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brazil 2016 human rights report CITATION

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brazil 2016 human rights report CITATION

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www.state.gov. US department of state. 2016. https://www.state.gov/documents/organization/265780.pdf

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www.TeenVogue.com.Nicole Froio. Teen Vogue magazine. may 11 2017.https://www.teenvogue.com/story/police-violence-brazil-just-called-human-rights-crisis .

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www.hrw.com . world report 2017- human rights watch.2017. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2017/country-chapters/brazil

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brazil: spike in killings by Rio police CITATIONS

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brazil: spike in killings by Rio police CITATIONS

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www.amnesty.com. amnesty international. 2017.https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr19/5467/2016/en/

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Public Security and Police Conduct

Widespread violence, often perpetrated by criminal gangs, plagues many Brazilian cities. Abuses by police, including extrajudicial executions, contribute to a cycle of violence in high-crime neighborhoods, undermining public security and endangering the lives of the police officers who patrol them. In 2015, 393 police officers were killed in Brazil, according to the latest data available at time of writing.

Police officers, including off-duty officers, killed 3,345 people in 2015, according to official data compiled by the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Brazilian Forum on Public Security. This represents a 6 percent increase over 2014, and a 52 percent increase over 2013. While some police killings result from legitimate use of force, others are extrajudicial executions, as documented by Human Rights Watch and other groups, and as acknowledged by Brazilian criminal justice officials.

After doubling in 2014, killings by on-duty police officers in São Paulo-the state with the largest population in Brazil-decreased by 17 percent in 2015 and fell by another 19 percent from January to September of 2016. But killings by on-duty police officers in Rio de Janeiro-the state with the highest rate of police killings-increased 11 percent in 2015 and an additional 23 percent in the first 9 months of 2016.

In September, an appeals court voided the convictions of 74 police officers for their participation in the 1992 killing of 111 detainees in the Carandiru prison in São Paulo. One of the members of the three-judge panel claimed "there was no massacre" and that all killings were in self-defense, despite overwhelming evidence that police executed the detainees.

Prison Conditions, Torture, and Ill-Treatment of Detainees

Many Brazilian prisons and jails are severely overcrowded and violent. The number of adults behind bars jumped 85 percent from 2004 to 2014 and exceeds 622,000 people, 67 percent more than the prisons were built to hold, according to latest Ministry of Justice figures.

A key contributor to the dramatic increase in Brazil´s prison population has been a 2006 drug law that increased sentences for traffickers. While the law also replaced prison sentences for drug users with penalties such as community service, a measure that might have reduced the prison population, the law was worded vaguely, leaving open the possibility of users being prosecuted as traffickers. In 2005, 9 percent of those in prison had been detained on drug charges-in 2014 it was 28 percent, and among women, 64 percent, according to the latest data available.

In 2014, judges started seeing detainees promptly after arrest, as required by international law. Such "custody hearings"-currently carried out in state capitals and some other jurisdictions-help judges determine who should be in preventive detention and who should be set free pending trial. In the absence of custody hearings, detainees often wait many months to see a judge for the first time. In Brazil, 40 percent of people in prison are pretrial detainees. At time of writing, Brazil's Congress was examining a bill to make such hearings mandatory throughout the country.

Custody hearings have the potential to be a powerful weapon against police abuse of detainees because they allow judges to detect and hear about mistreatment soon after arrest. However, an analysis by the Institute for the Defense of the Right of Defense (IDDD), an NGO, of more than 700 custody hearings carried out in São Paulo in 2015 showed that judges asked detainees about their treatment in custody in only about 40 percent of cases, and took no action in a third of the 141 cases of alleged abuse they heard. Judges sent the rest to the police internal affairs divisions. The IDDD had no information about the results of any inquiries into the cases by those divisions by the time it published its report in May 2016.

A team from the government's National Mechanism for the Prevention and Combatting of Torture visited six states between April 2015 and March 2016, documenting cases of torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment in "most, if not all" of the 17 jails and prisons it inspected. In Sorocaba jail in São Paulo state, they found 50 detainees in cells designed to hold 9 people.

Counterterrorism

In February, the Rousseff administration won Congressional approval for a counterterrorism bill that contains vague language that endangers such basic human rights as freedom of association. The law includes an overbroad definition of "terrorism" and of "actions in preparation" of a terrorist act that could be used against peaceful advocacy groups.

Internet Freedom, Privacy, and Freedom of Expression

Brazil was at the vanguard of digital rights in 2014 with the enactment of a Digital Bill of Rights, intended to protect privacy and free expression rights online. It also co-led an initiative at the United Nation Human Rights Council in 2015 to create a new UN special rapporteur on the right to privacy. One of Dilma Rousseff's last acts as president was signing a decree in May 2016 that implemented the law.

But other developments risk setting back the right to privacy in Brazil. From February 2015 to July 2016, four judges ordered the temporary blocking of WhatsApp, the Facebook-owned messaging service, across the country, and in March 2016 federal police arrested a Facebook executive because the company refused to turn over user information to authorities.

Between March and June 2016, judicial officials filed more than 40 lawsuits against five employees of the newspaper Gazeta do Povo (People's Gazette) in the state of Paraná for a series of stories, based on information publicly available from government websites, revealing that judges and prosecutors were receiving more in wages and benefits than is allowed by the Constitution. In July, Brazil's Supreme Court suspended the lawsuits pending its review of the cases.

In August, a judge authorized police to wiretap a reporter's phone after he refused to reveal his sources for a story that published a list of Brazilians whom authorities suspect have Swiss bank accounts.

According to Artigo 19, a Brazilian NGO, five journalists were killed in Brazil in 2016 through October, including at least two who were attacked or threatened prior to their deaths. Since 2011, at least 21 journalists have died violently in Brazil in direct relation to their work, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, an international press freedom group.

Disability Rights

In January, a disability rights law came into effect, requiring public agencies to give priority to people with disabilities when providing services related to health, education, work, housing, culture, and sport. The law also instructs cities to adapt sidewalks and public spaces for people with disabilities. In June, Brazil's Supreme Court upheld a provision in that law that requires private schools to incorporate children with disabilities in regular classrooms at no extra cost to their families.

However, a bill under discussion in Congress could set back Brazil's efforts to meet its obligation under the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities to ensure that persons with disabilities "enjoy legal capacity on an equal basis with others in all aspects of life." The bill would revert to a system under which some people with disabilities can be placed in guardianship arrangements that are not consistent with Brazil's human rights obligations.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity

Brazil's Supreme Court approved same-sex marriage in 2011 and it upheld the right of same-sex couples to adopt children in 2015. But the Chamber of Deputies was, at time of writing, debating a bill that would define a family as a union between a man and a woman.

The national Human Rights Ombudsman's Office received 1,983 complaints of violence, discrimination, and other abuses experienced by lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons in 2015. In the first half of 2016 the ombudsman received 879 such complaints.

Labor Rights

Since 1995, the Ministry of Labor has documented almost 50,000 cases of workers being subjected to abusive working conditions that under Brazilian law rise to the level of "slave-like," such as forced labor and degrading working conditions. More than 1,000 such cases were documented in 2015. From April 2014 to April 2016, the Ministry of Labor imposed penalties on 349 companies for employing 4,119 people in "slave-like" conditions.

Confronting Military-Era Abuses

The perpetrators of human rights abuses during military rule from 1964 to 1985 continue to be shielded from justice by a 1979 amnesty law that was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2010, a decision that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights quickly ruled was a violation of Brazil's obligations under international law. In 2014, the National Truth Commission identified 377 such perpetrators, but owing to the amnesty law, their crimes remain unpunished.

Federal courts did allow the prosecution of at least two former military officers for killings during military rule, but the Supreme Court temporarily halted those prosecutions in 2014 and 2015, pending its re-examination of the validity of the amnesty law.

Key International Actors

In a May report to the UN Human Rights Council, the UN working group on business and human rights found that mining company Samarco had failed to alert residents after the November 2015 rupture of a tailings dam, which caused one of the worst environmental disasters in Brazilian history and the death of 19 people. Prior warning might have prevented these deaths, the working group said. In November, four UN rapporteurs said in a joint statement that the measures taken so far by the government and the company are "insufficient" to deal with the "massive" environmental and human impact of the disaster.

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Widespread violence, often perpetrated by criminal gangs, plagues many Brazilian cities. Abuses by police, including extrajudicial executions, contribute to a cycle of violence in high-crime neighborhoods, undermining public security and endangering the lives of the police officers who patrol them. In 2015, 393 police officers were killed in Brazil, according to the latest data available at time of writing.

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In Brazil, a human rights crisis is underway at the hands of police and the main victims of this fatal violence are black men and boys. Last week, Amnesty International warned that Brazilian authorities are ignoring the killings, which have risen sharply since 2012. The organization also emphasized that the crisis is especially brutal in Rio de Janeiro, where there have been 182 killings by police during January and February of 2017, more than double than over the same period in 2012.

This fatal police violence is especially rampant in favelas - unregulated settlements born out of a lack of housing across the city, which are home to more than 11 million people in Rio. Usually built up and down hills that were ignored by real estate developers, favelas are welcoming, vibrant, and unique communities that are historically places of Afro-Brazilian resistance. However, their historical origins mean they are often neglected by the government. The state's negligence of favelas goes from basic sanitation issues to healthcare and education - but the most urgent oversight is the unaccountable and virulent military police.

In March, 13-year-old Maria Eduarda Alves da Conceição was shot dead by the military police in her school in Pavuna. In the beginning of April 2015, a 10-year-old boy named Eduardo de Jesus Ferreira was killed by the police in his community of Complexo do Alemão, a large group of favelas in Rio. Jonathan de Oliveira Lima was 19 when he was fatally shot in the back by police as he was walking home in Manguinhos, another marginalized community in the North Zone of Rio. In a 2016 Human Rights Watch report, it was estimated that Rio police have killed 8,000 people in the last decade. Less than 1 percent of police killings received charges, according to Human Rights Watch.

With constant shootouts between the police and the drug gangs, young people are not free to roam in their own communities and are risking their lives by doing something as banal as going to school. Their parents' jobs are at risk, too, when they are forced to stay home during a shootout, which can last minutes or hours, and happen daily in some communities. The conflicts also stigmatize favelas and their residents, which could impact the employability of young people and local businesses, especially when tourism declines because of the favelas' dangerous reputation.

Mariluce Mariá, an artist who teaches children in the Complexo do Alemão favela how to paint, explains how young people have been affected: "The violence is also threatening young people's access to education and other rights.... Schools close for the day and students suffer for it. The services in the area come to a halt, especially healthcare services, and social programs are shutting down," she told Teen Vogue.

The Brazilian military police has racist roots: The force was created in 1808 to prevent slave uprisings when the Portuguese royal family fled Europe to escape Napoleon Bonaparte. The history of the military police is further complicated by Brazil's period of military dictatorship. From 1964 to 1985, the police force was categorically used to suppress riots and catch left-wing rebels under the guise of national security, while torture and murder of rebels was widespread. When the dictatorship came to an end, police violence did not subside as expected; between 1991 and 2007, Rio homicide rates were at an average of 6,826 per year, according to RioOnWatch.

Many argue that this is because of Governor Leonel Brizola's policies from 1983 to 1994, which forbid military police intervention in favelas. Brizola's campaign centered on human rights and a recognition of the brutality of the military police - but on the other hand, his policies left favela residents to fend for themselves against drug gang violence while the drug trafficking business grew. The reversal of his non-interventionist policies by his successors has largely focused on protecting the upper classes from favela violence spillage, rather than ensuring the safety for all.

In 2008, an attempt to "pacify" the favelas in preparation for the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics involved bloody police operations to push out drug lords and install the police in the communities. While this pacification program has worked in some smaller favelas, in others the police answer to no one. This has allowed the police to conduct violent operations in favelas with no oversight from authorities like the state's security secretary Roberto Sá or Rio's recently elected mayor, Marcelo Crivella.

While Amnesty International is warning against the high rate of murders in this recent report, this situation has been affecting residents of favelas on a daily basis for years. It has gotten so bad that some activists have called the situation an instance of "black genocide." Countless protests have been organized by favela residents, numerous public forums have been held to discuss solutions, but current mayor Crivella and the previous mayor Eduardo Paes alike have neglected to change policy, consider police reform, or listen to favela activists.

Young people from favelas are protesting and resisting these human rights violations in myriad ways. In Complexo do Alemão, a group of young people formed a media collective to report on their local community and publish the opinions of the residents. Young activists are always present in public forums to make their grievances heard, and have even created an app, Nós por Nós (translated to Us for Us), that makes reporting police violence - including the submission of video and photo evidence - easy and anonymous. Young people in favelas have to abdicate their youth in order to resist and fight a historic force of racist repression that Brazilian authorities have refused to deal with for decades.

"With this logic of war, in the way the state comes into the favela, children and young people have to grow up urgently, learn how to behave if they are approached by the police, or what to do in a situation of war," activist member Raull Santiago told Teen Vogue. "We grow up quicker, with larger responsibilities early on. It's necessary to guarantee other policies for the favela, not just for the police. We need to have our rights guaranteed, especially our right to come and go."

Related: Dozens Dead After Venezuelan Antigovernment Protests
Check this out:

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Police Violence in Brazil Is SO Bad It's Being Called a Human Rights Crisis

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In Brazil, a human rights crisis is underway at the hands of police and the main victims of this fatal violence are black men and boys. Last week, Amnesty International warned that Brazilian authorities are ignoring the killings, which have risen sharply since 2012.

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Authorities in Brazil are increasingly turning a blind eye to a deepening human rights crisis of their own making, Amnesty International said in a to the United Nations Human Rights Council ahead of a review of the country on 5 May.

Since Brazil last faced scrutiny at the UN's Universal Periodic Review in 2012, a spike in violence has seen killings by the police in Rio de Janeiro nearly doubled to 182 in the first two months of 2017, as well as soaring rates of killings and other human rights violations elsewhere in the country.

"Since the last review at the United Nations, Brazil has not taken enough steps to tackle the shocking levels of human rights violations across the country, including soaring police homicide rates that leave hundreds of people dead every year," said Jurema Werneck, Executive Director at Amnesty International Brazil.

"Very little has been done to reduce the number of homicides, to control the use of force by the police, or to guarantee Indigenous rights as claimed in Brazil's Constitution. UN Member States must make clear to Brazil that this has to change.

Very little has been done to reduce the number of homicides, to control the use of force by the police, or to guarantee Indigenous rights as claimed in Brazil's Constitution. UN Member States must make clear to Brazil that this has to change

Jurema Werneck, Executive Director at Amnesty International Brazil

"What we see today is Brazil's deep political, ethical and financial crisis being used as excuse to trample on well-established human rights."

In January and February 2017 in Rio de Janeiro alone, at least 182 people were killed during police operations in marginalized neighbourhoods ( favelas)- a 78% increase in comparison to the same period in 2016, according to official figures.

In 2016, there were 920 killings by police documented in the city, up from 419 in 2012.

Brazil has a very high number of homicides overall with nearly 60,000 people killed in the country in 2015. The majority of victims are black young men. Police officers are responsible for a significant percentage of the total number of homicides in the country, and many of them may amount to extrajudicial killings - a crime under international law.

In 2015, in the city of Rio de Janeiro, police officers were responsible for one in every five murders, and in São Paulo, one in every four, according to official records.

Despite the fact that more than 70% of homicides in Brazil involve the use of firearms, it is troubling that Congress is currently debating the so called "Disarmament Statute", which would loosen restrictions on bearing firearms, which have been in place since 2004.

Violence in rural areas has also increased in recent years, with a significant number relating to land conflicts involving Indigenous people and rural peasants. In 2016, the Land Church Commission ( Comissão Pastoral da Terra) registered 61 murders, 200 threats and 74 attempted murders related to conflicts over land and natural resources. These numbers are the second highest in the last 25 years - the highest were in 2013 when 73 people were killed. Nineteen people have been killed so far in 2017.

In its report to the United Nations, Amnesty International also raised serious concerns about Indigenous Peoples' rights, torture, and ill-treatment, prison conditions, freedom of expression and repression of peaceful protests.

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Brazil: Spike in killings by Rio police as country faces UN review

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Authorities in Brazil are increasingly turning a blind eye to a deepening human rights crisis of their own making, Amnesty International said in a to the United Nations Human Rights Council ahead of a review of the country on 5 May.

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Police Violence in Brazil Was Just Called a Human Rights Crisis:

Currency: The timeliness of the information.

Published  May 11 2017

information has not been revised or updated since post.

This information is current, though the issue started to be seen in increasing number in 2012. this year,2017 the numbers of killings has doubled

These links are functional.

Relevance:The importance of the information for your needs.

The site(link above), im using answers my Question/Topic about human rights violations that effected Brazil.

The intended audience are the people outside of brazil who isn't aware of the violence of that huge country.

Information is at an appropriate level (some places mention are in an different language )but you can use context clues realizing for example they're talking about poor areas.

I've looked at variety of sources before determining if and if not,i should use this site.

Authority: The source of the information.

-The author is Nicole Froio she wrote this article for Teen Vogue- News and Politics.

The author's credentials/ organizational affiliations are not given.

The author's qualifications -  Nicole Froio is a freelance journalist and political blogger based in Brazil, and a University of Sheffield journalism graduate. She writes about politics, current events, feminism, human rights and pop culture.

(contact information) e-mail address - Nicolefroio@Gmail.Com

The URL reveal about the author/ source

.com makes is an world wide site and in the URL it says the title of the article/what its about

Accuracy: The reliability, truthfulness, and correctness of the informational content.

Where does the information come from? Other web links and such

Is the information supported by evidence? Yes

Has the information been reviewed or refereed? Yes

Can you verify any of the information in another source or from personal knowledge? Yes i can there are links hidden behind the words in the article

Does the language or tone seem biased and free of emotion? No.Through it is focusing on certain topics is doesn't put in false details,but provide back up information and data

Are there obvious errors (spelling, grammar, etc.)? No.

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Brazil: Spike in killings by Rio police as country faces UN review

Currency: The timeliness of the information.

This post was published on May 4, 2017

The information has not been revised or updated.

The information is current for my topic.

Are the links functional? yes

Relevance:The importance of the information for your needs.

the information does relate to my topic

the intended audience journalist,researchers,and people who interst in the topic

the information is at an appropriate level

ive looked at a variety of sources before determining this is one

Authority: The source of the information.

the sorce is from amnsety international

the author's credentials or organizational affiliations given,no

the author's qualifications to write on the topic,not given.

there is no contact information, such as a publisher or e-mail address-

Does the URL reveal anything about the author or source,

no

Accuracy: The reliability, truthfulness, and correctness of the informational content.

Where does the information come from? statistics

Is the information supported by evidence?  yes

Has the information been reviewed or refereed? yes

Can you verify any of the information in another source or from personal knowledge? yes

Does the language or tone seem biased and free of emotion? no

Are there obvious errors (spelling, grammar, etc.)?  no

Purpose: The reason the information exists.

the purpose of the informationis to inform

Do the authors/sponsors make their intentions or purpose clear? yes

Is the information fact? opinion? propaganda? fact

Does the point of view appear objective and impartial?  yes

Are there political, ideological, cultural, religious, institutional, or personal biases? yes there is an poitical bias through out the article.

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BRAZIL 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT

Currency: The timeliness of the information.

This information was publish in 2016

The information ha not been revised nor updated.

The information is current for my topic.

the link is functional

Relevance:The importance of the information for your needs.

The information is relatable to my topic/answer  my question which is "what human rights had brazil violated?"

The intended audience are the people who are intersted in real life problems,people who are journalist,and an person with politicial interest.

The information at an appropriate level

Ive looked at a variety of sources before determining this is one.

Authority: The source of the information.

The source of this document is from    Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016 sponsered by United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor.

The author's credentials/organizational affiliations were not given.

The author's qualifications to write the topic was that they were an  jornalist/documentarian working for courny reports for the bureau.

There was no contact information, such as a publisher or e-mail address

The URL does not reveal anything about the author nor source except that PDF is an file your able to download

Accuracy: The reliability, truthfulness, and correctness of the informational content.

this information come from Brazil 2016 Human rights practices

The information is supported by evidence

YES the information has been reviewed and refereed

yes i can verify any of the information in another source and from personal knowledge?

the language or tone doesnt seem biased but it is free of emotion.

There no obvious errors (spelling, grammar, etc.)

Purpose: The reason the information exists.

Ihe purpose of the information is to inform.

Do the authors/sponsors make their intentions or purpose clear? yes

the information is fact

the point of view appear not to be objective and impartial

Are there political, ideological, cultural, religious, institutional, or personal biases? no

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Brazil suffering Economic and Political crises

Currency:

This article was posted in 2016

This article’s information has not been updated nor revised

The information for my Topic is current the facts and data goes back only 5 or so years.

This article doesnt use links but mention where thyve gotten their information from.This does make the article functional and informative, yes, by adding where other information that was use is also preventing plagerism.

Relevance:The importance of the information for your needs.

This information from the article relates to my Topic.

The intended audience for ths article are people who seek to know about political crisis in other counries.

The information provided is understandable at an appropriate level in which its not easily read or comprehended by an middle-schooler nor 9th grader

I’ve looked at a variety of sources before determining this one is a good one to give off informative resources.

Authority: The source of the information.

The source comes from the Human Rights Watch

The source credentials/ organizational affiliations are given such as the site is an highly recognized site world wide and deal with and good team of editors.

The author's qualifications to write on the topic is unknown since the actual author isnt exactly mention anywhere on the article/page

The pubisher is the Human Rights Watch

The URL does provde information on the article such as where,what,and who its about.
Accuracy: The reliability, truthfulness, and correctness of the informational content.

The information provided in the article is for the news,reseach,ad other related articles as itself.

The information is supported by evidence it shows web’s where you can dig more into and basic topic within the topic and/or others relating to the topic .

The information has been reviewed and refereed by its own publishers and by other people who’ve seen this article.

I can verify any information in the article mention form another source and from personal knowlegde.

None lauguage is seen as biased, its all straight forward and informative form many points.

There is obvious errors such as spelling, grammar, etc.

Purpose: The reason the information exists.

The purpose of this information was to inform other of violence around the world.

Do the authors/sponsors make their intentions or purpose clear? Yes

Is the information fact? opinion? propaganda? yes,no,and yes. there are facts but not opions this actricle was not personalized and there where propaganda agaisnt burtality in the law inforcement

The point of view did appear to be objective and impartial the fact that things that were done is horrible and illegal. Despite the fact with siding aganst police burtality,abuse,ect. i didnt really see bias.

yes there was political, ideological, cultural, religious, institutional, maybe even some personal biases but not overl tooken over the acticle.