beat their English counterparts in television ratings.

But what's the future of Spanish?

According to a 2011 paper by U.S. Census Bureau Demographers Jennifer Ortman and Hyon B. Shin, the number of Spanish speakers is projected to rise through 2020 to anywhere between 39 million and 43 million, depending on the assumption one makes about immigration. Most of these Spanish speakers will be Hispanic, with Ortman and Shin projecting between 37.5 million and 41 million Hispanic Spanish speakers by 2020.

Ortman and Shin provide two other projections, both of which highlight the changing demographics of the nation's Hispanic population and the rising importance of U.S. births rather than the arrival of new immigrants to Hispanic population growth.

Today, three-fourths of all Hispanics ages 5 and older speak Spanish. However, that share is projected to fall to about two-thirds in 2020. The share of Hispanics that speak Spanish reached 78% in the 2000s.

As the share of Hispanics who speak Spanish falls, the share that speaks only English at home is expected to rise. About a third (34%) of Hispanics will speak only English at home by 2020, up from 25% in 2010, according to Ortman and Shin.

The story of the Spanish language in the U.S. is still unfolding. Whether it follows the same pattern of decline in use as other non-English languages, such as Italian, German or Polish, remains to be seen. ( The number of Italian, German and Polish speakers in the U.S. declined 55.2%, 32.7% and 25.9% between 1980 and 2010, even though the number of Americans who trace their ancestry to Germany, Poland or Italy grew over the same period.)

Nonetheless, the path that Spanish takes could be different. A 2012 Pew Research Hispanic Trends Project report showed 95% of Hispanic adults-including those born in the U.S.-said it is important that future generations of Hispanic speak Spanish. And today's young Hispanics are more likely than their parents to say they hear messages about the importance of speaking Spanish. But among Hispanics, use of English when consuming news media, television entertainment, music or speaking it is on the rise.

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What is the future of Spanish in the United States?

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With more than 37 million speakers, Spanish is by far the most spoken non-English language in the U.S. today among people ages 5 and older. It is also one of the fastest-growing, with the number of speakers up 233% since 1980, when there were 11 million Spanish speakers.

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Este video es sobre una entrevista por Emma Morgenstern, quien escribió un reporta sobre el estatus del judeoespañol en Grecia. La comunidad que habla esta lengua es muy pequeño y las personas son viejas. Entonces, es bueno que Emma pudo grabar una conversación en judeoespañol para guardar.

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Indigenous languages revive and thrive in Mexico

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Cosas Diferentes en España y Latín América 

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Cosas Diferentes en España y Latín América 

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Este video por el BBC muestra algunas diferencias entre el español de España y el español de muchos países diferentes en América Latina. Me gusta este video porque muestra los dialectos diferentes entre países latín y suramericanas en lugar de enfocando solamente en las diferencias entre España y Latín América.

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Cosas que se llaman de forma distinta en América Latina y España

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Este articulo es una exploración de variantes dialectales en el mundo hispanohablante.  El articulo dice que “una lengua es, en realidad, la suma de todos los dialectos…”. Hay muchas razones que explica como los dialectos diversos desarrollan como el momento histórico, la región, innovaciones tecnologías, la moda, cambios sociales, y más.

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Las variantes dialectales son variaciones de una lengua determinada, que se dan en función de la ubicación geográfica y que a pesar de éstas, es entendida por todos, no afecta la comunicación ni modifica a la lengua como unidad.

Esto quiere decir que dentro de un territorio que habla el mismo idioma, se pueden presentar ligeras variaciones o pequeñas diferencias debido a las características particulares de cada zona en particular.

Ninguna lengua es uniforme, está determinada por diversos factores que la están modificando constantemente, por lo que en cualquier territorio se podrán encontrar variantes en el lenguaje: estas variantes son lo que se conocen como dialectos.

Pese a que se suele considerar al dialecto como una especie de sistema de menor categoría o más simple que una lengua, en realidad es una forma particular de hablar o escribir esa lengua determinada.

Puede decirse entonces que una lengua es, en realidad, la suma de todos los dialectos -formas regionales o grupales del habla- así como de los idiolectos -formas personales del habla-, sociolectos y estilos que existan en un momento histórico determinado.

Razones de las variantes dialectales

Las razones de estas variantes son diversas: algunas pueden datar de muchos años, y otras pueden haber sido introducidas en el idioma más recientemente. En líneas generales puede decirse que algunas de las razones de las variantes dialectales son:

1- El momento histórico

3- Las innovaciones tecnológicas

5- Los cambios sociales

6- Las oleadas migratorias

7- La globalización y la transculturización

Tipos de variantes dialectales

Variante diatópica

Es la que provoca diferencias en la lengua determinadas por causas geográficas, como clima, altura, aislamiento, etc.

Da origen a la formación de dialectos regionales o regionalismos. Ejemplo de estos son los dialectos peninsulares, caribeños, etc. Esta es la variante dialectal propiamente dicha.

Variante diafásica

Determina diferencia de la lengua causadas por el estilo o la manera personal de expresarse.

En el estilo, tienen especial importancia las connotaciones o detalles concomitantes de carácter no lingüístico que acompañan a la palabra, como por ejemplo, la entonación del hablante.

Variante diacrónica

En esta variante, los cambios en la lengua tienen que ver con el transcurso del tiempo. Son cambios lentos que solo pueden apreciarse a través de un largo período de tiempo.

Variante diastrática

Es una variable socio cultural en la que influye principalmente el nivel cultural y socio económico de los hablantes.

Las variantes dialectales también puedes clasificarse en función de su origen en:

Indigenismos

Son palabras incorporadas al idioma que provienen de lenguas de los pueblos aborígenes.

Regionalismos

Son diferencias de vocabulario, gramática o entonación del lenguaje en diferentes regiones dentro de un mismo país o territorio.

Extranjerismos

Son palabras pertenecientes a otros idiomas que han sido incorporadas con el mismo o diferente significado.

Ejemplos de variantes dialectales

Algunas particularidades de las variantes dialectales

Los pueblos ubicados en altura o climas fríos suelen tener una forma de hablar más lenta y pausada y utilizan menos palabras que aquellos asentados en las costas o climas cálidos.

En algunos casos se desarrollan dialectos o formas de hablar "en clave" como el caso del lunfardo en Argentina o la coba en Ecuador.

Si bien se originaron por situaciones particulares de un momento histórico determinado, muchas palabras han sido adquiridas por la población en general y las han incorporado al lenguaje.

Dialectos dentro de los países: en España, por ejemplo, son claramente identificables ya que utilizan palabras diferentes y pronunciaciones muy distintas (gallego, canario, madrileño).

Sin embargo, en otros países las diferencias son más sutiles y se notan más por la entonación que por la diferencia de palabras propiamente dicha.

Por ejemplo, en Colombia existen diferencias muy marcadas entre el costeño y el andino y, dentro de estos dialectos, se pueden encontrar otras variantes (cartagenero, guajiro, etc., o tolimense, santandereano, antioqueño, etc.).

En algunos casos se le da al dialecto una carga peyorativa o los describen en función de la poca cantidad de personas que lo hablan, sin embargo, esto no debe considerarse literalmente.

Los dialectos no son degeneraciones de la lengua, sino variaciones regionales de la misma. Por ejemplo: los españoles que colonizaron América consideraron como dialectos los idiomas que hablaban los nativos, cuando en realidad, en ese momento, eran los idiomas formales de América.

Otro ejemplo: el chino mandarín puede considerarse un dialecto derivado del chino, y lo hablan cientos de millones de personas.

Un claro ejemplo de los dialectos influenciados por las regiones geográficas se da en por ejemplo, en Portugal, el dialecto transmontano y el alto-miñoto tienen muchas semejanzas con el gallego por su proximidad con Galicia.

Otro buen ejemplo es el de la región costeña de Colombia, donde el modo de hablar es más parecido al de Venezuela que al del resto de los colombianos.

Igualmente, los venezolanos de la región andina, hablan más parecido a los colombianos del centro que a los venezolanos.

1. Consuelo Yánez Cossío (2007). Una introducción a la lingüística general. Quito, Ecuador.

2. Ronald Ross (1982). Investigando la sintaxis del español. Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia. San José, Costa Rica.

3. Cómo se dice en tu país... Recuperado de mamalatinaenphilly.com.

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Variantes Dialectales: Tipos y 17 Ejemplos - Lifeder

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Las variantes dialectales son variaciones de una lengua determinada, que se dan en función de la ubicación geográfica y que a pesar de éstas, es entendida por todos, no afecta la comunicación ni modifica a la lengua como unidad.

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Este grafico es un recurso para demonstrar las definiciones y diferencias entre sinónimas, antónimas, monosémicas, polisémicas y homónimas. Sinónimas son palabras con mismas significadas, cuando antónimas son palabras con significadas contrarias. Monosémicas son palabras con solamente uno significado cuando polisemias son palabras con múltiple significados.

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Este video da una representación de agente, paciente, y instrumento en contexto de oraciones. El video es beneficioso porque da ejemplos de oraciones y la audiencia pueden contesta si algunas palabras son agentes, pacientes, o instrumentos. Me gusta que el video tiene ilustraciones ayudar la audiencia comprender los componentes del oración.

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Created using PowToon -- Free sign up at http://www.powtoon.com/youtube/ -- Create animated videos and animated presentations for free. PowToon is a free tool that allows you to develop cool animated clips and animated presentations for your website, office meeting, sales pitch, nonprofit fundraiser, product launch, video resume, or anything else you could use an animated explainer video.

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Este articulo es sobre la idea de implicaturas conversacionales. Implicaturas conversacionales son cosas en una conversación que se dicen implícitamente en vez de directamente. Un ejemplo en el articulo es una persona que pregunta si su amigo está buscando un programa. El mensaje indirecto es que el persona no le gusta la programa.

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In pragmatics, conversational implicature is an indirect or implicit speech act: what is meant by a speaker's utterance that is not part of what is explicitly said. Also known simply as implicature. Contrast with explicature.

"What a speaker intends to communicate," says L.R. Horn, "is characteristically far richer than what she directly expresses; linguistic meaning radically underdetermines the message conveyed and understood" ( The Handbook of Pragmatics, 2005).

Dr. Gregory House: How many friends do you have?
Lucas Douglas: Seventeen.
Dr. Gregory House: Seriously? Do you keep a list or something?
Lucas Douglas: No, I knew this conversation was really about you, so I gave you an answer so you could get back to your train of thought.
(Hugh Laurie and Michael Weston, "Not Cancer." House, M.D., 2008)

"The probabilistic character of conversational implicature is easier to demonstrate than define. If a stranger at the other end of a phone line has a high-pitched voice, you may infer that the speaker is a woman. The inference may be incorrect. Conversational implicatures are a similar kind of inference: they are based on stereotyped expectations of what would, more often than not, be the case." (Keith Allan, Natural Language Semantics. Wiley-Blackwell, 2001)

"The term [ implicature] is taken from the philosopher H.P. Grice (1913-88), who developed the theory of the cooperative principle. On the basis that a speaker and listener are cooperating, and aiming to be relevant, a speaker can imply a meaning implicitly, confident that the listener will understand. Thus a possible conversational implicature of Are you watching this programme? might well be 'This programme bores me. Can we turn the television off?'" (Bas Aarts, Sylvia Chalker, and Edmund Weiner, Oxford Dictionary of English Grammar, 2nd ed. Oxford University Press, 2014)

"Generally speaking, a conversational implicature is an interpretive procedure that operates to figure out what is going on. . . . Assume a husband and wife are getting ready to go out for the evening:

8. Husband: How much longer will you be?
9. Wife: Mix yourself a drink.

To interpret the utterance in Sentence 9, the husband must go through a series of inferences based on principles that he knows the other speaker is using. . . . The conventional response to the husband's question would be a direct answer where the wife indicated some time frame in which she would be ready. This would be a conventional implicature with a literal answer to a literal question. But the husband assumes that she heard his question, that she believes that he was genuinely asking how long she would be, and that she is capable of indicating when she would be ready. The wife . . . chooses not to extend the topic by ignoring the relevancy maxim. The husband then searches for a plausible interpretation of her utterance and concludes that what she is doing is telling him that she is not going to offer a particular time, or doesn't know, but she will be long enough yet for him to have a drink. She may also be saying, 'Relax, I'll be ready in plenty of time.'" (D. G. Ellis, From Language to Communication.

Jim Halpert: I don't think I'll be here in 10 years.
Michael Scott: That's what I said. That's what she said.
Jim Halpert: That's what who said?
Michael Scott: I never know, I just say it. I say stuff like that, you know-to lighten the tension when things sort of get hard.
Jim Halpert: That's what she said.
(John Krasinski and Steve Carell, "Survivor Man." The Office, 2007)

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In pragmatics, conversational implicature is an indirect or implicit speech act: what is meant by a speaker's utterance that is not part of what is explicitly said. Also known simply as implicature. Contrast with explicature. "What a speaker intends to communicate," says L.R.

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Mi primer recurso es un video sobre el Principio de la Cooperación. Este principio es la idea que personas en una conversación están tratando de entenderse. El principal tiene cuatro máximas. La máxima de calidad asume que personas dicen la verdad. El segundo es la máxima de cantidad, lo cual asume que personas deben usar mínimas palabras necesaria comunicar un mensaje. También existe las máximas de relación y manera los cuales son sobre claridad y relevancia.

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Cuál es la major indicador que dos idiomas son relacionado?
A) las palabras
B) la gramática
C) sintaxis
D)A y B
E)B y

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Este recurso describe la evolución de idiomas.  De acuerdo con el video, parecidos solamente entre palabras no son buenas indicaciones que dos lenguas son relacionadas o derivadas porque exista cognados falsos y términos prestados. Es mejor examinar los parecidos entre gramática, sintaxis, y pronombres.

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Este video muestra los parecidos entre español y árabe. Aparte de latín, árabe ha hecho la contribución más grande al vocabulario de español. La gran cantidad de palabras que empiezan con “al” son de árabe, y existe muchas palabras que cambian solamente un poco de sus raíces árabes como hasta (hata).

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Esta escritura es sobre los parecidos entre las lenguas romances español, francés, italiano, y portugués. Todas estas lenguas tienen orígenes en Latín Vulgar, entonces, los sonidos son muy similares. El autor muestra como el orden de palabras y el género de palabras son similares, entonces frases completas también suenan similar.

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One of the ways polyglots become polyglots is by using the tools they've already learned in one language to help with the next. Sometimes those tools are more than just learning techniques. Sometimes, when studying a second language in a language family that is already known, the entire previous experience can be mapped onto the new language, making it easier to learn.

Vulgar Latin

Today, I'd like to explore how that works in the so-called Romance languages... though I prefer to think of them as Vulgar Latin languages, because that term avoids the connotations of romanticism. It also points out that most of the features of modern Romance languages were present in Vulgar Latin. This comes to me as no great surprise, since Latin itself was a very difficult language. I can imagine how the less-educated would have felt much more comfortable without some of its peculiarities.

I'll be focusing on the four most popular Vulgar Latin European languages: French, Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish, however most of this will be applicable to to the lesser-known, more regional languages as well, such as Bolognese, Catalan, Galician, Sicilian, Romanian, and so on.

Language features

All of these languages have certain grammatical features which are similar to each other, and different from other languages from different language families. Some of those features include:

There are two grammatical genders, masculine and feminine, with separate masculine and feminine forms for plural as well. There is no neuter.

Nouns have definite and indefinite articles.

There is no noun declension, except for personal pronouns.

Adjectives typically follow the noun.

Sentence structure is subject-verb-object (SVO), and is not very flexible.

Word stress tends to fall on the penultimate (second-to-last) syllable.

Similar vocabulary

Anyone who has studied languages from two different families knows how very different they can be, and can appreciate how just the grammatical similarities listed above would be a huge advantage. But that's just the start! Languages from a language family tend to all have vocabulary that comes from the same roots, so the words are easy to remember too!

Let's take for example the words door, wind, and the verb to come.

Now, as if that's not already enough similarity to make my point, let's translate the sentence The wind is coming through the door.

Let's try another one. How about Where is the new restaurant?

This isn't even scratching the surface of the similarities between these descendents of Vulgar Latin. In many cases, just learning the basic rules of pronunciation in a given language - something that can usually be done un an afternoon - is often enough to allow speakers of one language to understand what someone is saying in another.

I have heard stories of Italians and Spaniards having conversations with each other, each speaking his own native language. And from my own experience, I know that my Italian studies this year have been made somewhat easier by the fact that I already know Spanish, and have a little experience with French.

So are the polyglots cheating?

If someone were to learn Spanish, French, Italian, and Portuguese and then go brag to the world that he/she was a polyglot, I might tend to be unimpressed. But on the other hand, a person who focused their attention on one family of languages could perceivably learn them all to a better degree.

All the same, I don't know any polyglots in the online language community who are doing that. Yes, several people know more than one Romance language, but they also tend to know a Germanic language, and a Slavic language, and often one or more of the Asian languages.

Nevertheless, if you do find yourself wanting to know another language in the same family, it's nice to know that you're starting with an advantage.

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These Romance languages are all just Vulgar Latin!

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One of the ways polyglots become polyglots is by using the tools they've already learned in one language to help with the next. Sometimes those tools are more than just learning techniques. Sometimes, when studying a second language in a language family that is already known, the entire previous experience can be mapped onto the ...

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Este prezi nos da información sobre las diferencias entre Latín Vulgar y Latín Clásico. Latín Clásico fue usado por las personas mas educadas y en el gobierno. Por otra parte, Latín Vulgar fue hablado por la gente común. Entonces, a través del tiempo, la iglesia católica adoptó Latín Vulgar también. Ahora Latín Vulgar tiene mucha influencia en las lenguas románticas.

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Classical Latin vs. Vulgar Latin in the Roman Empire

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Occitan Picard Piedmontese Portuguese Romansh Romanian Sardinian Sassarese Sicilian Spanish Umbrian Venetian Walloon French Friulan Galician Italian Judaeo-Spanish Ladin Leonese Ligurian Milanese Mirandese Mozarabic Neapolitan Norman Roman Soldiers fueled the spread of Latin

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Este sito tiene información sobre la orden de palabras en idiomas de americanas indígenas. Más idiomas indígenas, como Abenaki, Arapaho, Seneca, y muchas más, no tienen un orden de palabras y puedes usar el sujeto, objeto, y verbo en cualquier orden.

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Definition and information about languages with free word order.

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Sujeto, objeto, y verbo en lenguaje de signos americano 

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Sujeto, objeto, y verbo en lenguaje de signos americano 

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Este sito es algo de muy interés. El recurso explica el orden de sujeto, objeto, y verbo en lenguaje de signos americano (ASL). Algo que es muy interesante es que mientras que el orden es similar en ASL y Ingles, hay muchas diferencias en como expresar tiempo y no uso muchas palabras como “ser”.

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American Sign Language (ASL) information and resources.

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El recurso tiene información sobre las diferencias entre se reflexiva, se pasiva, y se impersonal. “Se” es una palabra muy flexible y muy común en español, y puede tener muchos significados. Para mí, es un poco difícil distinguir entre se impersonal y se pasiva, pero el sito tiene una buena explanación.

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Este sito tiene un montón de ejemplos de muchos tipos de gramática. Por ejemplos puedes poner “oraciones compuestas” o incluso “oraciones coordinadas” y encontrar ejemplos de estos tipos de oraciones. El recurso es muy beneficial ayudar entender los diferencias entre los formas de oraciones y como usar esta forma de gramática.

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Este sito explica bien las diferencias entre morfemas flexivos y morfemas derivativos. Morfemas flexivos tiene un afijo (sufijo o prefijo) que explica la gramática de una palabra. Por ejemplo, un afijo flexivo puede describir el género, tiempo, o pluralidad. En contrasto un afijo derivativo cambia el significado de la palabra.

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Un morfema flexivo es un morfema no dependiente, es decir, se añade al final de una palabra para aportar información gramatical en forma de desinencia. Dicho esto, debe quedar claro que encontramos dos tipos de morfemas flexivos, los nominales y los verbales. Veamos en qué consisten:
Morfema flexivo nominal
Incluye al morfema de género y número:

Morfema flexivo nominal de género: perro / perra

Morfema flexivo nominal de número: perro / perros

Morfema flexivo verbal
Aporta información del verbo:

Marchamos / marchó / marchando...

Por su parte, el morfema derivativo se añade a una raíz o lexema para incluir cambios en el significado. Es decir, acaban constituyendo palabras con nuevos significados. El morfema derivativo no puede constituir palabras por sí mismo, por lo que necesita el añadido de elementos, que suelen afectar a su gramática.

Así pues, también en este caso encontramos tipos diferentes de morfemas derivativos:

Morfema derivativo prefijo, que es el que va delante de la raíz o lexema: contra-tiempo.

Morfema derivativo interfijo, que se ubica en medio: café-t-eria.

Morfema derivativo sufijo: va al final del lexema o raíz: play-era.

En este vídeo de unPROFESOR encontrarás una lección sobre los tipos de morfemas derivativos.
El morfema flexivo es regular
Una forma de distinguir un morfema flexivo se relaciona con su regularidad. Es decir, es fácil imaginar su significado. Así pues, se vuelven predecibles. Una a suele significar género femenino, una o es para el género masculino, una s significa plural, etc.

Por otro lado, el morfema derivativo es mucho menos predecible. Como hemos visto en el ejemplo, contra-tiempo es un problema, pero contra-seña es una clave.
El morfema flexivo es más rico
Se puede decir también que el morfema flexivo es muy rico. Es decir, hay cantidad de palabras en el castellano con distinto género, o con plural. Como vimos en el ejemplo, podemos decir perro, perra, perros, perras... Así, con muchas más, especialmente nombres. Gato, gata, gatas, gatos...

Por otro lado, el morfema derivativo es mucho más restringido. O sea, y retornando al ejemplo, contra no se puede añadir a gran cantidad de palabras: contratiempo, contraseña, contrarreloj... Hay más, pero no muchas más.
El morfema flexivo expresa significado
Normalmente, muchos morfemas derivativos se pueden expresar con expresiones diversas. Por ejemplo, una contraseña puede ser un número secreto. Pero con el morfema flexivo no ocurre lo mismo. Su significado no admite rodeos.
El morfema flexivo no varía la gramática
Un morfema flexivo jamás varía la gramática de una palabra. Sin embargo, sí es algo que puede suceder con el morfema derivativo. Volviendo a nuestro ejemplo, contra es una preposición, pero contratiempo pasa a ser un sustantivo.

Desde unPROFESOR deseamos que os haya quedado mucho más clara la diferencia entre morfema flexivo y derivativo. Con un poco de cuidado, y si nos fijamos bien, observamos que no es complejo saber cuál es uno y cuál es el otro. ¡Suerte, chicos!

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Diferencia entre morfema flexivo y derivativo

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Un morfema flexivo es un morfema no dependiente, es decir, se añade al final de una palabra para aportar información gramatical en forma de desinencia. Dicho esto, debe quedar claro que encontramos dos tipos de morfemas flexivos, los nominales y los verbales.

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Esta imagen muestra muchos ejemplos de raíces más simple, y como los son usado en palabras completas.  En una columna la imagen tiene la definición de la palabra, en otra la raíz, y en la columna final son ejemplos de las raíces para que nosotros sabemos los significados.

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Este articulo discute el uso del sufijo “x” en la nueva palabra “latinx”. Algunas están usando el morfema “x” en lugar del “o” tradicional, o el símbolo “@” que significa ambos terminaciones masculino y femenino para ser más inclusiva. Una problema con este solución es que el sonido “x” no existe en español, entonces es una solución difícil usar.

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Latinx isn't a misprint. Whether it be labeled a proto- or neologism, the cross-lingual noun/adjective aims to transcend the male privilege in Latino and to unlink Latin@ from the channeled significations of a (feminine) and o (masculine) in Spanish. The gesture toward linguistic intersectionality stems from a suffix endowed with a literal intersection - x.

The root of neologism ( neo = new; logos = logic/reason/thinking) is accurate: A new word is a new logic - and a new logic often requires a new word. As original lexes appear, they are put into hierarchies aside already-codified equivalents, tested and probed in various contexts, and re-examined over time and across media.

Latinx is often - though not exclusively - used in English. The word invites us to rethink some of the philosophic, communicative, and linguistic maps that are conventionally understood as contained within each (supposedly separate) language system. In English, the cognate sensibilities embedded in Latinx refer to Spanish grammar and insinuate that the ostensibly discrete nature of Spanish and English is in fact more of a mix.

Latinx crosses the frontiers between languages in ways that are not always accessible in conventional translation.

What's particularly interesting about Latinx is that the cross-lingual has become interlingual: The word inaugurates nuance in both registers. In English, it invites us to rethink the ways words maintain some of the gradations and underpinned meanings from the original tongue; in Spanish, it summons reflection on the utility and ethics of gendering nouns, articles, and adjectives - particularly those that refer to people.

Use of a linguistic structure from Spanish in English, and the use of a new suffix in Spanish, make Latinx remarkable in both languages. We are no longer discussing Spanish or English but where they meet - and how we respond to circumstances in which existent language structures fail to articulate value in appropriate ways.

Some argue against the notion that Spanish grammar should be transformed in these ways. "Like it or not," write Gilbert Guerra and Gilbert Orbea of Swarthmore College, "Spanish is a gendered language. If you take the gender out of every word, you are no longer speaking Spanish ... the result could be words like 'hermanx' [for siblings] and 'niñx' [children]."

But there are precedents for such sea changes - in fact, contemporary Spanishes are the result of one of them: When Classical Latin was interpreted by the diverse communities with which it came into contact, vulgar variants added definite articles, reduced or eliminated noun-declensions and cases (abandoning genitive and dative, modifying ablative and accusative). These reformations shaped how fundamental linguistic units like nouns and adjectives could be used. It is not unlike the ways x has grown into the linguistic vacuum created by a culture that values inclusivity over the ideologies embedded in a and o.

Situated in new circumstances, languages change radically.

The shift toward x in reference to people has already occurred in many communities. Both traditional and inclusive grammar appear in the humanities department at the University of Puerto Rico; for many faculty, hermanx and niñx and their equivalents have been the standard on syllabi, email, and formal and informal departmental memos, among other documents, for years. It is clear that the inclusive approach to nouns and adjectives is becoming more common, and while it may at some point become the prevailing tendency, presently there is no prescriptive control toward either syntax.

This situation has resulted in structures that appear unpronounceable in Spanish, which has been met with confusion and disregard from some. However, as Roy Pérez of Willamette University observes, "We learn to pronounce new things all the time."

"Spanish is evolving to be more inclusive," writes Yessina Funes, and it's "more than a middle finger to the patriarchy." It is a recognition of the exclusionary nature of our institutions, of the deficiencies in existent linguistic structures, and of language as an agent of social change.

Latinx has also been singled out as a Eurocentric reiteration of ideologies that obfuscate indigenous, African, and other non-European heritages. Kurly Tlapoyawa has inquired, "why [do] the promoters of the Latinx term feel the need to cling to a Eurocentric/anti-indigenous identity in the first place?"

Lissette Rolón, a professor of comparative literature at the University of Puerto Rico, has pointed out, "We do not have to agree on the strategy. But suffice it to recognize that the o does not name all of us."

Indeed, at some point in human history there were no words. Now there are words. Someone invented them. This process continues.

Jeffrey Herlihy-Mera is an associate professor in the department of humanities at the University of Puerto Rico at Mayagüez. His books include After American Studies(Routledge, 2018), In Paris or Paname: Hemingway's Expatriate Nationalism, and, as editor, Paris in American Literatures.

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Latinx isn't a misprint. Whether it be labeled a proto- or neologism, the cross-lingual noun/adjective aims to transcend the male privilege in Latino and to unlink Latin@ from the channeled significations of a (feminine) and o (masculine) in Spanish. The gesture toward linguistic intersectionality stems from a suffix endowed with a literal intersection - x.

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Este video es beneficial para entender los elementos básicos de morfemas, raíces de palabras, prefijos, y sufijos. El video explica como los morfemas pueden ser a la primera o termina de palabra, y pueden significar algunas cosas diferentes como masculino versus femenino, pluralidad, y énfasis como el morfema “isimo”.

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Castellana v. Español de América Latina 

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Castellana v. Español de América Latina 

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Roseta Stone tiene un recurso sobre las diferencias entre español castellana y el español de América Latina. El sito da ejemplos de las diferencias como la inclusión o exclusión de la “s” a el termino de la palabra y la pronunciación de la letra “j”. Creo que el recurso es un poco simplificado porque hay muchas diferencias entre español de países Americanas Latinas.

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Despite Spaniards having globe-trotted over a period of centuries, local language development - and the mixing of Spanish with the innumerable native tongues of the Americas - the Spanish language today is spoken in a surprisingly similar way across the world.

Nevertheless, there are a number of differences between the two languages that are rather obvious, some even to people with no Spanish understanding whatsoever. Here's everything you need to know.

Pronunciation

The way in which Spanish speakers form sounds is generally the same, whichever variety of Spanish is spoken, although that said, Latin American Spanish does feature a number of specific regional differences too, given the sheer geographic spread of officially Spanish-speaking countries in the Americas.
C and Z
In Spain, when the letters /c/ and /z/ are placed before an /e/ or an /i/ in a word, the consonants are pronounced a lot like a /th/ sound in English. This is a far cry from Latin America, where, in places such as Cuba and Argentina, the consonants are spoken in the same way as Castilians would an /s/.
S
The /s/ sound is itself spoken differently in Latin American countries, compared to Spain. Visitors to Havana, for instance, must take into account the locals' tendency towards pronouncing the letter combination /ll/ and /y/ as an /s/ - a sound created at the start of the English word, "sure".
Dropped Ss
To make matters a touch more confusing, Latin Americans will often drop the /s/ in a word entirely. Words such as "girasol" (sunflower) are pronounced like "hee-rah-ol", "está" (to be) becomes "eh-tah", and "cisne" (swan) is spoken as "sin-yay".
Changed Js
While Castilian Spanish pronounces the letter /j/ as a harder-hitting English /h/ sound, in Latin American countries, /j/'s are a far more guttural letter when spoken. Here, /j/ is given a raspy sound that's made in the back of the throat - similar to how Scottish people pronounce the /ch/ in "loch". This turns the word "ajedrez" (chess) to "a-hch-eh-dress", "ají" (pepper) to "a-hch-ee", and "jamás" (never) to "hch-am-ah-s".

Vocabulary

There are a large number of vocabulary differences between Castilian and Latin American Spanish, so we've picked out just a few to demonstrate the differences. To get your head around the majority, nothing beats staying in the Latin American country of choice (any excuse to jet off to Cuba is a great excuse in our eyes).
Cars
In Spain, a car is known as a "coche". Compare this to Latin America, where many countries will use "carro" or "auto".
Computers
Akin to the French word "l'ordinateur", the Castilian word for computer is "ordenador", while in Latin American nations, laptops and PCs are known as "computadora" - perhaps being influenced by the proximity of American English.
Telephones
The influence of technology can also be observed in the two language forms. In Spain, a telephone is known as a "teléfono móvil" (telephone), yet in Latin America, where, in many places, the revolution in telecommunication took place during the advent of the mobile phone, "celular" is more popular.
Pens
The Spanish word for pen is "boligrafo". In Argentina it's called "lapicera", while in Chile it's known as "lápiz pasta".

Grammatical Differences

Understandably, there are a number of grammatical differences between Latin American and Castilian Spanish that it's worth bearing in mind if you want to really fit in during your travels.

Grammar Examples

Vosotros- Along with "ustedes", in Castilian Spanish, "vostros" is a subject pronoun used to refer to a group of people in an informal way. These are in addition to the singular forms, "tú", "vos" and "usted".

"Ustedes"- is used in slightly more formal settings - if you were talking to your grandparents or a university admissions officer, for example - while "vosotros" is more informal, often used when talking to a group of younger people.

The usage of the two depends on how formal the situation is, your level of intimacy with the speakers, and how much respect you have for those you're addressing. Latin American speakers - not including Argentinians, however - tend to drop "vosotros" entirely, using only "ustedes" instead.

Tú, vos, usted-When referring to the singular, the difference between the tongues switches slightly. In Castilian Spanish, "tú" is usually used when addressing another - alongside "vos" - and "usted" is only used in rarer, more formal circumstances.

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Other Things to Keep in Mind

In Latin America though, "tú" is less frequently used, with "usted" being the norm. You can still use "tú", but make sure that your conversational partner is okay with this. What's more, in Argentina, Paraguay, Colombia and Uruguay, "vos" is used to denote informality. Once again, stick with "usted" until the person you talk to asks you to refer to them in a more informal way.

Leísmo - While Spain is the cradle of the Spanish language, it's developed its own quirks over the years, one of which is leísmo. This is the use of the word "le", instead of "lo" or "la", a rule that nevertheless doesn't ring true when referring to female people or groups of individuals though. In Latin America, leísmo is missing from the vernacular entirely, meaning there are no excuses when it comes down to studying your direct pronouns.

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Whichever variant of Spanish you choose to learn, it's very likely that you'll be able to understand speakers from across the world, and if you're living in a country for an extended period of time, you'll pick up the new language easily. If you want to learn to a point where you can jump on a plane and speak Spanish in the arrivals lounge, download the Rosetta Stone app or try a free demo now!

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Despite Spaniards having globe-trotted over a period of centuries, local language development - and the mixing of Spanish with the innumerable native tongues of the Americas - the Spanish language today is spoken in a surprisingly similar way across the world.

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El Real Academia Española también tiene una tabla para demonstrar las grafías y los sonidos correspondiente. La tabla no tiene alófonos y fonemas real pero es beneficial para aprender como una grafía cambia cuando junto a otras grafías. Entonces este recurso no es por lingüísticos necesariamente, porque los símbolos son diferentes, pero es informativo por personas que están aprendiendo español.

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Representación de sonidos | Real Academia Española

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La lingüística diferencia entre fonemas, elementos fónicos abstractos, y sus realizaciones fonéticas concretas. Dado que esta obra se dirige a lectores no necesariamente especializados, se ha preferido emplear el término general de sonidos y, en consecuencia, se ha evitado deliberadamente el uso de los sistemas tradicionales de transcripción empleados por los lingüistas.

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Una explanación de pares mínimos, alófonos, y fonemas

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Una explanación de pares mínimos, alófonos, y fonemas

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Este video es sobre el concepto de pares mínimos. También describe la diferencia entre fonemas y alófonos y explica como los son relacionado. El video me ayudó comprender el concepto con ejemplos en ingles de los alófonos y fonemas y puedes ver las diferencias aquí entre ingles y español.

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Tema 6.2: Fonemas y alófonos (Pares Mínimos)

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La elección de subtítulos de Netflix y la diferencia en los dialectos españoles

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La elección de subtítulos de Netflix y la diferencia en los dialectos españoles

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Netflix usó subtítulos castellana por la película mexicana Romana, lo cual enojó a mucha gente española y mexicana. El significado de muchas palabras fueron cambiados con este decisión y también muchos estuvieron molestados porque el uso de castellana refleja la percepción que castellana es una forma de español “más correcto” de otros y también representa un mentalidad de colonialismo.

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Alfonso Cuarón arriving at the Los Angeles premiere of "Roma" last month. Credit Credit Robyn Beck/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

If you complain to Netflix, the streaming giant listens. At least it does if you're Alfonso Cuarón, the Golden Globe-winning director of " Roma."

In the film, set in Mexico City in the 1970s, the actors speak Mexican Spanish and the indigenous Mixtec language. For that Spanish, Netflix added subtitles in Castilian, Spain's main dialect, for the release in that country. On Wednesday, Netflix removed those Castilian subtitles after Cuarón told El País, a Spanish newspaper, that they were "parochial, ignorant and offensive to Spaniards themselves."

Even commonly understood words like "mamá," for mother, had been translated (in that case to "madre") as were the words for "get angry" and "you."

"Gansito," the name of a Mexican chocolate snack, was perhaps more accidentally changed to "ganchitos," a cheese puff.

"Something I enjoy most is the color and texture of accents," Cuarón told El País. "It's as if Almodóvar needs to be subtitled," he added, referring to the acclaimed Spanish filmmaker Pedro Almodóvar.

Cuarón would not comment for this article, but Bebe Lerner, his representative, said in a telephone interview that Cuarón told Netflix to change the subtitles as soon as he learned of them after an event in New York on Tuesday night.

The only form of subtitles now available for the Spanish dialogue in Spain are closed captions - the form that benefits those who are hard of hearing or deaf. These feature the Mexican-Spanish dialogue in its original form. (Those closed captions have been available since the film was released there.)

Netflix would not answer questions about its use of Castilian for "Roma" or other films and TV shows it buys from Latin America.

The problem was first spotted in December by Jordi Soler, a Mexican author who lives in Barcelona. He tweeted that the subtitles were "paternalistic, offensive and deeply provincial" after seeing a subtitled "Roma" in a Barcelona cinema.

There were two problems with the subtitles, he said. The first was the assumption Spanish people could not understand simple words in a different dialect.

"It's like if you have an American film showing in the U.K. and the character says he's going to the washroom, but the subtitles say he's going to the loo," Soler said in a telephone interview. "It's ridiculous. They're treating the people of Spain like they're idiots."

But he said the bigger problem was that the subtitles played into the history of Spanish colonialism.

"In Latin America we have an extreme sensitivity with everything Spain does," Soler said, "and in Spain they treat Latin American people like they're still a colony." Netflix's choice to change Mexican words felt just like that, he added.

Similar problems occurred decades ago, Soler added, when Spanish book publishers first translated works by Latin American authors like Julio Cortázar. But he thought it had long stopped.

Not everyone agrees. "It is possible the controversy has been magnified beyond what is reasonable," Pedro Álvarez de Miranda, a member of the governing board of the Royal Spanish Academy, the guardian of language in Spain, said in an email. He added that he was not offended when he saw "Roma" in a cinema, he was simply distracted because the words onscreen didn't match what he heard.

"There is no 'standard Spanish,'" he said, and there are no major differences between dialects.

"Films in the Spanish language - whatever their country of origin - do not need to be 'translated,'" he said. "A Spaniard can see a film shot in Argentina, Colombia or Mexico without special difficulties. And the other way round."

But the controversy does raise the wider issue of how Netflix subtitles films and series as it expands globally, and whether it should use official forms of languages or respect local dialects and slang. Last month, it released " The Protector," its first original series in Turkish, and there was some confusion expressed on Turkish TV Facebook groups that the English subtitles didn't match what characters were saying, even when they were swearing.

Ioanna Sitaridou, a lecturer in Spanish and Linguistics at Cambridge University, who has Greek and British citizenship, said Netflix's refusal to use the Mexican-Spanish in "Roma" was outrageous. The variety of dialects in any language should be celebrated, she said, not suppressed.

"Netflix is essentially sending a message that the way we speak is not better than the way we write, and that's a very old-fashioned idea," she said.

She added: "How many times will this keep happening around the world? People who speak minority, nonstandard languages cannot help but feeling that their native language is not good enough."

A version of this article appears in print on , on Page C6 of the New York edition with the headline: Subtitles That Are More Than Annoying. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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Mamá to Madre? 'Roma' Subtitles in Spain Anger Alfonso Cuarón

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If you complain to Netflix, the streaming giant listens. At least it does if you're Alfonso Cuarón, the Golden Globe-winning director of " Roma." In the film, set in Mexico City in the 1970s, the actors speak Mexican Spanish and the indigenous Mixtec language.

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No hay muchas diferencias en las maneras en que hombres y mujeres hablan

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No hay muchas diferencias en las maneras en que hombres y mujeres hablan

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La idea que el cerebro y el lenguaje entre hombres y mujeres son muy diferente es muy común, pero de acuerdo con Dr. Sophie Scott, este no es realmente el caso. En su lectura, la profesora discuto el libro Men are from Mars y explica como estos conceptos erróneos son creído y promovido, y como lengua afecta los percepciones.

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Men, women and language -- a story of human speech | Sophie Scott | TEDxUCLWomen

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El movimiento feminismo y el cambio del leguaje. 

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El movimiento feminismo y el cambio del leguaje. 

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Es posible que el movimiento de #metoo en España cambie el uso de masculina y femenina en el lenguaje. Once nuevos ministros usaron una nueva forma de texto cuando fueron jurado en oficina. Las mujeres dijeron ministros y ministras en lugar del texto tradicional lo cual dice solamente ministros.

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For the first time in history, Spain has a majority-female government. But feminists looking to change the country's usage of machismo speech still face an uphill battle.

MADRID-As they were sworn into office on June 7, 2018, most of the ministers of the new Spanish government didn't recite the exact text placed in front of them. Instead of uttering the prescribed consejo de ministros, or council of ministers, almost all of the leaders pledged to keep secret the deliberations of the consejo de ministras y ministros. It was a small but significant rebellion. Seventeen ministers were being sworn in, and 11 of them were women-a record-breaking percentage for any European or North American government. So despite the fact that the Spanish language calls for the masculine form of nouns to be used in plural settings regardless of the group's gender makeup (in this case, ministros), the new cabinet members used their swearing-in to insert the feminine form and demonstrate a push for more inclusive language.

The female ministers appointed by Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez run the country's most important departments, including labor, justice, defense, and the treasury. The deputy prime minister, Carmen Calvo, is also a woman. In other sectors, too, women are making strides. Last month, one of Spain's largest daily newspapers, El País, named a female editor in chief, Soledad Gallego-Díaz, for the first time in its 42-year history. And in recent years, Ana Patricia Botín was named the head of her family's bank (and Spain's biggest), Santander. Still, if all three of these women happened to be in the same room as one man, the group would be referred to using the generic masculine.

The debate about whether to use gender-inclusive terminology is decades-old in Spain and other countries like France, Italy, and Portugal that also speak Romance languages. But this latest iteration feels different amid the #MeToo movement and the ascendance of women in public and private institutions in the country.

In Spain, #MeToo unfolded with news stories about sexual violence against female workers in agriculture and service fields, which then led to protests and, in some cases, official investigations. The most incendiary event that precipitated the movement was the court decision earlier this year on a sexual attack that occurred in 2016 at Spain's popular Sanfermines festival, also known as Running of the Bulls. The court found five men guilty of the lesser charge of "sexual abuse" instead of "rape." As a result, there were large-scale demonstrations held on Women's Day on March 8. "Spain did change on March 8," Prime Minister Sánchez said in the announcement of his cabinet. "The feminist mobilization marked a turning point. And the new government is the exact representation of that movement."

But thus far, efforts to pivot away from the generic masculine in traditional language practices, at least officially, have been thwarted. The institution that has safeguarded the standards of the Spanish language worldwide since the 18th century, Real Academia de la Lengua (RAE), has repeatedly supported keeping the masculine form of words as the default generic. And while the relevance of RAE has diminished over the years, it still produces what is arguably the most widely used dictionary in Spanish, and receives 60 million queries per month from the public about spelling and definitions, according to its director. The group also influences how Spanish is used in official institutions and newspapers, as well as how it's taught around the world.

I talked to RAE's 68-year-old director, Darío Villanueva, about how the institution is responding to the recent wave of feminist activism. Villanueva, who's been the organization's leader since 2014, says that #MeToo has pushed RAE to expand the meanings of certain words in its dictionary. For instance, an entry for the word fácil, or easy, used to read, "a woman who is sexually available." The word "woman" has recently been changed to "person." A forthcoming amendment includes the addition of "sexist" as a marker that denotes the connotation of certain words. A current example is the marker "derogatory," which appears before the definitions of words like cualquiera, or slut, and niñato, or brat.

The grammatical rule of using masculine pronouns and nouns to generalize groups, however, is not going to change at this time. Villanueva believes that there are not enough examples of society moving away from the generic masculine, and that changing this rule would be an unacceptable top-down language manipulation. "Language does not change reality," Villanueva says. "It's reality that changes the language. And language is always a bit slower." Nevertheless, Villanueva says that if people start using Spanish differently (and widely), it will adopt and reflect those changes.

"Social movements, such as #MeToo, inherently involve language and, as such, language change," says Salvatore Callesano, a linguist at the University of Texas at Austin who studies Latinx communities. "In the same way that such a movement can turn a hashtag into a productive word, speakers might begin, consciously or unconsciously, to consider the impact that gendered language can have."

Carmen Iglesias, a historian and member of RAE, supports the use of the generic masculine as a matter of efficiency. Iglesias says that it would take extra effort to use two words to describe a mixed-gender group of people. "We couldn't talk and understand each other across continents if we were to speak like that," Iglesias argues. At the same time, she admits that the debate is ongoing. She explains that the liveliest arguments inside RAE are usually between writers, who defend a creative use of language, and lexicographers, who tend to focus on rules and support a more corseted use of language. Iglesias believes those debates will evolve with society. "There are not diehard positions," she says.

Some activists have asserted that RAE is not the neutral actor it pretends to be. A group called Golondrinas a la RAE, founded by María Martín, who teaches institutions and companies about equality, and Carlos de la Fé, a writer, have long pushed the institution to use more gender-inclusive language. "The arguments of the Academia are dated," says De la Fé about the default generic masculine. "What you don't name doesn't exist." He also alleges that RAE's methods to amend the dictionary and its criteria for choosing its members are not transparent. ( Just eight out of 46 members of RAE's governing body are women. According to some of its critics, that implies bias.)

Martín and De la Fé have seen some movement, though. They advocated for the definition change of femenino, or female, one of the entries for which used to be "weak," and huérfano, or orphan, which used to be "someone whose parents are dead, especially the father." But there are still hundreds of dated clichés about men and women in the dictionary. One of the definitions of casquivano, or feckless, is "a person, especially a woman, who is not serious about sexual relationships." And the Spanish word for "femininity" is defined as "an abnormal state of the man." Martín and De la Fé are demanding that the marker "sexist" be attached to these definitions in future editions.

Additionally, some political parties and civil-society groups have made language a part of their agenda. Podemos, a male-led, left-wing party and one of the largest in Parliament, changed the name of its coalition for the next election to Unidas Podemos, or "Together We Can," using the plural feminine. And several LGBTQ groups within and outside of Spain have been active in advocating for new gender-neutral words with plurals ending in 'x,' like Latinxs instead of Latinos.

As of now, consejo de ministros is the phrasing that persists on the website and official documents of the Spanish government, exactly as King Fernando VII named the group in 1823, and as is inscribed in the Spanish Constitution. An official change would require constitutional reform. So Calvo, the deputy prime minister, has requested that RAE produce a recommendation that would help change the Constitution to avoid the generic masculine, since she believes it would be beneficial to have institutional validation from the group. And though Calvo alleges that RAE has been reluctant to honor her ask, she is undeterred, telling the Spanish radio network Cadena SER, "If they don't give me advice, obviously I will go ahead."

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Can #MeToo Fix Spain's Language Problem?

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For the first time in history, Spain has a majority-female government. But feminists looking to change the country's usage of "machismo" speech still face an uphill battle.

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Algunas personas están replicando los términos “o” y “a” con un alternativo más neutral. El uso de el sonido “e” en lugar de “o” y “a” representa ideas más progresivas por mujeres y personas de género no binario. Sin embargo, la Real Academia Española quieren mantener el uso tradicionalmente de los términos de palabras.

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Categoría: Datos curiosos

La RAE publicó un manual en el que juzga de "innecesario" el uso de la "e" en vez de la "o" para incluir a hombres y mujeres en los plurales.

Este lunes la Real Academia Española usó el capítulo que abre su primer manual de estilo del idioma español, "Libro de estilo de la lengua española", para volver a expresar su rechazo hacia el uso del lenguaje inclusivo que se ha desarrollado en Hispanoamérica para incluir el género masculino y femenino en su formulación.

"Todos y todas", "todes", "todxs" o "tod@s" son construcciones que la Real Academia rechaza, ya que la institución considera que el género masculino de las palabras, "por ser el no marcado, puede abarcar el femenino en ciertos contextos".

La opinión de la Real Academia Española sobre el lenguaje inclusivo se expresa en su manual de estilo porque ese volumen, editado junto a Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española (ASALE), pretende funcionar como guía ante interrogantes idiomáticos que han surgido en los últimos años.

Este rechazo, llega algunas semanas antes de que la Academia deba expedirse con un informe sobre la posible modificación del texto de la Constitución española que encargó la vicepresidenta de Gobierno de ese país con el objetivo de que esa Carta Magna reflejara mayor paridad entre hombres y mujeres.

"El problema es confundir la gramática con el machismo", dijo Darío Villanueva, director de la RAE, ante esa solicitud: es la postura que la Academia vuelve a tomar en su manual de estilo y que, adelantaron desde la institución, muy probablemente tomará al elaborar su informe sobre la Constitución.

¿Le harán caso? Una escritora española hizo este llamativo pedido a la RAE

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No más "todes": la Real Academia Española rechazó el uso del lenguaje inclusivo

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Categoría: Datos curiosos Este lunes la Real Academia Española usó el capítulo que abre su primer manual de estilo del idioma español, "Libro de estilo de la lengua española", para volver a expresar su rechazo hacia el uso del lenguaje inclusivo que se ha desarrollado en Hispanoamérica para incluir el género masculino y femenino en su formulación.