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The cure for racism | Napoleon Wells | TEDxColumbiaSC

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Dr. Wells proposes a mental health approach to curing racism. As a Clinical Psychologist for the Department of Veterans Affairs, Napoleon is the Supervisor o...

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50 years of racism -- why silence isn’t the answer

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50 years of racism -- why silence isn’t the answer

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50 years of racism -- why silence isn’t the answer | James A. White Sr. | TEDxColumbus

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Unfair racial stereotypes have taken root in the hearts of people

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Unfair racial stereotypes have taken root in the hearts of people

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"Unfair racial stereotypes have taken root in the hearts of people"

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Mass Incarceration & Rebuilding the Black Community

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Everyday racism | Robert Tinajero | TEDxElPaso

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Hear how racism has become ingrained in modern society and why its not a valid point of view. Robert Tinajero was born and raised in El Paso, TX, and has degrees in English, Creative Writing, Religious Studies, and a doctoral degree in Rhetoric and Writing Studies.

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Controversial Cheerios Commercial New Brunswick

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Taken place in the heart of Chicago, everyday individuals, young and old, are asked to give their perspective on racism in modern day America. Encouraged to ...

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скачать бесплатно книгу в формате fb2

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Stockett Kathryn - The Help, скачать бесплатно книгу в формате fb2, doc, rtf, html, txt

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Stockett Kathryn - The Help, скачать бесплатно книгу в формате fb2, doc, rtf, html, txt :: Электронная библиотека royallib.com

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© 1852
*

In Which the Reader Is Introduced to a Man of Humanity
Late in the afternoon of a chilly day in February, two gentlemen were sitting alone over their wine, in a well-furnished dining parlor, in the town of P-, in Kentucky. There were no servants present, and the gentlemen, with chairs closely approaching, seemed to be discussing some subject with great earnestness.

For convenience sake, we have said, hitherto, two gentlemen. One of the parties, however, when critically examined, did not seem, strictly speaking, to come under the species. He was a short, thick-set man, with coarse, commonplace features, and that swaggering air of pretension which marks a low man who is trying to elbow his way upward in the world. He was much over-dressed, in a gaudy vest of many colors, a blue neckerchief, bedropped gayly with yellow spots, and arranged with a flaunting tie, quite in keeping with the general air of the man. His hands, large and coarse, were plentifully bedecked with rings; and he wore a heavy gold watch-chain, with a bundle of seals of portentous size, and a great variety of colors, attached to it,-which, in the ardor of conversation, he was in the habit of flourishing and jingling with evident satisfaction. His conversation was in free and easy defiance of Murray's Grammar, [1] and was garnished at convenient intervals with various profane expressions, which not even the desire to be graphic in our account shall induce us to transcribe.

His companion, Mr. Shelby, had the appearance of a gentleman; and the arrangements of the house, and the general air of the housekeeping, indicated easy, and even opulent circumstances. As we before stated, the two were in the midst of an earnest conversation.

'That is the way I should arrange the matter,' said Mr. Shelby.

'I can't make trade that way-I positively can't, Mr. Shelby,' said the other, holding up a glass of wine between his eye and the light.

'Why, the fact is, Haley, Tom is an uncommon fellow; he is certainly worth that sum anywhere,-steady, honest, capable, manages my whole farm like a clock.'

'You mean honest, as niggers go,' said Haley, helping himself to a glass of brandy.

'No; I mean, really, Tom is a good, steady, sensible, pious fellow. He got religion at a camp-meeting, four years ago; and I believe he really did get it. I've trusted him, since then, with everything I have,-money, house, horses,-and let him come and go round the country; and I always found him true and square in everything.'

'Some folks don't believe there is pious niggers Shelby,' said Haley, with a candid flourish of his hand, 'but I do. I had a fellow, now, in this yer last lot I took to Orleans-'t was as good as a meetin, now, really, to hear that critter pray; and he was quite gentle and quiet like. He fetched me a good sum, too, for I bought him cheap of a man that was 'bliged to sell out; so I realized six hundred on him. Yes, I consider religion a valeyable thing in a nigger, when it's the genuine article, and no mistake.'

'Well, Tom's got the real article, if ever a fellow had,' rejoined the other. 'Why, last fall, I let him go to Cincinnati alone, to do business for me, and bring home five hundred dollars. 'Tom,' says I to him, 'I trust you, because I think you're a Christian-I know you wouldn't cheat.' Tom comes back, sure enough; I knew he would. Some low fellows, they say, said to him-Tom, why don't you make tracks for Canada?' 'Ah, master trusted me, and I couldn't,'-they told me about it. I am sorry to part with Tom, I must say. You ought to let him cover the whole balance of the debt; and you would, Haley, if you had any conscience.'

'Well, I've got just as much conscience as any man in business can afford to keep,-just a little, you know, to swear by, as 't were,' said the trader, jocularly; 'and, then, I'm ready to do anything in reason to 'blige friends; but this yer, you see, is a leetle too hard on a fellow-a leetle too hard.' The trader sighed contemplatively, and poured out some more brandy.

'Well, then, Haley, how will you trade?' said Mr. Shelby, after an uneasy interval of silence.

'Well, haven't you a boy or gal that you could throw in with Tom?'

'Hum!-none that I could well spare; to tell the truth, it's only hard necessity makes me willing to sell at all. I don't like parting with any of my hands, that's a fact.'

Here the door opened, and a small quadroon boy, between four and five years of age, entered the room. There was something in his appearance remarkably beautiful and engaging. His black hair, fine as floss silk, hung in glossy curls about his round, dimpled face, while a pair of large dark eyes, full of fire and softness, looked out from beneath the rich, long lashes, as he peered curiously into the apartment. A gay robe of scarlet and yellow plaid, carefully made and neatly fitted, set off to advantage the dark and rich style of his beauty; and a certain comic air of assurance, blended with bashfulness, showed that he had been not unused to being petted and noticed by his master.

'Hulloa, Jim Crow!' said Mr. Shelby, whistling, and snapping a bunch of raisins towards him, 'pick that up, now!'

The child scampered, with all his little strength, after the prize, while his master laughed.

'Come here, Jim Crow,' said he. The child came up, and the master patted the curly head, and chucked him under the chin.

'Now, Jim, show this gentleman how you can dance and sing.' The boy commenced one of those wild, grotesque songs common among the negroes, in a rich, clear voice, accompanying his singing with many comic evolutions of the hands, feet, and whole body, all in perfect time to the music.

'Bravo!' said Haley, throwing him a quarter of an orange.

'Now, Jim, walk like old Uncle Cudjoe, when he has the rheumatism,' said his master.

Instantly the flexible limbs of the child assumed the appearance of deformity and distortion, as, with his back humped up, and his master's stick in his hand, he hobbled about the room, his childish face drawn into a doleful pucker, and spitting from right to left, in imitation of an old man.

Both gentlemen laughed uproariously.

'Now, Jim,' said his master, 'show us how old Elder Robbins leads the psalm.' The boy drew his chubby face down to a formidable length, and commenced toning a psalm tune through his nose, with imperturbable gravity.

'Hurrah! bravo! what a young 'un!' said Haley; 'that chap's a case, I'll promise. Tell you what,' said he, suddenly clapping his hand on Mr. Shelby's shoulder, 'fling in that chap, and I'll settle the business-I will. Come, now, if that ain't doing the thing up about the rightest!'

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Uncle Tom's Cabin or, Life Among the Lowly

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Книга Uncle Tom's Cabin or, Life Among the Lowly, автор Stowe Harriet - ('Much less a book than a state of vision.' - Henry James The narrative drive of Stowe's classic novel is often overlooked in the heat of the controversies surrounding its anti-slavery sentiments.

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Lily white. White knights. The white dove of peace. White lie, white list, white magic. Our language and our culture are suffused, often subconsciously, with positive images of whiteness. Whiteness is so inextricably linked with the status quo that few whites, when asked, even identify themselves as such.

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To Kill a Mockingbird is a Pulitzer Prize-winning novel by Harper Lee published in 1960. It was instantly successful and has become a classic of modern American fiction. The novel is loosely based on the author's observations of her family and neighbors, as well as on an event that occurred near her hometown in 1936, when she was 10 years old.

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The idea that the United States has always been a bastion of religious freedom is reassuring-and utterly at odds with the historical record

Smithsonian Magazine |

Wading into the controversy surrounding an Islamic center planned for a site near New York City's Ground Zero memorial this past August, President Obama declared: "This is America. And our commitment to religious freedom must be unshakeable. The principle that people of all faiths are welcome in this country and that they will not be treated differently by their government is essential to who we are." In doing so, he paid homage to a vision that politicians and preachers have extolled for more than two centuries-that America historically has been a place of religious tolerance. It was a sentiment George Washington voiced shortly after taking the oath of office just a few blocks from Ground Zero.

But is it so?

In the storybook version most of us learned in school, the Pilgrims came to America aboard the Mayflower in search of religious freedom in 1620. The Puritans soon followed, for the same reason. Ever since these religious dissidents arrived at their shining "city upon a hill," as their governor John Winthrop called it, millions from around the world have done the same, coming to an America where they found a welcome melting pot in which everyone was free to practice his or her own faith.

The problem is that this tidy narrative is an American myth. The real story of religion in America's past is an often awkward, frequently embarrassing and occasionally bloody tale that most civics books and high-school texts either paper over or shunt to the side. And much of the recent conversation about America's ideal of religious freedom has paid lip service to this comforting tableau.

From the earliest arrival of Europeans on America's shores, religion has often been a cudgel, used to discriminate, suppress and even kill the foreign, the "heretic" and the "unbeliever"-including the "heathen" natives already here. Moreover, while it is true that the vast majority of early-generation Americans were Christian, the pitched battles between various Protestant sects and, more explosively, between Protestants and Catholics, present an unavoidable contradiction to the widely held notion that America is a "Christian nation."

First, a little overlooked history: the initial encounter between Europeans in the future United States came with the establishment of a Huguenot (French Protestant) colony in 1564 at Fort Caroline (near modern Jacksonville, Florida). More than half a century before the Mayflower set sail, French pilgrims had come to America in search of religious freedom.

The Spanish had other ideas. In 1565, they established a forward operating base at St. Augustine and proceeded to wipe out the Fort Caroline colony. The Spanish commander, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, wrote to the Spanish King Philip II that he had "hanged all those we had found in [Fort Caroline] because...they were scattering the odious Lutheran doctrine in these Provinces." When hundreds of survivors of a shipwrecked French fleet washed up on the beaches of Florida, they were put to the sword, beside a river the Spanish called Matanzas ("slaughters"). In other words, the first encounter between European Christians in America ended in a blood bath.

The much-ballyhooed arrival of the Pilgrims and Puritans in New England in the early 1600s was indeed a response to persecution that these religious dissenters had experienced in England. But the Puritan fathers of the Massachusetts Bay Colony did not countenance tolerance of opposing religious views. Their "city upon a hill" was a theocracy that brooked no dissent, religious or political.

The most famous dissidents within the Puritan community, Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson, were banished following disagreements over theology and policy. From Puritan Boston's earliest days, Catholics ("Papists") were anathema and were banned from the colonies, along with other non-Puritans. Four Quakers were hanged in Boston between 1659 and 1661 for persistently returning to the city to stand up for their beliefs.

Throughout the colonial era, Anglo-American antipathy toward Catholics-especially French and Spanish Catholics-was pronounced and often reflected in the sermons of such famous clerics as Cotton Mather and in statutes that discriminated against Catholics in matters of property and voting. Anti-Catholic feelings even contributed to the revolutionary mood in America after King George III extended an olive branch to French Catholics in Canada with the Quebec Act of 1774, which recognized their religion.

When George Washington dispatched Benedict Arnold on a mission to court French Canadians' support for the American Revolution in 1775, he cautioned Arnold not to let their religion get in the way. "Prudence, policy and a true Christian Spirit," Washington advised, "will lead us to look with compassion upon their errors, without insulting them." (After Arnold betrayed the American cause, he publicly cited America's alliance with Catholic France as one of his reasons for doing so.)

In newly independent America, there was a crazy quilt of state laws regarding religion. In Massachusetts, only Christians were allowed to hold public office, and Catholics were allowed to do so only after renouncing papal authority. In 1777, New York State's constitution banned Catholics from public office (and would do so until 1806). In Maryland, Catholics had full civil rights, but Jews did not. Delaware required an oath affirming belief in the Trinity. Several states, including Massachusetts and South Carolina, had official, state-supported churches.

In 1779, as Virginia's governor, Thomas Jefferson had drafted a bill that guaranteed legal equality for citizens of all religions-including those of no religion-in the state. It was around then that Jefferson famously wrote, "But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods or no God. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg." But Jefferson's plan did not advance-until after Patrick ("Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death") Henry introduced a bill in 1784 calling for state support for "teachers of the Christian religion."

Future President James Madison stepped into the breach. In a carefully argued essay titled "Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments," the soon-to-be father of the Constitution eloquently laid out reasons why the state had no business supporting Christian instruction. Signed by some 2,000 Virginians, Madison's argument became a fundamental piece of American political philosophy, a ringing endorsement of the secular state that "should be as familiar to students of American history as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution," as Susan Jacoby has written in Freethinkers, her excellent history of American secularism.

Among Madison's 15 points was his declaration that "the Religion then of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every...man to exercise it as these may dictate. This right is in its nature an inalienable right."

Madison also made a point that any believer of any religion should understand: that the government sanction of a religion was, in essence, a threat to religion. "Who does not see," he wrote, "that the same authority which can establish Christianity, in exclusion of all other Religions, may establish with the same ease any particular sect of Christians, in exclusion of all other Sects?" Madison was writing from his memory of Baptist ministers being arrested in his native Virginia.

As a Christian, Madison also noted that Christianity had spread in the face of persecution from worldly powers, not with their help. Christianity, he contended, "disavows a dependence on the powers of this world...for it is known that this Religion both existed and flourished, not only without the support of human laws, but in spite of every opposition from them."

Recognizing the idea of America as a refuge for the protester or rebel, Madison also argued that Henry's proposal was "a departure from that generous policy, which offering an Asylum to the persecuted and oppressed of every Nation and Religion, promised a lustre to our country."

After long debate, Patrick Henry's bill was defeated, with the opposition outnumbering supporters 12 to 1. Instead, the Virginia legislature took up Jefferson's plan for the separation of church and state. In 1786, the Virginia Act for Establishing Religious Freedom, modified somewhat from Jefferson's original draft, became law. The act is one of three accomplishments Jefferson included on his tombstone, along with writing the Declaration and founding the University of Virginia. (He omitted his presidency of the United States.) After the bill was passed, Jefferson proudly wrote that the law "meant to comprehend, within the mantle of its protection, the Jew, the Gentile, the Christian and the Mahometan, the Hindoo and Infidel of every denomination."

Madison wanted Jefferson's view to become the law of the land when he went to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. And as framed in Philadelphia that year, the U.S. Constitution clearly stated in Article VI that federal elective and appointed officials "shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution, but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States."

This passage-along with the facts that the Constitution does not mention God or a deity (except for a pro forma "year of our Lord" date) and that its very first amendment forbids Congress from making laws that would infringe of the free exercise of religion-attests to the founders' resolve that America be a secular republic. The men who fought the Revolution may have thanked Providence and attended church regularly-or not. But they also fought a war against a country in which the head of state was the head of the church. Knowing well the history of religious warfare that led to America's settlement, they clearly understood both the dangers of that system and of sectarian conflict.

It was the recognition of that divisive past by the founders-notably Washington, Jefferson, Adams and Madison-that secured America as a secular republic. As president, Washington wrote in 1790: "All possess alike liberty of conscience and immunity of citizenship. ...For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens."

He was addressing the members of America's oldest synagogue, the Touro Synagogue in Newport, Rhode Island (where his letter is read aloud every August). In closing, he wrote specifically to the Jews a phrase that applies to Muslims as well: "May the children of the Stock of Abraham, who dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other inhabitants, while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid."

As for Adams and Jefferson, they would disagree vehemently over policy, but on the question of religious freedom they were united. "In their seventies," Jacoby writes, "with a friendship that had survived serious political conflicts, Adams and Jefferson could look back with satisfaction on what they both considered their greatest achievement-their role in establishing a secular government whose legislators would never be required, or permitted, to rule on the legality of theological views."

Late in his life, James Madison wrote a letter summarizing his views: "And I have no doubt that every new example, will succeed, as every past one has done, in shewing that religion & Govt. will both exist in greater purity, the less they are mixed together."

While some of America's early leaders were models of virtuous tolerance, American attitudes were slow to change. The anti-Catholicism of America's Calvinist past found new voice in the 19th century. The belief widely held and preached by some of the most prominent ministers in America was that Catholics would, if permitted, turn America over to the pope. Anti-Catholic venom was part of the typical American school day, along with Bible readings. In Massachusetts, a convent-coincidentally near the site of the Bunker Hill Monument-was burned to the ground in 1834 by an anti-Catholic mob incited by reports that young women were being abused in the convent school. In Philadelphia, the City of Brotherly Love, anti-Catholic sentiment, combined with the country's anti-immigrant mood, fueled the Bible Riots of 1844, in which houses were torched, two Catholic churches were destroyed and at least 20 people were killed.

At about the same time, Joseph Smith founded a new American religion-and soon met with the wrath of the mainstream Protestant majority. In 1832, a mob tarred and feathered him, marking the beginning of a long battle between Christian America and Smith's Mormonism. In October 1838, after a series of conflicts over land and religious tension, Missouri Governor Lilburn Boggs ordered that all Mormons be expelled from his state. Three days later, rogue militiamen massacred 17 church members, including children, at the Mormon settlement of Haun's Mill. In 1844, a mob murdered Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum while they were jailed in Carthage, Illinois. No one was ever convicted of the crime.

Even as late as 1960, Catholic presidential candidate John F. Kennedy felt compelled to make a major speech declaring that his loyalty was to America, not the pope. (And as recently as the 2008 Republican primary campaign, Mormon candidate Mitt Romney felt compelled to address the suspicions still directed toward the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.) Of course, America's anti-Semitism was practiced institutionally as well as socially for decades. With the great threat of "godless" Communism looming in the 1950s, the country's fear of atheism also reached new heights.

America can still be, as Madison perceived the nation in 1785, "an Asylum to the persecuted and oppressed of every Nation and Religion." But recognizing that deep religious discord has been part of America's social DNA is a healthy and necessary step. When we acknowledge that dark past, perhaps the nation will return to that "promised...lustre" of which Madison so grandiloquently wrote.

Kenneth C. Davis is the author of Don't Know Much About History and A Nation Rising, among other books.

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America's True History of Religious Tolerance

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Smithsonian Magazine | Wading into the controversy surrounding an Islamic center planned for a site near New York City's Ground Zero memorial this past August, President Obama declared: "This is America. And our commitment to religious freedom must be unshakeable.

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US Constitution - 5th and 14th Amendments

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US Constitution - 5th and 14th Amendments

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The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States Constitution limit the power of the federal and state governments to discriminate. The private sector is not directly constrained by the Constitution.

The Fifth Amendment has an explicit requirement that the Federal Government not deprive individuals of "life, liberty, or property," without due process of the law and an implicit guarantee that each person receive equal protection of the laws.

The Fourteenth Amendment explicitly prohibits states from violating an individual's rights of due process and equal protection. Equal protection limits the State and Federal governments' power to discriminate in their employment practices by treating employees, former employees, or job applicants unequally because of membership in a group, like a race, religion or sex. Due process protection requires that employees have a fair procedural process before they are terminated if the termination is related to a "liberty," like the right to free speech, or a property interest.

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Race, Racism, Prejudice and Discrimination - What are they?

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Race, Racism, Prejudice and Discrimination - What are they?

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racism and ethnic discrimination in the united states (literature subject)

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Race, Racism, Prejudice and Discrimination - What are they?

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An animation focused on what Race, Racism, Prejudice and Discrimination are - terms that are used commonly, but with very little knowledge as to what they mean. This animation describes their meaning with clear examples from today and the past. Approved by the Association of American Medical Colleges.

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Different types of discrimination in the world today.

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Text of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

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HISTORY OF DISCRIMINATION IN NORTH AMERICA

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HISTORY OF DISCRIMINATION IN NORTH AMERICA

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Controversial Cheerios Commercial New Brunswick

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Scientific Racism The Eugenics of Social Darwinism

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How did the idea of race begin in America? The Story of Race video provides an overview of how prevailing ideas in science, government and culture intersected throughout history to shape our concept of race today. After you've watched the video, click "Menu" to return to the timeline and explore these ideas in greater depth.

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1. (Sociology) unfair treatment of a person, racial group, minority, etc; action based on prejudice

2. subtle appreciation in matters of taste

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rac·ism
(rā′sĭz′əm)
n.

1. The belief that race accounts for differences in human character or ability and that a particular race is superior to others.

2. Discrimination or prejudice based on race.

racism
(ˈreɪsɪzəm) or
racialism

n

1. (Sociology) the belief that races have distinctive cultural characteristics determined by hereditary factors and that this endows some races with an intrinsic superiority over others

2. (Sociology) abusive or aggressive behaviour towards members of another race on the basis of such a belief

rac*ism
(ˈreɪ sɪz əm)

n.

1. a belief or doctrine that inherent differences among the various human races determine cultural or individual achievement, usu. involving the idea that one's own race is superior.

2. a policy, system of government, etc., based on such a doctrine.

3. hatred or intolerance of another race or other races.

racism

1. a belief that human races have distinctive characteristics that determine their respective cultures, usually involving the idea that one's race is superior and has the right to control others.
2. a belief in a policy of enforcing the asserted right of control. - racist, n., adj.

See also: Attitudes

a belief that human races have distinctive characteristics that determine their respective cultures, usually involving the idea that one's race is superior and has the right to control others. - racist, adj.

See also: Race

discrimination on the basis of race, especially against blacks and other non-whites.

See also: Discrimination

Racism

Jim Crow Racial discrimination; laws which forbid interracial contact, as in public places and schools; also, Jim Crowism. This term originated in the popular plantation song by Thomas D. "Daddy" Rice (1828):

Wheel about and turn about
And do jis so,
Ebry time I wheel about
I jump Jim Crow.

After the Civil War Reconstruction, the phrase was applied to the many laws which limited the rights of Blacks, and more loosely, to racial bigotry itself.

One hundred years of frustration and battle have not resulted in victory over Jim Crow and racism. ( Freedomways, XIII, 1973)

The expression has also become a disparaging epithet for any Negro.

Noun 1.
racism - the prejudice that members of one race are intrinsically superior to members of other races

white supremacy - the prejudice that members of the white race are superior to members of other races

2.
racism - discriminatory or abusive behavior towards members of another race

racial profiling - a form of racism consisting of the (alleged) policy of policemen who stop and search vehicles driven by persons belonging to particular racial groups

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References in periodicals archive?

This paper is a contribution to the conceptual delineation regarding the racism and other phenomena associated with it, such as ethnocentrism and xenophobia, focusing especially on the term of 'cultural racism'.

THE shocking level of racism displayed by the region's schoolchildren has been laid bare by charity Show Racism the Red Card.

AFRICANGLOBE -- Julius Malema's challenge about personal and systemic racism should be seen as an opportunity to examine how racism and whiteness has thwarted authentic transformation.

HAVING announced my presidential initiative, a national campaign against racism, I now have many invitations to engage with local anti-racism efforts on the ground.

They covers the history of race; defining and conceptualizing racism; anti-racism: law and policies; race, racism, and everyday life; race, racism, and qualitative methods; racism research: three case studies; and racism and future directions.

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(rā′sĭz′əm) n. 1. The belief that race accounts for differences in human character or ability and that a particular race is superior to others. 2. Discrimination or prejudice based on race. (ˈreɪsɪzəm) or n 1. (Sociology) the belief that races have distinctive cultural characteristics determined by hereditary factors and that this endows some races with an intrinsic superiority over others 2.

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1. The belief that race accounts for differences in human character or ability and that a particular race is superior to others.

2. Discrimination or prejudice based on race

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rac·ism
(rā′sĭz′əm)
n.

1. The belief that race accounts for differences in human character or ability and that a particular race is superior to others.

2. Discrimination or prejudice based on race.

racism
(ˈreɪsɪzəm) or
racialism

n

1. (Sociology) the belief that races have distinctive cultural characteristics determined by hereditary factors and that this endows some races with an intrinsic superiority over others

2. (Sociology) abusive or aggressive behaviour towards members of another race on the basis of such a belief

rac*ism
(ˈreɪ sɪz əm)

n.

1. a belief or doctrine that inherent differences among the various human races determine cultural or individual achievement, usu. involving the idea that one's own race is superior.

2. a policy, system of government, etc., based on such a doctrine.

3. hatred or intolerance of another race or other races.

racism

1. a belief that human races have distinctive characteristics that determine their respective cultures, usually involving the idea that one's race is superior and has the right to control others.
2. a belief in a policy of enforcing the asserted right of control. - racist, n., adj.

See also: Attitudes

a belief that human races have distinctive characteristics that determine their respective cultures, usually involving the idea that one's race is superior and has the right to control others. - racist, adj.

See also: Race

discrimination on the basis of race, especially against blacks and other non-whites.

See also: Discrimination

Racism

Jim Crow Racial discrimination; laws which forbid interracial contact, as in public places and schools; also, Jim Crowism. This term originated in the popular plantation song by Thomas D. "Daddy" Rice (1828):

Wheel about and turn about
And do jis so,
Ebry time I wheel about
I jump Jim Crow.

After the Civil War Reconstruction, the phrase was applied to the many laws which limited the rights of Blacks, and more loosely, to racial bigotry itself.

One hundred years of frustration and battle have not resulted in victory over Jim Crow and racism. ( Freedomways, XIII, 1973)

The expression has also become a disparaging epithet for any Negro.

Noun 1.
racism - the prejudice that members of one race are intrinsically superior to members of other races

white supremacy - the prejudice that members of the white race are superior to members of other races

2.
racism - discriminatory or abusive behavior towards members of another race

racial profiling - a form of racism consisting of the (alleged) policy of policemen who stop and search vehicles driven by persons belonging to particular racial groups

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References in periodicals archive?

This paper is a contribution to the conceptual delineation regarding the racism and other phenomena associated with it, such as ethnocentrism and xenophobia, focusing especially on the term of 'cultural racism'.

THE shocking level of racism displayed by the region's schoolchildren has been laid bare by charity Show Racism the Red Card.

AFRICANGLOBE -- Julius Malema's challenge about personal and systemic racism should be seen as an opportunity to examine how racism and whiteness has thwarted authentic transformation.

HAVING announced my presidential initiative, a national campaign against racism, I now have many invitations to engage with local anti-racism efforts on the ground.

They covers the history of race; defining and conceptualizing racism; anti-racism: law and policies; race, racism, and everyday life; race, racism, and qualitative methods; racism research: three case studies; and racism and future directions.

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(rā′sĭz′əm) n. 1. The belief that race accounts for differences in human character or ability and that a particular race is superior to others. 2. Discrimination or prejudice based on race. (ˈreɪsɪzəm) or n 1. (Sociology) the belief that races have distinctive cultural characteristics determined by hereditary factors and that this endows some races with an intrinsic superiority over others 2.