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https://www.britannica.com/video/221443/Did-you-know-Jim-Crow-laws

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Jim Crow laws were a collection of state and local statutes that legalized racial segregation. They were meant to marginalize African Americans by denying them the right to vote, hold jobs, get an education or other opportunities. Those who attempted to defy Jim Crow laws often faced arrest, fines, jail sentences, violence and death.

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Modern Slavery in the spanish agriculture industry

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Modern Slavery in the spanish agriculture industry

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oZl1eBU4Qx0

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Modern Slavery in the spanish agriculture industry

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Modern Slavery in the spanish agriculture industry

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In  the area of Campo de Dalías in Almería thousands of sub-Saharan work in greenhouses like slaves. Spanish government remain indifferent about this situation and does nothing about it.
In Huelva there are some Moroccan workes that work in the strawberrie plantations and live the same situation like the sub-Saharan workers from Almería.
This is very important because there are some people in Spain that live with slave labour conditions and this is bad for this people because no one should live like a slave.

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Mmame Mbage Ndiaye was 35 years old. His friends describe him as a good boy who worked as a street vendor to help his family in his country Senegal. His body is in the Forensic Anatomical Institute, as far as his companions and those close to him have approached.

The Senegalese who died yesterday in Lavapiés, Mame Mbaye, arrived in the Canary Islands twelve years ago and lived for a long time in Madrid, where he was very involved with the associations that work in defense of the rights of people without papers, as was his case .

Sources from the Interlavapiés network and from the Madrid Paperless Association, with which Mame collaborated, have given this information to Efe about the Senegalese, whom they have defined as a "very calm" and "very noble" person.

"His favorite slogan was 'survival is not a crime,'" they say.

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Slavery in Almería's agriculture industry

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Slavery in Almería's agriculture industry

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SOS Racismo Madrid is having a online workshop. Taller: Racismo Estructural y Antiracismo Político

Thursday 7pm!!

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Taller: Racismo Estructural y Antirracismo Político

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Taller Online: *Racismo Estructural y Antirracismo Políticos* 🗓Fecha: jueves 18 de marzo ⏱Horas: 19:00 Desde la perspectiva de SOS Racismo Madrid, el racismo en España es un problema en...

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The Whitney Plantation Historic District is a museum devoted to slavery in the Southern United States.
The district, incluiding the main house and outbuildings, is preserved near Wallance, in St. John the Baptist Parish, Louisiana, on the River Road along the Mississippi River. The plantation was started in 1752 by German i

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US President Joe Biden has signed a law that aims to address a rising number of anti-Asian attacks. What's behind the hatred?

An elderly Thai immigrant dies after being shoved to the ground. A Filipino-American is slashed in the face with a box cutter. A Chinese woman is slapped and then set on fire. Eight people are killed in a shooting rampage across three Asian spas in one night.

These are just examples of recent violent attacks on Asian Americans, part of a surge in abuse since the start of the pandemic a year ago.

From being spat on and verbally harassed to incidents of physical assault, there have been thousands of reported cases in recent months.

Advocates and activists say these are hate crimes, and often linked to rhetoric that blames Asian people for the spread of Covid-19.

What's happening in the US?

The FBI warned at the start of the Covid outbreak in the US that it expected a surge in hate crimes against those of Asian descent.

Federal hate crime data for 2020 has not yet been released, though hate crimes in 2019 were at their highest level in over a decade.

Late last year, the United Nations issued a report that detailed "an alarming level" of racially motivated violence and other hate incidents against Asian Americans.

It is difficult to determine exact numbers for such crimes and instances of discrimination, as no organisations or governmental agencies have been tracking the issue long-term, and reporting standards can vary region to region.

The advocacy group Stop AAPI Hate said it received more than 2,800 reports of hate incidents directed at Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders nationwide last year. The group set up its online self-reporting tool at the start of the pandemic.

Local law enforcement is taking notice too: the New York City hate crimes task force investigated 27 incidents in 2020, a nine fold increase from the previous year. In Oakland, California, police have added patrols and set up a command post in Chinatown.

Celebrities and influencers have spoken out after several disturbing incidents went viral on social media.

Here are some of the recently reported attacks:

An 84-year-old Thai immigrant in San Francisco, California, died in February after being violently shoved to the ground during his morning walk

In Oakland, California, a 91-year-old senior was shoved to the pavement from behind

An 89-year-old Chinese woman was slapped and set on fire by two people in Brooklyn, New York

Two Asian American women were stabbed at a San Francisco bus stop; eyewitness reports say the assailant "casually walked away in broad daylight"

An Asian man walking with his 1-year-old child in a stroller in San Francisco was punched in the head and back multiple times

A stranger on the New York subway slashed a 61-year-old Filipino American passenger's face with a box cutter

An Asian American woman in New York City was struck in the head with a hammer by an unidentified assailant who demanded that she remove her mask

Asian American restaurant employees in New York City told the New York Times they now always go home early for fear of violence and harassment

An Asian American butcher shop owner in Sacramento, California found a dead cat - likely intended for her - left in the store's parking lot; police are investigating it as a hate crime

An Asian American family celebrating a birthday at a restaurant in Carmel, California, was berated with racist slurs by a Trump-supporting tech executive

Several Asian Americans home owners say they've been abused with racial slurs and had rocks thrown at their houses

The only Asian American lawmaker in the Kansas legislature says he was physically threatened in a bar by a patron who accused him of carrying the coronavirus

New York police arrested a man who assaulted a woman during a protest against anti-Asian racism

A grieving family received a hateful letter on the day of their father's funeral, telling them to "pack your bags and go back to your country where you belong"

A school board candidate of Vietnamese descent in Portland, Oregon, found a note with the words "Kung Flu" on her doorstep

A medical worker of Filipino descent in Los Gatos, California was shoved to the ground from behind by an assailant who told her to "go back to [expletive] China"

A Thai woman was brutally beaten and robbed of her phone while commuting on a train in San Francisco

What's the situation in California?

Over six million Asian Americans live in California, according to the latest population estimates, by far the most in any US state.

They make up more than 15% of residents in the state.

The coronavirus hit the state hard and early, grinding its bustling cities and businesses to a halt. The virus has already claimed over 50,000 Californian lives.

From March to May 2020 alone, over 800 Covid-related hate incidents were reported from 34 counties in the state, according to a report released by the Asian Pacific Policy Planning Council.

Those numbers have since intensified in Orange County, where anti-Asian hate incidents are up by an estimated 1200%, according to the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism.

In neighbouring Los Angeles County, hate crimes against Asian Americans are up 115%, CBS News reported.

What's the reaction?

Advocates for Asian Americans say the violence can be linked to rising anti-Asian sentiment in the US.

Some have directly blamed the anti-China rhetoric of former President Donald Trump, who often made mention of the pandemic as the "China virus" or the "kung flu".

During his first week in office, President Biden signed an executive action essentially banning the use of such language within the federal government.

And with Democrats now in control of both chambers of Congress, lawmakers and activists are calling for more attention and resources devoted to the issue.

On 20 May, Mr Biden signed into law the Covid-19 Hate Crimes Act, to address the rising rate of anti-Asian attacks.

The bill designates an official at the US Justice Department to expedite reviews of violence and hate crimes related to Covid-19. It also provides grants for state and local governments to improve their own reporting systems.

The bipartisan measure passed through Congress earlier in May with overwhelming approval from both Republicans and Democrats.

"We need to unite as one people, as one nation," Mr Biden said in a bill signing ceremony at the White House. He condemned hate as "an ugly poison which has long plagued and long haunted our nation".

At the state level, California lawmakers allocated $1.4m (£1m) in state funds to expand data collection, advocacy initiatives and resources for victims.

On the ground, there are more local efforts to combat the hate too.

In Orange County, neighbours stepped in to help out an Asian-American family after a group of teenagers repeatedly targeted them for months with little police intervention. Neighbours now stand guard outside the family's home each night, the Washington Post reported.

Why is this happening?

These incidents are best explained by the "widespread omission" of Asian Americans within cultural conversations, according to Amanda Nguyen, an activist and the founder of the Rise civil rights not-for-profit organisation.

Although the Asian population grew faster than other major groups in the last US census, the community's stories are not widely covered in the media and its concerns are not polled by political parties, Ms Nguyen told the BBC.

Some federal agencies do not even include the Asian American and Pacific Islander community in their definitions of racial minorities, she notes.

Ms Nguyen says that the people attacking Asian Americans since the pandemic began "can't really differentiate and don't care if we are X, Y or Z".

"They have made us a scapegoat to enact their violence."

For Ms Nguyen, the more visibility anti-Asian crimes receive, the better. She notes that laws can help solve the problem, but the US needs a cultural shift as well.

"We are in a moment of reckoning right now," Ms Nguyen adds. "We have been systematically erased on every single level and people can start to combat that by educating themselves about us."

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Covid 'hate crimes' against Asian Americans on rise

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President Biden signs a bipartisan law to "stop the hatred and the bias" against Asian Americans.

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Crime in the US against Asians has increased during the pandemic, due to the relationship of the covid-19 virus with Chinese people and the origin of the covid in China, this began at the beginning of the pandemic and has only increased.
Some have directly blamed the anti-China rhetoric of former President Donald Trump, who often made mention of the pandemic as the "China virus" or the "kung flu".

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MUST SEE! Referee Stops football game for Racist chants from spectators!

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MUST SEE! Referee Stops football game for Racist chants from spectators!

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The referee and players from both teams showed support for the football player Eto'o against the racism in the stadium.

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Nunca lo había salido a la luz insultos racista a samuel etoo

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MUST SEE! Racism in Spanish Football (1996) with the player Wilfred

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MUST SEE! Racism in Spanish Football (1996) with the player Wilfred

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Astonishing to see blatant acts of racism is not only grown men but young children!

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Wilfred es un ídolo | Cómo hemos cambiado #LaVidaModerna

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George Zimmerman, el vigilante de seguridad que mató a tiros al adolescente negro Trayvon Martin en 2012 en Florida y quedaba absuelto un año después, amenaza ahora de muerte al rapero Jay-Z. "Sé cómo enfrentarme a las personas que me fastidian. Lo hago desde 2012", ha dicho Zimmerman al portal de cotilleos The Blast tras afirmar que la productora del productor y esposo de Beyoncé está "hostigando" a su familia al grabar a las puertas de sus casas para realizar un documental sobre la historia del joven afroamericano asesinado.

La muerte de Martin, de 17 años, en febrero de 2012 y la consiguiente puesta en libertad de Zimmerman, un hispano de 28 años que declaró haber actuado en defensa propia, causó gran conmoción en Estados Unidos, provocando manifestaciones en todo el país durante varias semanas y reabriendo el debate de la discriminación racial y la igualdad de los ciudadanos ante la justicia.

Una polémica que la productora del rapero quiere ahora rememorar en el documental Rest In Power: The Trayvon Martin Story. Según The Blast, Zimmerman también ha amenazado al productor ejecutivo del proyecto y socio del rapero, Mike Gasparro, que junto a su equipo hicieron varias visitas no consentidas a los hogares de sus padres y su tío en Florida, intentando captarlos ante las cámaras sin autorización previa. "Cualquiera que me fastidie a mí o a mis padres será carne de cocodrilo", ha insistido el vigilante.

George Zimmerman, el vigilante entonces acusado de homicidio en segundo grado por la muerte del joven negro Trayvon Martin, en 2012. BRIAN BLANCO efe

Trayvon Martin salió a comprar gominolas y un refresco la noche del 26 de febrero de 2012. Al regresar, el vigilante de seguridad del complejo vecinal se fijó en él. George Zimmerman llamó a la policía y le identificó como un negro "muy sospechoso", que parecía que "iba drogado o algo", encapuchado y caminando en medio de la lluvia. Fuentes policiales revelaron que Martin atacó por la espalda a Zimmerman cuando este regresaba a su vehículo, que le dio un puñetazo en la nariz y que golpeó su cabeza contra la acera en repetidas ocasiones, lo que provocó que el vigilante se defendiese con varios disparos en el pecho del joven que le provocaron la muerte. Pero esos detalles que no estaban incluidos en el primer informe policial, en el que solo se especificaba que Zimmerman sangraba por la nariz y tenía una herida en la cabeza.

El autor del disparo quedó entonces en libertad tras alegar que había actuado en defensa propia, a pesar de que Martin no iba armado y de que había reconocido en una llamada a la policía que se disponía a perseguir al joven.

Beyoncé y Jay-Z, en una actuación en noviembre de 2016. cordon press

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Jay-Z, amenazado de muerte por el presunto asesino de un joven negro

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George Zimmerman, el vigilante que en 2012 mató a tiros a Trayvon Martin, acusa a la productora del rapero de grabar y hostigar a su familia para un documental sobre la historia del adolescente que reabrió el debate del racismo en Estados Unidos

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Trayvon Martin was an african american who lived in Miami Gardens, Florida. He was only 17 when he died because of a shoot because one person, George Zimmerman, thought he was suspicius and he called to the police. While he was waiting to the police, he decided to follow him. Then, he died when Zimmerman shot him on the chest.

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Malcolm X (1992) Official Trailer - Denzel Washington Movie HD

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The Proud Boys is a far-right, neo-fascist, and male-only white nationalist organization that promotes and engages in political violence in the United States and Canada.[2] The group originated in the far-right Taki's Magazine in 2016 under the leadership of Vice Media co-founder and former commentator Gavin McInnes, taking its name from the song "Proud of Your Boy" from the 2011 Disney musical Aladdin.

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The Underground Railroad was a network of secret routes and safe houses established in the United States during the early to mid-19th century, and used by enslaved African-Americans to primarily escape into free states and Canada. The scheme was assisted by abolitionists and others sympathetic to the cause of the escapees.The enslaved who risked escape and those who aided them are also collectively referred to as the "Underground Railroad. Various other routes led to Mexico.  where slavery had been abolished, and to islands in the Caribbean that were not part of the slave trade. An earlier escape route running south toward Florida, then a Spanish possession (except 1763–83), existed from the late 17th century until approximately 1790. However, the network now generally known as the Underground Railroad was formed in the late 1700s. It ran north and grew steadily until the Civil War began.  One estimate suggests that, by 1850, 100,000 enslaved people had escaped via the network

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The civil rights movement was a nonviolent social and political movement and campaign from 1954 to 1968 in the United States to abolish legalized institutional racial segregation, discrimination, and disenfranchisement throughout the United States. The movement had its origins in the Reconstruction era during the late 19th century, although it made its largest legislative gains in the 1960s after years of direct actions and grassroots protests. The social movement's major nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience campaigns eventually secured new protections in federal law for the civil rights of all Americans.

After the American Civil War and the subsequent abolition of slavery in the 1860s, the Reconstruction Amendments to the United States Constitution granted emancipation and constitutional rights of citizenship to all African Americans, most of whom had recently been enslaved. For a short period of time, African American men voted and held political office, but as time went on they were increasingly deprived of civil rights, often under the racist Jim Crow laws, and African Americans were subjected to discrimination and sustained violence by white supremacists in the South. Over the following century, various efforts were made by African Americans to secure their legal and civil rights, such as the civil rights movement (1865-1896) and the civil rights movement (1896-1954). The movement was characterized by nonviolent mass protests and civil disobedience following highly publicized events such as the lynching of Emmett Till. These included boycotts such as the Montgomery bus boycott, " sit-ins" in Greensboro and Nashville, and marches from Selma to Montgomery.

At the culmination of a legal strategy pursued by African Americans, in 1954 the Supreme Court struck down many of the laws that had allowed racial segregation and discrimination to be legal in the United States as unconstitutional. The Warren Court made a series of landmark rulings against racist discrimination, including the separate but equal doctrine, such as Brown v. Board of Education (1954), Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States (1964), and Loving v. Virginia (1967) which banned segregation in public schools and public accommodations, and struck down all state laws banning interracial marriage. The rulings played a crucial role in bringing an end to the segregationist Jim Crow laws prevalent in the Southern states. In the 1960s, moderates in the movement worked with the United States Congress to achieve the passage of several significant pieces of federal legislation that authorized oversight and enforcement of civil rights laws. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 explicitly banned all discrimination based on race, including racial segregation in schools, businesses, and in public accommodations. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 restored and protected voting rights by authorizing federal oversight of registration and elections in areas with historic under-representation of minority voters. The Fair Housing Act of 1968 banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing.

African Americans re-entered politics in the South, and young people across the country began to take action. From 1964 through 1970, a wave of riots and protests in black communities dampened support from the white middle class, but increased support from private foundations.[clarification needed ] The emergence of the Black Power movement, which lasted from 1965 to 1975, challenged Black leaders of the movement for its cooperative attitude and its adherence to legalism and nonviolence. Its leaders demanded not only legal equality, but also economic self-sufficiency for the community. Support for the Black Power movement came from African Americans who had seen little material improvement since the civil rights movement's peak in the mid-1960s, and still faced discrimination in jobs, housing, education and politics. Martin Luther King Jr. is often cited as the most visible leader of the movement. However, some scholars note that the movement was too diverse to be credited to any particular person, organization, or strategy.

Background

American Civil War and Reconstruction era

Before the American Civil War, eight serving presidents had owned slaves, almost four million black people remained enslaved in the South, generally only white men with property could vote, and the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites. Following the Civil War, three constitutional amendments were passed, including the 13th Amendment (1865) that ended slavery; the 14th Amendment (1869) that gave black people citizenship, adding their total for Congressional apportionment; and the 15th Amendment (1870) that gave black males the right to vote (only males could vote in the U.S. at the time). From 1865 to 1877, the United States underwent a turbulent Reconstruction era during which the federal government tried to establish free labor and the civil rights of freedmen in the South after the end of slavery. Many whites resisted the social changes, leading to the formation of insurgent movements such as the Ku Klux Klan, whose members attacked black and white Republicans in order to maintain white supremacy. In 1871, President Ulysses S. Grant, the U.S. Army, and U.S. Attorney General Amos T. Akerman, initiated a campaign to repress the KKK under the Enforcement Acts. Some states were reluctant to enforce the federal measures of the act. In addition, by the early 1870s, other white supremacist and insurgent paramilitary groups arose that violently opposed African-American legal equality and suffrage, intimidating and suppressing black voters, and assassinating Republican officeholders. However, if the states failed to implement the acts, the laws allowed the Federal Government to get involved. Many Republican governors were afraid of sending black militia troops to fight the Klan for fear of war.

Disenfranchisement after Reconstruction

After the disputed election of 1876, which resulted in the end of Reconstruction and the withdrawal of federal troops, whites in the South regained political control of the region's state legislatures. They continued to intimidate and violently attack blacks before and during elections to suppress their voting, but the last African Americans were elected to Congress from the South before disenfranchisement of blacks by states throughout the region, as described below.

From 1890 to 1908, southern states passed new constitutions and laws to disenfranchise African Americans and many Poor Whites by creating barriers to voter registration; voting rolls were dramatically reduced as blacks and poor whites were forced out of electoral politics. After the landmark Supreme Court case of Smith v. Allwright (1944), which prohibited white primaries, progress was made in increasing black political participation in the Rim South and Acadiana - although almost entirely in urban areas and a few rural localities where most blacks worked outside plantations. The status quo ante of excluding African Americans from the political system lasted in the remainder of the South, especially North Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama, until national civil rights legislation was passed in the mid-1960s to provide federal enforcement of constitutional voting rights. For more than sixty years, blacks in the South were essentially excluded from politics, unable to elect anyone to represent their interests in Congress or local government. Since they could not vote, they could not serve on local juries.

During this period, the white-dominated Democratic Party maintained political control of the South. With whites controlling all the seats representing the total population of the South, they had a powerful voting bloc in Congress. The Republican Party-the "party of Lincoln" and the party to which most blacks had belonged-shrank to insignificance except in remote Unionist areas of Appalachia and the Ozarks as black voter registration was suppressed. The Republican lily-white movement also gained strength by excluding blacks. Until 1965, the " Solid South" was a one-party system under the white Democrats. Excepting the previously noted historic Unionist strongholds the Democratic Party nomination was tantamount to election for state and local office. In 1901, President Theodore Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington, president of the Tuskegee Institute, to dine at the White House, making him the first African American to attend an official dinner there. "The invitation was roundly criticized by southern politicians and newspapers." Washington persuaded the president to appoint more blacks to federal posts in the South and to try to boost African-American leadership in state Republican organizations. However, these actions were resisted by both white Democrats and white Republicans as an unwanted federal intrusion into state politics.

During the same time as African Americans were being disenfranchised, white southerners imposed racial segregation by law. Violence against blacks increased, with numerous lynchings through the turn of the century. The system of state-sanctioned racial discrimination and oppression that emerged from the post-Reconstruction South became known as the " Jim Crow" system. The United States Supreme Court made up almost entirely of Northerners, upheld the constitutionality of those state laws that required racial segregation in public facilities in its 1896 decision Plessy v. Ferguson, legitimizing them through the " separate but equal" doctrine. Segregation, which began with slavery, continued with Jim Crow laws, with signs used to show blacks where they could legally walk, talk, drink, rest, or eat. For those places that were racially mixed, non-whites had to wait until all white customers were served first. Elected in 1912, President Woodrow Wilson gave in to demands by Southern members of his cabinet and ordered segregation of workplaces throughout the federal government.

Characteristics of the post-Reconstruction period:

Racial segregation. By law, public facilities and government services such as education were divided into separate "white" and "colored" domains. Characteristically, those for colored were underfunded and of inferior quality.

Disenfranchisement. When white Democrats regained power, they passed laws that made voter registration more restrictive, essentially forcing black voters off the voting rolls. The number of African-American voters dropped dramatically, and they were no longer able to elect representatives. From 1890 to 1908, Southern states of the former Confederacy created constitutions with provisions that disfranchised tens of thousands of African Americans, and U.S. states such as Alabama disenfranchised poor whites as well.

Exploitation. Increased economic oppression of blacks through the convict lease system, Latinos, and Asians, denial of economic opportunities, and widespread employment discrimination.

Violence. Individual, police, paramilitary, organizational, and mob racial violence against blacks (and Latinos in the Southwest and Asians in the West Coast).

African Americans and other ethnic minorities rejected this regime. They resisted it in numerous ways and sought better opportunities through lawsuits, new organizations, political redress, and labor organizing (see the Civil rights movement (1896-1954)). The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was founded in 1909. It fought to end race discrimination through litigation, education, and lobbying efforts. Its crowning achievement was its legal victory in the Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education (1954), when the Warren Court ruled that segregation of public schools in the US was unconstitutional and, by implication, overturned the " separate but equal" doctrine established in Plessy v. Ferguson of 1896. Following the unanimous Supreme Court ruling, many states began to gradually integrate their schools, but some areas of the South resisted by closing public schools altogether.

The integration of Southern public libraries followed demonstrations and protests that used techniques seen in other elements of the larger civil rights movement. This included sit-ins, beatings, and white resistance. For example, in 1963 in the city of Anniston, Alabama, two black ministers were brutally beaten for attempting to integrate the public library. Though there was resistance and violence, the integration of libraries was generally quicker than the integration of other public institutions.

National issues

The situation for blacks outside the South was somewhat better (in most states they could vote and have their children educated, though they still faced discrimination in housing and jobs). In 1900 Reverend Matthew Anderson, speaking at the annual Hampton Negro Conference in Virginia, said that "...the lines along most of the avenues of wage-earning are more rigidly drawn in the North than in the South. There seems to be an apparent effort throughout the North, especially in the cities to debar the colored worker from all the avenues of higher remunerative labor, which makes it more difficult to improve his economic condition even than in the South." From 1910 to 1970, blacks sought better lives by migrating north and west out of the South. A total of nearly seven million blacks left the South in what was known as the Great Migration, most during and after World War II. So many people migrated that the demographics of some previously black-majority states changed to a white majority (in combination with other developments). The rapid influx of blacks altered the demographics of Northern and Western cities; happening at a period of expanded European, Hispanic, and Asian immigration, it added to social competition and tensions, with the new migrants and immigrants battling for a place in jobs and housing.

Reflecting social tensions after World War I, as veterans struggled to return to the workforce and labor unions were organizing, the Red Summer of 1919 was marked by hundreds of deaths and higher casualties across the U.S. as a result of white race riots against blacks that took place in more than three dozen cities, such as the Chicago race riot of 1919 and the Omaha race riot of 1919. Urban problems such as crime and disease were blamed on the large influx of Southern blacks to cities in the north and west, based on stereotypes of rural southern African-Americans. Overall, blacks in Northern and Western cities experienced systemic discrimination in a plethora of aspects of life. Within employment, economic opportunities for blacks were routed to the lowest status and restrictive in potential mobility. Within the housing market, stronger discriminatory measures were used in correlation to the influx, resulting in a mix of "targeted violence, restrictive covenants, redlining and racial steering". The Great Migration resulted in many African Americans becoming urbanized, and they began to realign from the Republican to the Democratic Party, especially because of opportunities under the New Deal of the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration during the Great Depression in the 1930s. Substantially under pressure from African-American supporters who began the March on Washington Movement, President Roosevelt issued the first federal order banning discrimination and created the Fair Employment Practice Committee. After both World Wars, black veterans of the military pressed for full civil rights and often led activist movements. In 1948, President Harry Truman issued Executive Order 9981, which ended segregation in the military.

Housing segregation became a nationwide problem following the Great Migration of black people out of the South. Racial covenants were employed by many real estate developers to "protect" entire subdivisions, with the primary intent to keep " white" neighborhoods "white". Ninety percent of the housing projects built in the years following World War II were racially restricted by such covenants. Cities known for their widespread use of racial covenants include Chicago, Baltimore, Detroit, Milwaukee, Los Angeles, Seattle, and St. Louis.

Said premises shall not be rented, leased, or conveyed to, or occupied by, any person other than of the white or Caucasian race.

-  Racial covenant for a home in Beverly Hills, California.

While many whites defended their space with violence, intimidation, or legal tactics toward black people, many other whites migrated to more racially homogeneous suburban or exurban regions, a process known as white flight. From the 1930s to the 1960s, the National Association of Real Estate Boards (NAREB) issued guidelines that specified that a realtor "should never be instrumental in introducing to a neighborhood a character or property or occupancy, members of any race or nationality, or any individual whose presence will be clearly detrimental to property values in a neighborhood." The result was the development of all-black ghettos in the North and West, where much housing was older, as well as South.

The first anti-miscegenation law was passed by the Maryland General Assembly in 1691, criminalizing interracial marriage. In a speech in Charleston, Illinois in 1858, Abraham Lincoln stated, "I am not, nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people". By the late 1800s, 38 US states had anti-miscegenation statutes. By 1924, the ban on interracial marriage was still in force in 29 states. While interracial marriage had been legal in California since 1948, in 1957 actor Sammy Davis Jr. faced a backlash for his involvement with white actress Kim Novak. Davis briefly married a black dancer in 1958 to protect himself from mob violence. In 1958, officers in Virginia entered the home of Mildred and Richard Loving and dragged them out of bed for living together as an interracial couple, on the basis that "any white person intermarry with a colored person"- or vice versa-each party "shall be guilty of a felony" and face prison terms of five years.

Invigorated by the victory of Brown and frustrated by the lack of immediate practical effect, private citizens increasingly rejected gradualist, legalistic approaches as the primary tool to bring about desegregation. They were faced with " massive resistance" in the South by proponents of racial segregation and voter suppression. In defiance, African-American activists adopted a combined strategy of direct action, nonviolence, nonviolent resistance, and many events described as civil disobedience, giving rise to the civil rights movement of 1954 to 1968.

A. Philip Randolph had planned a march on Washington, D.C., in 1941 to support demands for elimination of employment discrimination in the defense industry; he called off the march when the Roosevelt administration met the demand by issuing Executive Order 8802, which barred racial discrimination and created an agency to oversee compliance with the order.

Protests begin

The strategy of public education, legislative lobbying, and litigation that had typified the civil rights movement during the first half of the 20th century broadened after Brown to a strategy that emphasized " direct action": boycotts, sit-ins, Freedom Rides, marches or walks, and similar tactics that relied on mass mobilization, nonviolent resistance, standing in line, and, at times, civil disobedience.

Churches, local grassroots organizations, fraternal societies, and black-owned businesses mobilized volunteers to participate in broad-based actions. This was a more direct and potentially more rapid means of creating change than the traditional approach of mounting court challenges used by the NAACP and others.

After Claudette Colvin was arrested for not giving up her seat on a Montgomery, Alabama bus in March 1955, a bus boycott was considered and rejected. But when Rosa Parks was arrested in December, Jo Ann Gibson Robinson of the Montgomery Women's Political Council put the bus boycott protest in motion. Late that night, she, John Cannon (chairman of the Business Department at Alabama State University) and others mimeographed and distributed thousands of leaflets calling for a boycott. The eventual success of the boycott made its spokesman Martin Luther King Jr., a nationally known figure. It also inspired other bus boycotts, such as the successful Tallahassee, Florida boycott of 1956-57. This movement also sparked the 1956 Sugar Bowl riots in Atlanta which later became a major organizing center of the civil rights movement, with Martin Luther King Jr.

In 1957, King and Ralph Abernathy, the leaders of the Montgomery Improvement Association, joined with other church leaders who had led similar boycott efforts, such as C. K. Steele of Tallahassee and T. J. Jemison of Baton Rouge, and other activists such as Fred Shuttlesworth, Ella Baker, A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin and Stanley Levison, to form the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The SCLC, with its headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, did not attempt to create a network of chapters as the NAACP did. It offered training and leadership assistance for local efforts to fight segregation. The headquarters organization raised funds, mostly from Northern sources, to support such campaigns. It made nonviolence both its central tenet and its primary method of confronting racism.

In 1959, Septima Clarke, Bernice Robinson, and Esau Jenkins, with the help of Myles Horton's Highlander Folk School in Tennessee, began the first Citizenship Schools in South Carolina's Sea Islands. They taught literacy to enable blacks to pass voting tests. The program was an enormous success and tripled the number of black voters on Johns Island. SCLC took over the program and duplicated its results elsewhere.

Brown v. Board of Education, 1954

In the spring of 1951, black students in Virginia protested their unequal status in the state's segregated educational system. Students at Moton High School protested the overcrowded conditions and failing facility. Some local leaders of the NAACP had tried to persuade the students to back down from their protest against the Jim Crow laws of school segregation. When the students did not budge, the NAACP joined their battle against school segregation. The NAACP proceeded with five cases challenging the school systems; these were later combined under what is known today as Brown v. Board of Education. Under the leadership of Walter Reuther, the United Auto Workers donated $75,000 to help pay for the NAACP's efforts at the Supreme Court.

On May 17, 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court under Chief Justice Earl Warren ruled unanimously in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, that mandating, or even permitting, public schools to be segregated by race was unconstitutional. Chief Justice Warren wrote in the court majority opinion that

Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law; for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group.

The lawyers from the NAACP had to gather plausible evidence in order to win the case of Brown vs. Board of Education. Their method of addressing the issue of school segregation was to enumerate several arguments. One pertained to having exposure to interracial contact in a school environment. It was argued that interracial contact would, in turn, help prepare children to live with the pressures that society exerts in regards to race and thereby afford them a better chance of living in a democracy. In addition, another argument emphasized how "'education' comprehends the entire process of developing and training the mental, physical and moral powers and capabilities of human beings".

Risa Goluboff wrote that the NAACP's intention was to show the Courts that African American children were the victims of school segregation and their futures were at risk. The Court ruled that both Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which had established the "separate but equal" standard in general, and Cumming v. Richmond County Board of Education (1899), which had applied that standard to schools, was unconstitutional.

The federal government filed a friend of the court brief in the case urging the justices to consider the effect that segregation had on America's image in the Cold War. Secretary of State Dean Acheson was quoted in the brief stating that "The United States is under constant attack in the foreign press, over the foreign radio, and in such international bodies as the United Nations because of various practices of discrimination in this country."

The following year, in the case known as Brown II, the Court ordered segregation to be phased out over time, "with all deliberate speed". Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954) did not overturn Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). Plessy v. Ferguson was segregation in transportation modes. Brown v. Board of Education dealt with segregation in education. Brown v. Board of Education did set in motion the future overturning of 'separate but equal'.

On May 18, 1954, Greensboro, North Carolina, became the first city in the South to publicly announce that it would abide by the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education ruling. "It is unthinkable,' remarked School Board Superintendent Benjamin Smith, 'that we will try to [override] the laws of the United States." This positive reception for Brown, together with the appointment of African American David Jones to the school board in 1953, convinced numerous white and black citizens that Greensboro was heading in a progressive direction. Integration in Greensboro occurred rather peacefully compared to the process in Southern states such as Alabama, Arkansas, and Virginia where " massive resistance" was practiced by top officials and throughout the states. In Virginia, some counties closed their public schools rather than integrate, and many white Christian private schools were founded to accommodate students who used to go to public schools. Even in Greensboro, much local resistance to desegregation continued, and in 1969, the federal government found the city was not in compliance with the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Transition to a fully integrated school system did not begin until 1971.

Many Northern cities also had de facto segregation policies, which resulted in a vast gulf in educational resources between black and white communities. In Harlem, New York, for example, neither a single new school was built since the turn of the century, nor did a single nursery school exist - even as the Second Great Migration was causing overcrowding. Existing schools tended to be dilapidated and staffed with inexperienced teachers. Brown helped stimulate activism among New York City parents like Mae Mallory who, with the support of the NAACP, initiated a successful lawsuit against the city and state on Brown's principles. Mallory and thousands of other parents bolstered the pressure of the lawsuit with a school boycott in 1959. During the boycott, some of the first freedom schools of the period were established. The city responded to the campaign by permitting more open transfers to high-quality, historically-white schools. (New York's African-American community, and Northern desegregation activists generally, now found themselves contending with the problem of white flight, however.)

Emmett Till's murder, 1955

Emmett Till, a 14-year-old African American from Chicago, visited his relatives in Money, Mississippi, for the summer. He allegedly had an interaction with a white woman, Carolyn Bryant, in a small grocery store that violated the norms of Mississippi culture, and Bryant's husband Roy and his half-brother J. W. Milam brutally murdered young Emmett Till. They beat and mutilated him before shooting him in the head and sinking his body in the Tallahatchie River. Three days later, Till's body was discovered and retrieved from the river. After Emmett's mother, Mamie Till, came to identify the remains of her son, she decided she wanted to "let the people see what I have seen". Till's mother then had his body taken back to Chicago where she had it displayed in an open casket during the funeral services where many thousands of visitors arrived to show their respects. A later publication of an image at the funeral in is credited as a crucial moment in the civil rights era for displaying in vivid detail the violent racism that was being directed at black people in America. In a column for The Atlantic, Vann R. Newkirk wrote: "The trial of his killers became a pageant illuminating the tyranny of white supremacy". The state of Mississippi tried two defendants, but they were speedily acquitted by an all-white jury.

"Emmett's murder," historian Tim Tyson writes, "would never have become a watershed historical moment without Mamie finding the strength to make her private grief a public matter." The visceral response to his mother's decision to have an open-casket funeral mobilized the black community throughout the U.S. The murder and resulting trial ended up markedly impacting the views of several young black activists. Joyce Ladner referred to such activists as the "Emmett Till generation." One hundred days after Emmett Till's murder, Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on the bus in Montgomery, Alabama. Parks later informed Till's mother that her decision to stay in her seat was guided by the image she still vividly recalled of Till's brutalized remains. The glass topped casket that was used for Till's Chicago funeral was found in a cemetery garage in 2009. Till had been reburied in a different casket after being exhumed in 2005. Till's family decided to donate the original casket to the Smithsonian's National Museum of African American Culture and History, where it is now on display. In 2007, Bryant said that she had fabricated the most sensational part of her story in 1955.

Rosa Parks and the Montgomery bus boycott, 1955-1956

Parks was secretary of the Montgomery NAACP chapter and had recently returned from a meeting at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee where nonviolence as a strategy was taught by Myles Horton and others. After Parks' arrest, African Americans gathered and organized the Montgomery bus boycott to demand a bus system in which passengers would be treated equally. The organization was led by Jo Ann Robinson, a member of the Women's Political Council who had been waiting for the opportunity to boycott the bus system. Following Rosa Parks' arrest, Jo Ann Robinson mimeographed 52,500 leaflets calling for a boycott. They were distributed around the city and helped gather the attention of civil rights leaders. After the city rejected many of its suggested reforms, the NAACP, led by E. D. Nixon, pushed for full desegregation of public buses. With the support of most of Montgomery's 50,000 African Americans, the boycott lasted for 381 days, until the local ordinance segregating African Americans and whites on public buses was repealed. Ninety percent of African Americans in Montgomery partook in the boycotts, which reduced bus revenue significantly, as they comprised the majority of the riders. This movement also sparked riots leading up to the 1956 Sugar Bowl. In November 1956, the United States Supreme Court upheld a district court ruling in the case of Browder v. Gayle and ordered Montgomery's buses desegregated, ending the boycott.

Little Rock Crisis, 1957

A crisis erupted in Little Rock, Arkansas, when Governor of Arkansas Orval Faubus called out the National Guard on September 4 to prevent entry to the nine African-American students who had sued for the right to attend an integrated school, Little Rock Central High School. Under the guidance of Daisy Bates, the nine students had been chosen to attend Central High because of their excellent grades.

On the first day of school, 15-year-old Elizabeth Eckford was the only one of the nine students who showed up because she did not receive the phone call about the danger of going to school. A photo was taken of Eckford being harassed by white protesters outside the school, and the police had to take her away in a patrol car for her protection. Afterwards, the nine students had to carpool to school and be escorted by military personnel in jeeps.

Faubus was not a proclaimed segregationist. The Arkansas Democratic Party, which then controlled politics in the state, put significant pressure on Faubus after he had indicated he would investigate bringing Arkansas into compliance with the Brown decision. Faubus then took his stand against integration and against the Federal court ruling. Faubus' resistance received the attention of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, who was determined to enforce the orders of the Federal courts. Critics had charged he was lukewarm, at best, on the goal of desegregation of public schools. But, Eisenhower federalized the National Guard in Arkansas and ordered them to return to their barracks. Eisenhower deployed elements of the 101st Airborne Division to Little Rock to protect the students.

Only Ernest Green of the Little Rock Nine graduated from Central High School. After the 1957-1958 school year was over, Little Rock closed its public school system completely rather than continue to integrate. Other school systems across the South followed suit.

Method of nonviolence and nonviolence training

During the time period considered to be the "African-American civil rights" era, the predominant use of protest was nonviolent, or peaceful. Often referred to as pacifism, the method of nonviolence is considered to be an attempt to impact society positively. Although acts of racial discrimination have occurred historically throughout the United States, perhaps the most violent regions have been in the former Confederate states. During the 1950s and 1960s, the nonviolent protesting of the civil rights movement caused definite tension, which gained national attention.

In order to prepare for protests physically and psychologically, demonstrators received training in nonviolence. According to former civil rights activist Bruce Hartford, there are two main branches of nonviolence training. There is the philosophical method, which involves understanding the method of nonviolence and why it is considered useful, and there is the tactical method, which ultimately teaches demonstrators "how to be a protestor-how to sit-in, how to picket, how to defend yourself against attack, giving training on how to remain cool when people are screaming racist insults into your face and pouring stuff on you and hitting you" (Civil Rights Movement Archive). The philosophical method of nonviolence, in the American civil rights movement, was largely inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's "non-cooperation" policies during his involvement in the Indian independence movement which were intended to gain attention so that the public would either "intervene in advance," or "provide public pressure in support of the action to be taken" (Erikson, 415). As Hartford explains it, philosophical nonviolence training aims to "shape the individual person's attitude and mental response to crises and violence" (Civil Rights Movement Archive). Hartford and activists like him, who trained in tactical nonviolence, considered it necessary in order to ensure physical safety, instill discipline, teach demonstrators how to demonstrate, and form mutual confidence among demonstrators (Civil Rights Movement Archive).

For many, the concept of nonviolent protest was a way of life, a culture. However, not everyone agreed with this notion. James Forman, former SNCC (and later Black Panther) member, and nonviolence trainer was among those who did not. In his autobiography, The Making of Black Revolutionaries, Forman revealed his perspective on the method of nonviolence as "strictly a tactic, not a way of life without limitations." Similarly, Bob Moses, who was also an active member of SNCC, felt that the method of nonviolence was practical. When interviewed by author Robert Penn Warren, Moses said "There's no question that he ( Martin Luther King Jr.) had a great deal of influence with the masses. But I don't think it's in the direction of love. It's in a practical direction . . ." (Who Speaks for the Negro? Warren).

According to a 2020 study in the American Political Science Review, nonviolent civil rights protests boosted vote shares for the Democratic party in presidential elections in nearby counties, but violent protests substantially boosted white support for Republicans in counties near to the violent protests.

Sit-ins, 1958-1960

In July 1958, the NAACP Youth Council sponsored sit-ins at the lunch counter of a Dockum Drug Store in downtown Wichita, Kansas. After three weeks, the movement successfully got the store to change its policy of segregated seating, and soon afterward all Dockum stores in Kansas were desegregated. This movement was quickly followed in the same year by a student sit-in at a Katz Drug Store in Oklahoma City led by Clara Luper, which also was successful.

Mostly black students from area colleges led a sit-in at a Woolworth's store in Greensboro, North Carolina. On February 1, 1960, four students, Ezell A. Blair Jr., David Richmond, Joseph McNeil, and Franklin McCain from North Carolina Agricultural & Technical College, an all-black college, sat down at the segregated lunch counter to protest Woolworth's policy of excluding African Americans from being served food there. The four students purchased small items in other parts of the store and kept their receipts, then sat down at the lunch counter and asked to be served. After being denied service, they produced their receipts and asked why their money was good everywhere else at the store, but not at the lunch counter.

The protesters had been encouraged to dress professionally, to sit quietly, and to occupy every other stool so that potential white sympathizers could join in. The Greensboro sit-in was quickly followed by other sit-ins in Richmond, Virginia; Nashville, Tennessee; and Atlanta, Georgia. The most immediately effective of these was in Nashville, where hundreds of well organized and highly disciplined college students conducted sit-ins in coordination with a boycott campaign. As students across the south began to "sit-in" at the lunch counters of local stores, police and other officials sometimes used brutal force to physically escort the demonstrators from the lunch facilities.

The "sit-in" technique was not new-as far back as 1939, African-American attorney Samuel Wilbert Tucker organized a sit-in at the then-segregated Alexandria, Virginia, library. In 1960 the technique succeeded in bringing national attention to the movement. On March 9, 1960, an Atlanta University Center group of students released An Appeal for Human Rights as a full page advertisement in newspapers, including the Atlanta Constitution, Atlanta Journal, and Atlanta Daily World. Known as the Committee on Appeal for Human Rights (COAHR), the group initiated the Atlanta Student Movement and began to lead sit-ins starting on March 15, 1960. By the end of 1960, the process of sit-ins had spread to every southern and border state, and even to facilities in Nevada, Illinois, and Ohio that discriminated against blacks.

Demonstrators focused not only on lunch counters but also on parks, beaches, libraries, theaters, museums, and other public facilities. In April 1960 activists who had led these sit-ins were invited by SCLC activist Ella Baker to hold a conference at Shaw University, a historically black university in Raleigh, North Carolina. This conference led to the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). SNCC took these tactics of nonviolent confrontation further, and organized the freedom rides. As the constitution protected interstate commerce, they decided to challenge segregation on interstate buses and in public bus facilities by putting interracial teams on them, to travel from the North through the segregated South.

Freedom Rides, 1961

Freedom Rides were journeys by civil rights activists on interstate buses into the segregated southern United States to test the United States Supreme Court decision Boynton v. Virginia (1960), which ruled that segregation was unconstitutional for passengers engaged in interstate travel. Organized by CORE, the first Freedom Ride of the 1960s left Washington D.C. on May 4, 1961, and was scheduled to arrive in New Orleans on May 17.

In a similar occurrence in Montgomery, Alabama, the Freedom Riders followed in the footsteps of Rosa Parks and rode an integrated Greyhound bus from Birmingham. Although they were protesting interstate bus segregation in peace, they were met with violence in Montgomery as a large, white mob attacked them for their activism. They caused an enormous, 2-hour long riot which resulted in 22 injuries, five of whom were hospitalized.

Mob violence in Anniston and Birmingham temporarily halted the rides. SNCC activists from Nashville brought in new riders to continue the journey from Birmingham to New Orleans. In Montgomery, Alabama, at the Greyhound Bus Station, a mob charged another busload of riders, knocking John Lewis unconscious with a crate and smashing photographer Don Urbrock in the face with his own camera. A dozen men surrounded James Zwerg, a white student from Fisk University, and beat him in the face with a suitcase, knocking out his teeth.

.. When the weary Riders arrive in Jackson and attempt to use "white only" restrooms and lunch counters they are immediately arrested for Breach of Peace and Refusal to Obey an Officer. Says Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett in defense of segregation: "The Negro is different because God made him different to punish him." From lockup, the Riders announce "Jail No Bail"-they will not pay fines for unconstitutional arrests and illegal convictions-and by staying in jail they keep the issue alive. Each prisoner will remain in jail for 39 days, the maximum time they can serve without loosing [] their right to appeal the unconstitutionality of their arrests, trials, and convictions. After 39 days, they file an appeal and post bond...

The jailed freedom riders were treated harshly, crammed into tiny, filthy cells and sporadically beaten. In Jackson, some male prisoners were forced to do hard labor in 100 °F (38 °C) heat. Others were transferred to the Mississippi State Penitentiary at Parchman, where they were treated to harsh conditions. Sometimes the men were suspended by "wrist breakers" from the walls. Typically, the windows of their cells were shut tight on hot days, making it hard for them to breathe.

Public sympathy and support for the freedom riders led John F. Kennedy's administration to order the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) to issue a new desegregation order. When the new ICC rule took effect on November 1, 1961, passengers were permitted to sit wherever they chose on the bus; "white" and "colored" signs came down in the terminals; separate drinking fountains, toilets, and waiting rooms were consolidated; and lunch counters began serving people regardless of skin color.

The student movement involved such celebrated figures as John Lewis, a single-minded activist; James Lawson, the revered "guru" of nonviolent theory and tactics; Diane Nash, an articulate and intrepid public champion of justice; Bob Moses, pioneer of voting registration in Mississippi; and James Bevel, a fiery preacher and charismatic organizer, strategist, and facilitator. Other prominent student activists included Dion Diamond, Charles McDew, Bernard Lafayette, Charles Jones, Lonnie King, Julian Bond, Hosea Williams, and Stokely Carmichael.

Voter registration organizing

By the mid-20th century, preventing blacks from voting had become an essential part of the culture of white supremacy. In June and July 1959, members of the black community in Fayette County, TN formed the Fayette County Civic and Welfare League to spur voting. At the time, there were 16,927 blacks in the county, yet only 17 of them had voted in the previous seven years. Within a year, some 1,400 blacks had registered, and the white community responded with harsh economic reprisals. Using registration rolls, the White Citizens Council circulated a blacklist of all registered black voters, allowing banks, local stores, and gas stations to conspire to deny registered black voters essential services. What's more, sharecropping blacks who registered to vote were getting evicted from their homes. All in all, the number of evictions came to 257 families, many of whom were forced to live in a makeshift Tent City for well over a year. Finally, in December 1960, the Justice Department invoked its powers authorized by the Civil Rights Act of 1957 to file a suit against seventy parties accused of violating the civil rights of black Fayette County citizens. In the following year the first voter registration project in McComb and the surrounding counties in the Southwest corner of the state. Their efforts were met with violent repression from state and local lawmen, the White Citizens' Council, and the Ku Klux Klan. Activists were beaten, there were hundreds of arrests of local citizens, and the voting activist Herbert Lee was murdered.

In the Spring of 1962, with funds from the Voter Education Project, SNCC/COFO began voter registration organizing in the Mississippi Delta area around Greenwood, and the areas surrounding Hattiesburg, Laurel, and Holly Springs. As in McComb, their efforts were met with fierce opposition-arrests, beatings, shootings, arson, and murder. Registrars used the literacy test to keep blacks off the voting roles by creating standards that even highly educated people could not meet. In addition, employers fired blacks who tried to register, and landlords evicted them from their rental homes. Despite these actions, over the following years, the black voter registration campaign spread across the state.

Similar voter registration campaigns-with similar responses-were begun by SNCC, CORE, and SCLC in Louisiana, Alabama, southwest Georgia, and South Carolina. By 1963, voter registration campaigns in the South were as integral to the Freedom Movement as desegregation efforts. After the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, protecting and facilitating voter registration despite state barriers became the main effort of the movement. It resulted in the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which had provisions to enforce the constitutional right to vote for all citizens.

Integration of Mississippi universities, 1956-1965

Beginning in 1956, Clyde Kennard, a black Korean War-veteran, wanted to enroll at Mississippi Southern College (now the University of Southern Mississippi) at Hattiesburg under the G.I. Bill. William David McCain, the college president, used the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, in order to prevent his enrollment by appealing to local black leaders and the segregationist state political establishment.

The state-funded organization tried to counter the civil rights movement by positively portraying segregationist policies. More significantly, it collected data on activists, harassed them legally, and used economic boycotts against them by threatening their jobs (or causing them to lose their jobs) to try to suppress their work.

Kennard was twice arrested on trumped-up charges, and eventually convicted and sentenced to seven years in the state prison. After three years at hard labor, Kennard was paroled by Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett. Journalists had investigated his case and publicized the state's mistreatment of his colon cancer.

McCain's role in Kennard's arrests and convictions is unknown. While trying to prevent Kennard's enrollment, McCain made a speech in Chicago, with his travel sponsored by the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission. He described the blacks' seeking to desegregate Southern schools as "imports" from the North. (Kennard was a native and resident of Hattiesburg.) McCain said:

We insist that educationally and socially, we maintain a segregated society...In all fairness, I admit that we are not encouraging Negro voting...The Negroes prefer that control of the government remain in the white man's hands.

In September 1962, James Meredith won a lawsuit to secure admission to the previously segregated University of Mississippi. He attempted to enter campus on September 20, on September 25, and again on September 26. He was blocked by Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett, who said, "[N]o school will be integrated in Mississippi while I am your Governor." The Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals held Barnett and Lieutenant Governor Paul B. Johnson Jr. in contempt, ordering them arrested and fined more than $10,000 for each day they refused to allow Meredith to enroll.

Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy sent in a force of U.S. Marshals and deputized U.S. Border Patrol agents and Federal Bureau of Prisons officers. On September 30, 1962, Meredith entered the campus under their escort. Students and other whites began rioting that evening, throwing rocks and firing on the federal agents guarding Meredith at Lyceum Hall. Rioters ended up killing two civilians, including a French journalist; 28 federal agents suffered gunshot wounds, and 160 others were injured. President John F. Kennedy sent U.S. Army and federalized Mississippi National Guard forces to the campus to quell the riot. Meredith began classes the day after the troops arrived.

Kennard and other activists continued to work on public university desegregation. In 1965 Raylawni Branch and Gwendolyn Elaine Armstrong became the first African-American students to attend the University of Southern Mississippi. By that time, McCain helped ensure they had a peaceful entry. In 2006, Judge Robert Helfrich ruled that Kennard was factually innocent of all charges for which he had been convicted in the 1950s.

Albany Movement, 1961-1962

The SCLC, which had been criticized by some student activists for its failure to participate more fully in the freedom rides, committed much of its prestige and resources to a desegregation campaign in Albany, Georgia, in November 1961. King, who had been criticized personally by some SNCC activists for his distance from the dangers that local organizers faced-and given the derisive nickname "De Lawd" as a result-intervened personally to assist the campaign led by both SNCC organizers and local leaders.

Birmingham campaign, 1963

The Albany movement was shown to be an important education for the SCLC, however, when it undertook the Birmingham campaign in 1963. Executive Director Wyatt Tee Walker carefully planned the early strategy and tactics for the campaign. It focused on one goal-the desegregation of Birmingham's downtown merchants, rather than total desegregation, as in Albany.

The movement's efforts were helped by the brutal response of local authorities, in particular Eugene "Bull" Connor, the Commissioner of Public Safety. He had long held much political power but had lost a recent election for mayor to a less rabidly segregationist candidate. Refusing to accept the new mayor's authority, Connor intended to stay in office.

While in jail, King wrote his famous " Letter from Birmingham Jail" on the margins of a newspaper, since he had not been allowed any writing paper while held in solitary confinement. Supporters appealed to the Kennedy administration, which intervened to obtain King's release. Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers, arranged for $160,000 to bail out King and his fellow protestors. King was allowed to call his wife, who was recuperating at home after the birth of their fourth child and was released early on April 19.

Widespread public outrage led the Kennedy administration to intervene more forcefully in negotiations between the white business community and the SCLC. On May 10, the parties announced an agreement to desegregate the lunch counters and other public accommodations downtown, to create a committee to eliminate discriminatory hiring practices, to arrange for the release of jailed protesters, and to establish regular means of communication between black and white leaders.

Kennedy prepared to federalize the Alabama National Guard if the need arose. Four months later, on September 15, a conspiracy of Ku Klux Klan members bombed the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, killing four young girls.

"Rising tide of discontent" and Kennedy's response, 1963

Birmingham was only one of over a hundred cities rocked by the chaotic protest that spring and summer, some of them in the North but mainly in the South. During the March on Washington, Martin Luther King Jr. would refer to such protests as "the whirlwinds of revolt." In Chicago, blacks rioted through the South Side in late May after a white police officer shot a fourteen-year-old black boy who was fleeing the scene of a robbery. Violent clashes between black activists and white workers took place in both Philadelphia and Harlem in successful efforts to integrate state construction projects. On June 6, over a thousand whites attacked a sit-in in Lexington, North Carolina; blacks fought back and one white man was killed. Edwin C. Berry of the National Urban League warned of a complete breakdown in race relations: "My message from the beer gardens and the barbershops all indicate the fact that the Negro is ready for war."

In Cambridge, Maryland, a working‐class city on the Eastern Shore, Gloria Richardson of SNCC led a movement that pressed for desegregation but also demanded low‐rent public housing, job‐training, public and private jobs, and an end to police brutality. On June 11, struggles between blacks and whites escalated into violent rioting, leading Maryland Governor J. Millard Tawes to declare martial law. When negotiations between Richardson and Maryland officials faltered, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy directly intervened to negotiate a desegregation agreement. Richardson felt that the increasing participation of poor and working-class blacks was expanding both the power and parameters of the movement, asserting that "the people as a whole really do have more intelligence than a few of their leaders.ʺ

In their deliberations during this wave of protests, the Kennedy administration privately felt that militant demonstrations were ʺbad for the countryʺ and that "Negroes are going to push this thing too far." On May 24, Robert Kennedy had a meeting with prominent black intellectuals to discuss the racial situation. The blacks criticized Kennedy harshly for vacillating on civil rights and said that the African-American community's thoughts were increasingly turning to violence. The meeting ended with ill will on all sides. Nonetheless, the Kennedys ultimately decided that new legislation for equal public accommodations was essential to drive activists "into the courts and out of the streets."

On June 11, 1963, George Wallace, Governor of Alabama, tried to block the integration of the University of Alabama. President John F. Kennedy sent a military force to make Governor Wallace step aside, allowing the enrollment of Vivian Malone Jones and James Hood. That evening, President Kennedy addressed the nation on TV and radio with his historic civil rights speech, where he lamented "a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety." He called on Congress to pass new civil rights legislation, and urged the country to embrace civil rights as "a moral issue...in our daily lives." In the early hours of June 12, Medgar Evers, field secretary of the Mississippi NAACP, was assassinated by a member of the Klan. The next week, as promised, on June 19, 1963, President Kennedy submitted his Civil Rights bill to Congress.

March on Washington, 1963

Randolph and Bayard Rustin were the chief planners of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, which they proposed in 1962. In 1963, the Kennedy administration initially opposed the march out of concern it would negatively impact the drive for passage of civil rights legislation. However, Randolph and King were firm that the march would proceed. With the march going forward, the Kennedys decided it was important to work to ensure its success. Concerned about the turnout, President Kennedy enlisted the aid of white church leaders and Walter Reuther, president of the UAW, to help mobilize white supporters for the march.

The march was held on August 28, 1963. Unlike the planned 1941 march, for which Randolph included only black-led organizations in the planning, the 1963 march was a collaborative effort of all of the major civil rights organizations, the more progressive wing of the labor movement, and other liberal organizations. The march had six official goals:

meaningful civil rights laws

a massive federal works program

full and fair employment

decent housing

the right to vote

adequate integrated education.

Of these, the march's major focus was on passage of the civil rights law that the Kennedy administration had proposed after the upheavals in Birmingham.

The march was a success, although not without controversy. An estimated 200,000 to 300,000 demonstrators gathered in front of the Lincoln Memorial, where King delivered his famous " I Have a Dream" speech. While many speakers applauded the Kennedy administration for the efforts it had made toward obtaining new, more effective civil rights legislation protecting the right to vote and outlawing segregation, John Lewis of SNCC took the administration to task for not doing more to protect southern blacks and civil rights workers under attack in the Deep South.

After the march, King and other civil rights leaders met with President Kennedy at the White House. While the Kennedy administration appeared sincerely committed to passing the bill, it was not clear that it had enough votes in Congress to do so. However, when President Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, the new President Lyndon Johnson decided to use his influence in Congress to bring about much of Kennedy's legislative agenda.

Malcolm X joins the movement, 1964-1965

In March 1964, Malcolm X (el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz), national representative of the Nation of Islam, formally broke with that organization, and made a public offer to collaborate with any civil rights organization that accepted the right to self-defense and the philosophy of Black nationalism (which Malcolm said no longer required Black separatism). Gloria Richardson, head of the Cambridge, Maryland, chapter of SNCC, and leader of the Cambridge rebellion, an honored guest at The March on Washington, immediately embraced Malcolm's offer. Mrs. Richardson, "the nation's most prominent woman [civil rights] leader," told The Baltimore Afro-American that "Malcolm is being very practical...The federal government has moved into conflict situations only when matters approach the level of insurrection. Self-defense may force Washington to intervene sooner." Earlier, in May 1963, writer and activist James Baldwin had stated publicly that "the Black Muslim movement is the only one in the country we can call grassroots, I hate to say it...Malcolm articulates for Negroes, their suffering...he corroborates their reality..." On the local level, Malcolm and the NOI had been allied with the Harlem chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) since at least 1962.

On March 26, 1964, as the Civil Rights Act was facing stiff opposition in Congress, Malcolm had a public meeting with Martin Luther King Jr. at the Capitol. Malcolm had tried to begin a dialog with King as early as 1957, but King had rebuffed him. Malcolm had responded by calling King an " Uncle Tom", saying he had turned his back on black militancy in order to appease the white power structure. But the two men were on good terms at their face-to-face meeting. There is evidence that King was preparing to support Malcolm's plan to formally bring the U.S. government before the United Nations on charges of human rights violations against African Americans. Malcolm now encouraged Black nationalists to get involved in voter registration drives and other forms of community organizing to redefine and expand the movement.

Civil rights activists became increasingly combative in the 1963 to 1964 period, seeking to defy such events as the thwarting of the Albany campaign, police repression and Ku Klux Klan terrorism in Birmingham, and the assassination of Medgar Evers. The latter's brother Charles Evers, who took over as Mississippi NAACP Field Director, told a public NAACP conference on February 15, 1964, that "non-violence won't work in Mississippi...we made up our minds...that if a white man shoots at a Negro in Mississippi, we will shoot back." The repression of sit-ins in Jacksonville, Florida, provoked a riot in which black youth threw Molotov cocktails at police on March 24, 1964. Malcolm X gave numerous speeches in this period warning that such militant activity would escalate further if African Americans' rights were not fully recognized. In his landmark April 1964 speech " The Ballot or the Bullet", Malcolm presented an ultimatum to white America: "There's new strategy coming in. It'll be Molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades next month, and something else next month. It'll be ballots, or it'll be bullets."

As noted in the PBS documentary Eyes on the Prize, "Malcolm X had a far-reaching effect on the civil rights movement. In the South, there had been a long tradition of self-reliance. Malcolm X's ideas now touched that tradition". Self-reliance was becoming paramount in light of the 1964 Democratic National Convention's decision to refuse seating to the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) and instead to seat the regular state delegation, which had been elected in violation of the party's own rules, and by Jim Crow law instead. SNCC moved in an increasingly militant direction and worked with Malcolm X on two Harlem MFDP fundraisers in December 1964.

When Fannie Lou Hamer spoke to Harlemites about the Jim Crow violence that she'd suffered in Mississippi, she linked it directly to the Northern police brutality against blacks that Malcolm protested against; When Malcolm asserted that African Americans should emulate the Mau Mau army of Kenya in efforts to gain their independence, many in SNCC applauded.

"if your present racist agitation against our people there in Alabama causes physical harm to Reverend King or any other black Americans...you and your KKK friends will be met with maximum physical retaliation from those of us who are not handcuffed by the disarming philosophy of nonviolence."

The following month, the Selma chapter of SNCC invited Malcolm to speak to a mass meeting there. On the day of Malcolm's appearance, President Johnson made his first public statement in support of the Selma campaign. Paul Ryan Haygood, a co-director of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, credits Malcolm with a role in gaining support by the federal government. Haygood noted that "shortly after Malcolm's visit to Selma, a federal judge, responding to a suit brought by the Department of Justice, required Dallas County, Alabama, registrars to process at least 100 Black applications each day their offices were open."

St. Augustine, Florida, 1963-1964

St. Augustine was famous as the "Nation's Oldest City", founded by the Spanish in 1565. It became the stage for a great drama leading up to the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. A local movement, led by Robert B. Hayling, a black dentist and Air Force veteran affiliated with the NAACP, had been picketing segregated local institutions since 1963. In the fall of 1964, Hayling and three companions were brutally beaten at a Ku Klux Klan rally.

Nightriders shot into black homes, and teenagers Audrey Nell Edwards, JoeAnn Anderson, Samuel White, and Willie Carl Singleton (who came to be known as "The St. Augustine Four") sat in at a local Woolworth's lunch counter, seeking to get served. They were arrested and convicted of trespassing, and sentenced to six months in jail and reform school. It took a special act of the governor and cabinet of Florida to release them after national protests by the Pittsburgh Courier, Jackie Robinson, and others.

Chester school protests, Spring 1964

From November 1963 through April 1964, the Chester school protests were a series of civil rights protests led by George Raymond of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored Persons (NAACP) and Stanley Branche of the Committee for Freedom Now (CFFN) that made Chester, Pennsylvania one of the key battlegrounds of the civil rights movement. James Farmer, the national director of the Congress of Racial Equality called Chester " the Birmingham of the North".

In 1962, Branche and the CFFN focused on improving conditions at the predominantly black Franklin Elementary school in Chester. Although the school was built to house 500 students, it had become overcrowded with 1,200 students. The school's average class size was 39, twice the number of nearby all-white schools. The school was built in 1910 and had never been updated. Only two bathrooms were available for the entire school. In November 1963, CFFN protesters blocked the entrance to Franklin Elementary school and the Chester Municipal Building resulting in the arrest of 240 protesters. Following public attention to the protests stoked by media coverage of the mass arrests, the mayor and school board negotiated with the CFFN and NAACP. The Chester Board of Education agreed to reduce class sizes at Franklin school, remove unsanitary toilet facilities, relocate classes held in the boiler room and coal bin and repair school grounds.

Emboldened by the success of the Franklin Elementary school demonstrations, the CFFN recruited new members, sponsored voter registration drives and planned a citywide boycott of Chester schools. Branche built close ties with students at nearby Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania Military College and Cheyney State College in order to ensure large turnouts at demonstrations and protests. Branche invited Dick Gregory and Malcolm X to Chester to participate in the "Freedom Now Conference" and other national civil rights leaders such as Gloria Richardson came to Chester in support of the demonstrations.

In 1964, a series of almost nightly protests brought chaos to Chester as protestors argued that the Chester School Board had de facto segregation of schools. The mayor of Chester, James Gorbey, issued "The Police Position to Preserve the Public Peace", a ten-point statement promising an immediate return to law and order. The city deputized firemen and trash collectors to help handle demonstrators. The State of Pennsylvania deployed 50 state troopers to assist the 77-member Chester police force. The demonstrations were marked by violence and charges of police brutality. Over six hundred people were arrested over a two-month period of civil rights rallies, marches, pickets, boycotts and sit-ins. Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton became involved in the negotiations and convinced Branche to obey a court-ordered moratorium on demonstrations. Scranton created the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission to conduct hearings on the de facto segregation of public schools. All protests were discontinued while the commission held hearings during the summer of 1964.

In November 1964, the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission concluded that the Chester School Board had violated the law and ordered the Chester School District to desegregate the city's six predominantly African-American schools. The city appealed the ruling, which delayed implementation.

Freedom Summer, 1964

On June 21, 1964, three civil rights workers disappeared: James Chaney, a young black Mississippian and plasterer's apprentice; and two Jewish activists, Andrew Goodman, a Queens College anthropology student; and Michael Schwerner, a CORE organizer from Manhattan's Lower East Side. They were found weeks later, murdered by conspirators who turned out to be local members of the Klan, some of the members of the Neshoba County sheriff's department. This outraged the public, leading the U.S. Justice Department along with the FBI (the latter which had previously avoided dealing with the issue of segregation and persecution of blacks) to take action. The outrage over these murders helped lead to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

The deaths of affluent northern white students and threats to non-Southerners attracted the full attention of the media spotlight to the state. Many black activists became embittered, believing the media valued the lives of whites and blacks differently. Perhaps the most significant effect of Freedom Summer was on the volunteers, almost all of whom-black and white-still consider it to have been one of the defining periods of their lives.

Civil Rights Act of 1964

Harlem riot of 1964

When police shot an unarmed black teenager in Harlem in July 1964, tensions escalated out of control. Residents were frustrated with racial inequalities. Rioting broke out, and Bedford-Stuyvesant, a major black neighborhood in Brooklyn, erupted next. That summer, rioting also broke out in Philadelphia, for similar reasons. The riots were on a much smaller scale than what would occur in 1965 and later.

Washington responded with a pilot program called Project Uplift. Thousands of young people in Harlem were given jobs during the summer of 1965. The project was inspired by a report generated by HARYOU called Youth in the Ghetto. HARYOU was given a major role in organizing the project, together with the National Urban League and nearly 100 smaller community organizations. Permanent jobs at living wages were still out of reach of many young black men.

Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, 1964

Johnson could not, however, prevent the MFDP from taking its case to the Credentials Committee. There Fannie Lou Hamer testified eloquently about the beatings that she and others endured and the threats they faced for trying to register to vote. Turning to the television cameras, Hamer asked, "Is this America?"

Johnson offered the MFDP a "compromise" under which it would receive two non-voting, at-large seats, while the white delegation sent by the official Democratic Party would retain its seats. The MFDP angrily rejected the "compromise."

The MFDP kept up its agitation at the convention after it was denied official recognition. When all but three of the "regular" Mississippi delegates left because they refused to pledge allegiance to the party, the MFDP delegates borrowed passes from sympathetic delegates and took the seats vacated by the official Mississippi delegates. National party organizers removed them. When they returned the next day, they found convention organizers had removed the empty seats that had been there the day before. They stayed and sang "freedom songs".

The 1964 Democratic Party convention disillusioned many within the MFDP and the civil rights movement, but it did not destroy the MFDP. The MFDP became more radical after Atlantic City. It invited Malcolm X to speak at one of its conventions and opposed the war in Vietnam.

Selma Voting Rights Movement

SNCC had undertaken an ambitious voter registration program in Selma, Alabama, in 1963, but by 1965 little headway had been made in the face of opposition from Selma's sheriff, Jim Clark. After local residents asked the SCLC for assistance, King came to Selma to lead several marches, at which he was arrested along with 250 other demonstrators. The marchers continued to meet violent resistance from the police. Jimmie Lee Jackson, a resident of nearby Marion, was killed by police at a later march on February 17, 1965. Jackson's death prompted James Bevel, director of the Selma Movement, to initiate and organize a plan to march from Selma to Montgomery, the state capital.

On March 7, 1965, acting on Bevel's plan, Hosea Williams of the SCLC and John Lewis of SNCC led a march of 600 people to walk the 54 miles (87 km) from Selma to the state capital in Montgomery. Six blocks into the march, at the Edmund Pettus Bridge where the marchers left the city and moved into the county, state troopers, and local county law enforcement, some mounted on horseback, attacked the peaceful demonstrators with billy clubs, tear gas, rubber tubes wrapped in barbed wire, and bullwhips. They drove the marchers back into Selma. Lewis was knocked unconscious and dragged to safety. At least 16 other marchers were hospitalized. Among those gassed and beaten was Amelia Boynton Robinson, who was at the center of civil rights activity at the time.

The national broadcast of the news footage of lawmen attacking unresisting marchers seeking to exercise their constitutional right to vote provoked a national response and hundreds of people from all over the country came for a second march. These marchers were turned around by King at the last minute so as not to violate a federal injunction. This displeased many demonstrators, especially those who resented King's nonviolence (such as James Forman and Robert F. Williams).

That night, local Whites attacked James Reeb, a voting rights supporter. He died of his injuries in a Birmingham hospital on March 11. Due to the national outcry at a White minister being murdered so brazenly (as well as the subsequent civil disobedience led by Gorman and other SNCC leaders all over the country, especially in Montgomery and at the White House), the marchers were able to lift the injunction and obtain protection from federal troops, permitting them to make the march across Alabama without incident two weeks later; during the march, Gorman, Williams, and other more militant protesters carried bricks and sticks of their own.

Four Klansmen shot and killed Detroit homemaker Viola Liuzzo as she drove marchers back to Selma that night.

Voting Rights Act of 1965

Eight days after the first march, but before the final march, President Johnson delivered a televised address to support the voting rights bill he had sent to Congress. In it he stated:

Their cause must be our cause too. Because it is not just Negroes, but really it is all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.

On August 6, Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which suspended literacy tests and other subjective voter registration tests. It authorized Federal supervision of voter registration in states and individual voting districts where such tests were being used and where African Americans were historically under-represented in voting rolls compared to the eligible population. African Americans who had been barred from registering to vote finally had an alternative to taking suits to local or state courts, which had seldom prosecuted their cases to success. If discrimination in voter registration occurred, the 1965 act authorized the Attorney General of the United States to send Federal examiners to replace local registrars.

Within months of the bill's passage, 250,000 new black voters had been registered, one-third of them by federal examiners. Within four years, voter registration in the South had more than doubled. In 1965, Mississippi had the highest black voter turnout at 74% and led the nation in the number of black public officials elected. In 1969, Tennessee had a 92.1% turnout among black voters; Arkansas, 77.9%; and Texas, 73.1%.

Several whites who had opposed the Voting Rights Act paid a quick price. In 1966 Sheriff Jim Clark of Selma, Alabama, infamous for using cattle prods against civil rights marchers, was up for reelection. Although he took off the notorious "Never" pin on his uniform, he was defeated. At the election, Clark lost as blacks voted to get him out of office.

Blacks' regaining the power to vote changed the political landscape of the South. When Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, only about 100 African Americans held elective office, all in northern states. By 1989, there were more than 7,200 African Americans in office, including more than 4,800 in the South. Nearly every county where populations were majority black in Alabama had a black sheriff. Southern blacks held top positions in city, county, and state governments.

Atlanta elected a black mayor, Andrew Young, as did Jackson, Mississippi, with Harvey Johnson Jr., and New Orleans, with Ernest Morial. Black politicians on the national level included Barbara Jordan, elected as a Representative from Texas in Congress, and President Jimmy Carter appointed Andrew Young as United States Ambassador to the United Nations. Julian Bond was elected to the Georgia State Legislature in 1965, although political reaction to his public opposition to the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War prevented him from taking his seat until 1967. John Lewis was first elected in 1986 to represent Georgia's 5th congressional district in the United States House of Representatives, where he served from 1987 until his death in 2020.

Watts riot of 1965

While arresting a young man for drunk driving, police officers argued with the suspect's mother before onlookers. The spark triggered massive destruction of property through six days of rioting in Los Angeles. Thirty-four people were killed, and property valued at about $40 million was destroyed, making the Watts riots among the city's worst unrest until the Rodney King riots of 1992.

With black militancy on the rise, ghetto residents directed acts of anger at the police. Black residents growing tired of police brutality continued to riot. Some young people joined groups such as the Black Panthers, whose popularity was based in part on their reputation for confronting police officers. Riots among blacks occurred in 1966 and 1967 in cities such as Atlanta, San Francisco, Oakland, Baltimore, Seattle, Tacoma, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Columbus, Newark, Chicago, New York City (specifically in Brooklyn, Harlem and the Bronx), and worst of all in Detroit.

Fair housing movements, 1966-1968

The first major blow against housing segregation in the era, the Rumford Fair Housing Act, was passed in California in 1963. It was overturned by white California voters and real estate lobbyists the following year with Proposition 14, a move which helped precipitate the Watts riots. In 1966, the California Supreme Court invalidated Proposition 14 and reinstated the Rumford Fair Housing Act.

Working and organizing for fair housing laws became a major project of the movement over the next two years, with Martin Luther King Jr., James Bevel, and Al Raby leading the Chicago Freedom Movement around the issue in 1966. In the following year, Father James Groppi and the NAACP Youth Council also attracted national attention with a fair housing campaign in Milwaukee. Both movements faced violent resistance from white homeowners and legal opposition from conservative politicians.

The Fair Housing Bill was the most contentious civil rights legislation of the era. Senator Walter Mondale, who advocated for the bill, noted that over successive years, it was the most filibustered legislation in U.S. history. It was opposed by most Northern and Southern senators, as well as the National Association of Real Estate Boards. A proposed "Civil Rights Act of 1966" had collapsed completely because of its fair housing provision. Mondale commented that:

A lot of civil rights [legislation] was about making the South behave and taking the teeth from George Wallace, [but] this came right to the neighborhoods across the country. This was civil rights getting personal.

Nationwide riots of 1967

In 1967 riots broke out in black neighborhoods in more than 100 U.S. cities, including Detroit, Newark, Cincinnati, Cleveland, and Washington, D.C. The largest of these was the 1967 Detroit riot.

In Detroit, a large black middle class had begun to develop among those African Americans who worked at unionized jobs in the automotive industry. These workers complained of persisting racist practices, limiting the jobs they could have and opportunities for promotion. The United Auto Workers channeled these complaints into bureaucratic and ineffective grievance procedures. Violent white mobs enforced the segregation of housing up through the 1960s. Blacks who were not upwardly mobile were living in substandard conditions, subject to the same problems as poor African Americans in Watts and Harlem.

When white Detroit Police Department (DPD) officers shut down an illegal bar and arrested a large group of patrons during the hot summer, furious black residents rioted. Rioters looted and destroyed property while snipers engaged in firefights from rooftops and windows, undermining the DPD's ability to curtail the disorder. In response, the Michigan Army National Guard and U.S. Army paratroopers were deployed to reinforce the DPD and protect Detroit Fire Department (DFD) firefighters from attacks while putting out fires. Residents reported that police officers and National Guardsmen shot at black civilians and suspects indiscriminately. After five days, 43 people had been killed, hundreds injured, and thousands left homeless; $40 to $45 million worth of damage was caused.

State and local governments responded to the riot with a dramatic increase in minority hiring. In the aftermath of the turmoil, the Greater Detroit Board of Commerce also launched a campaign to find jobs for ten thousand "previously unemployable" persons, a preponderant number of whom were black. Governor George Romney immediately responded to the riot of 1967 with a special session of the Michigan legislature where he forwarded sweeping housing proposals that included not only fair housing, but "important relocation, tenants' rights and code enforcement legislation." Romney had supported such proposals in 1965 but abandoned them in the face of organized opposition. The laws passed both houses of the legislature. Historian Sidney Fine wrote that:

The Michigan Fair Housing Act, which took effect on November 15, 1968, was stronger than the federal fair housing law...It is probably more than a coincidence that the state that had experienced the most severe racial disorder of the 1960s also adopted one of the strongest state fair housing acts.

President Johnson created the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders in response to a nationwide wave of riots. The commission's final report called for major reforms in employment and public policy in black communities. It warned that the United States was moving toward separate white and black societies.

Memphis, King assassination, and Civil Rights Act of 1968

As 1968 began, the fair housing bill was being filibustered once again, but two developments revived it. The Kerner Commission report on the 1967 ghetto riots was delivered to Congress on March 1, and it strongly recommended "a comprehensive and enforceable federal open housing law" as a remedy to the civil disturbances. The Senate was moved to end their filibuster that week.

James Lawson invited King to Memphis, Tennessee, in March 1968 to support a sanitation workers' strike. These workers launched a campaign for union representation after two workers were accidentally killed on the job; they were seeking fair wages and improved working conditions. King considered their struggle to be a vital part of the Poor People's Campaign he was planning.

A day after delivering his stirring " I've Been to the Mountaintop" sermon, which has become famous for his vision of American society, King was assassinated on April 4, 1968. Riots broke out in black neighborhoods in more than 110 cities across the United States in the days that followed, notably in Chicago, Baltimore, and Washington, D.C.

The day before King's funeral, April 8, a completely silent march with Coretta Scott King, SCLC, and UAW president Walter Reuther attracted approximately 42,000 participants. Armed National Guardsmen lined the streets, sitting on M-48 tanks, to protect the marchers, and helicopters circled overhead. On April 9, Mrs. King led another 150,000 people in a funeral procession through the streets of Atlanta. Her dignity revived courage and hope in many of the Movement's members, confirming her place as the new leader in the struggle for racial equality.

Coretta Scott King said,

Martin Luther King Jr. gave his life for the poor of the world, the garbage workers of Memphis and the peasants of Vietnam. The day that Negro people and others in bondage are truly free, on the day want is abolished, on the day wars are no more, on that day I know my husband will rest in a long-deserved peace.

Ralph Abernathy succeeded King as the head of the SCLC and attempted to carry forth King's plan for a Poor People's March. It was to unite blacks and whites to campaign for fundamental changes in American society and economic structure. The march went forward under Abernathy's plainspoken leadership but did not achieve its goals.

Civil Rights Act of 1968

The House of Representatives had been deliberating its Fair Housing Act in early April, before King's assassination and the aforementioned wave of unrest that followed, the largest since the Civil War. Senator Charles Mathias wrote:

[S]ome Senators and Representatives publicly stated they would not be intimidated or rushed into legislating because of the disturbances. Nevertheless, the news coverage of the riots and the underlying disparities in income, jobs, housing, and education, between White and Black Americans helped educate citizens and Congress about the stark reality of an enormous social problem. Members of Congress knew they had to act to redress these imbalances in American life to fulfill the dream that King had so eloquently preached.

Conditions at the Mississippi State Penitentiary at Parchman, then known as Parchman Farm, became part of the public discussion of civil rights after activists were imprisoned there. In the spring of 1961, Freedom Riders came to the South to test the desegregation of public facilities. By the end of June 1963, Freedom Riders had been convicted in Jackson, Mississippi. Many were jailed in Mississippi State Penitentiary at Parchman. Mississippi employed the trusty system, a hierarchical order of inmates that used some inmates to control and enforce punishment of other inmates.

In 1970 the civil rights lawyer Roy Haber began taking statements from inmates. He collected 50 pages of details of murders, rapes, beatings and other abuses suffered by the inmates from 1969 to 1971 at Mississippi State Penitentiary. In a landmark case known as Gates v. Collier (1972), four inmates represented by Haber sued the superintendent of Parchman Farm for violating their rights under the United States Constitution.

In integrated correctional facilities in northern and western states, blacks represented a disproportionate number of prisoners, in excess of their proportion of the general population. They were often treated as second-class citizens by white correctional officers. Blacks also represented a disproportionately high number of death row inmates. Eldridge Cleaver's book was written from his experiences in the California correctional system; it contributed to black militancy.

Civil rights protest activity had an observable impact on white American's views on race and politics over time. White people who live in counties in which civil rights protests of historical significance occurred have been found to have lower levels of racial resentment against blacks, are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party as well as more likely to support affirmative action.

One study found that non-violent activism of the era tended to produce favorable media coverage and changes in public opinion focusing on the issues organizers were raising, but violent protests tended to generate unfavorable media coverage that generated public desire to restore law and order.

The 1964 Act was passed to end discrimination in various fields based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin in the areas of employment and public accommodation. The 1964 Act did not prohibit sex discrimination against persons employed at educational institutions. A parallel law, Title VI, had also been enacted in 1964 to prohibit discrimination in federally funded private and public entities. It covered race, color, and national origin but excluded sex. Feminists during the early 1970s lobbied Congress to add sex as a protected class category. In 1972, Title IX was enacted to fill this gap and prohibit discrimination in all federally funded education programs. Title IX, or the Education Amendments of 1972 was later renamed the Patsy T. Mink Equal Opportunity in Education Act following Mink's death in 2002.

Characteristics

African-American women

African-American women in the civil rights movement were pivotal to its success. They volunteered as activists, advocates, educators, clerics, writers, spiritual guides, caretakers and politicians for the civil rights movement; leading and participating in organizations that contributed to the cause of civil rights. Rosa Parks's refusal to sit at the back of a public bus resulted in the year-long Montgomery bus boycott, and the eventual desegregation of interstate travel in the United States. Women were members of the NAACP because they believed it could help them contribute to the cause of civil rights. Some of those involved with the Black Panthers were nationally recognized as leaders, and still others did editorial work on the Black Panther newspaper spurring internal discussions about gender issues. Ella Baker founded the SNCC and was a prominent figure in the civil rights movement. Female students involved with the SNCC helped to organize sit-ins and the Freedom Rides. At the same time many elderly black women in towns across the Southern US cared for the organization's volunteers at their homes, providing the students food, a bed, healing aid and motherly love. Other women involved also formed church groups, bridge clubs, and professional organizations, such as the National Council of Negro Women, to help achieve freedom for themselves and their race. Several who participated in these organizations lost their jobs because of their involvement.

Sexist discrimination

Many women who participated in the movement experienced gender discrimination and sexual harassment. In the SCLC, Ella Baker's input was discouraged in spite of her being the oldest and most experienced person on the staff. There are many other accounts and examples.

Avoiding the "Communist" label

On December 17, 1951, the Communist Party-affiliated Civil Rights Congress delivered the petition We Charge Genocide: The Crime of Government Against the Negro People to the United Nations, arguing that the U.S. federal government, by its failure to act against lynching in the United States, was guilty of genocide under Article II of the UN Genocide Convention (see Black genocide). The petition was presented to the United Nations at two separate venues: Paul Robeson, a concert singer and activist, presented it to a UN official in New York City, while William L. Patterson, executive director of the CRC, delivered copies of the drafted petition to a UN delegation in Paris.

In order to secure a place in the political mainstream and gain the broadest base of support, the new generation of civil rights activists believed that it had to openly distance itself from anything and anyone associated with the Communist party. According to Ella Baker, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference added the word "Christian" to its name in order to deter charges that it was associated with Communism. Under J. Edgar Hoover, the FBI had been concerned about communism since the early 20th century, and it kept civil rights activists under close surveillance and labeled some of them "Communist" or "subversive", a practice that continued during the civil rights movement. In the early 1960s, the practice of distancing the civil rights movement from "Reds" was challenged by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee which adopted a policy of accepting assistance and participation from anyone who supported the SNCC's political program and was willing to "put their body on the line, regardless of political affiliation." At times the SNCC's policy of political openness put it at odds with the NAACP.

Grassroots leadership

While most popular representations of the movement are centered on the leadership and philosophy of Martin Luther King Jr., some scholars note that the movement was too diverse to be credited to one person, organization, or strategy. Sociologist Doug McAdam has stated that, "in King's case, it would be inaccurate to say that he was the leader of the modern civil rights movement...but more importantly, there was no singular civil rights movement. The movement was, in fact, a coalition of thousands of local efforts nationwide, spanning several decades, hundreds of discrete groups, and all manner of strategies and tactics-legal, illegal, institutional, non-institutional, violent, non-violent. Without discounting King's importance, it would be sheer fiction to call him the leader of what was fundamentally an amorphous, fluid, dispersed movement." Decentralized grassroots leadership has been a major focus of movement scholarship in recent decades through the work of historians John Dittmer, Charles Payne, Barbara Ransby, and others.

Tactics and non-violence

The Jim Crow system employed "terror as a means of social control," with the most organized manifestations being the Ku Klux Klan and their collaborators in local police departments. This violence played a key role in blocking the progress of the civil rights movement in the late 1950s. Some black organizations in the South began practicing armed self-defense. The first to do so openly was the Monroe, North Carolina, chapter of the NAACP led by Robert F. Williams. Williams had rebuilt the chapter after its membership was terrorized out of public life by the Klan. He did so by encouraging a new, more working-class membership to arm itself thoroughly and defend against attack. When Klan nightriders attacked the home of NAACP member Albert Perry in October 1957, Williams' militia exchanged gunfire with the stunned Klansmen, who quickly retreated. The following day, the city council held an emergency session and passed an ordinance banning KKK motorcades. One year later, Lumbee Indians in North Carolina would have a similarly successful armed stand-off with the Klan (known as the Battle of Hayes Pond) which resulted in KKK leader James W. "Catfish" Cole being convicted of incitement to riot.

After the acquittal of several white men charged with sexually assaulting black women in Monroe, Williams announced to United Press International reporters that he would "meet violence with violence" as a policy. Williams' declaration was quoted on the front page of The New York Times, and The Carolina Times considered it "the biggest civil rights story of 1959". NAACP National chairman Roy Wilkins immediately suspended Williams from his position, but the Monroe organizer won support from numerous NAACP chapters across the country. Ultimately, Wilkins resorted to bribing influential organizer Daisy Bates to campaign against Williams at the NAACP national convention and the suspension was upheld. The convention nonetheless passed a resolution which stated: "We do not deny, but reaffirm the right of individual and collective self-defense against unlawful assaults." Martin Luther King Jr. argued for Williams' removal, but Ella Baker and WEB Dubois both publicly praised the Monroe leader's position.

Williams-along with his wife, Mabel Williams-continued to play a leadership role in the Monroe movement, and to some degree, in the national movement. The Williamses published The Crusader, a nationally circulated newsletter, beginning in 1960, and the influential book Negroes With Guns in 1962. Williams did not call for full militarization in this period, but "flexibility in the freedom struggle." Williams was well-versed in legal tactics and publicity, which he had used successfully in the internationally known " Kissing Case" of 1958, as well as nonviolent methods, which he used at lunch counter sit-ins in Monroe-all with armed self-defense as a complementary tactic.

Williams led the Monroe movement in another armed stand-off with white supremacists during an August 1961 Freedom Ride; he had been invited to participate in the campaign by Ella Baker and James Forman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The incident (along with his campaigns for peace with Cuba) resulted in him being targeted by the FBI and prosecuted for kidnapping; he was cleared of all charges in 1976. Meanwhile, armed self-defense continued discreetly in the Southern movement with such figures as SNCC's Amzie Moore, Hartman Turnbow, and Fannie Lou Hamer all willing to use arms to defend their lives from nightrides. Taking refuge from the FBI in Cuba, the Willamses broadcast the radio show Radio Free Dixie throughout the eastern United States via Radio Progresso beginning in 1962. In this period, Williams advocated guerilla warfare against racist institutions and saw the large ghetto riots of the era as a manifestation of his strategy.

University of North Carolina historian Walter Rucker has written that "the emergence of Robert F Williams contributed to the marked decline in anti-black racial violence in the U.S....After centuries of anti-black violence, African Americans across the country began to defend their communities aggressively-employing overt force when necessary. This in turn evoked in whites real fear of black vengeance..." This opened up space for African Americans to use nonviolent demonstrations with less fear of deadly reprisal. Of the many civil rights activists who share this view, the most prominent was Rosa Parks. Parks gave the eulogy at Williams' funeral in 1996, praising him for "his courage and for his commitment to freedom," and concluding that "The sacrifices he made, and what he did, should go down in history and never be forgotten."

Popular reactions

American Jews

Jewish leaders were arrested while heeding a call from Martin Luther King Jr. in St. Augustine, Florida, in June 1964, where the largest mass arrest of rabbis in American history took place at the Monson Motor Lodge. Abraham Joshua Heschel, a writer, rabbi, and professor of theology at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America in New York, was outspoken on the subject of civil rights. He marched arm-in-arm with King in the 1965 Selma to Montgomery march. In the 1964 murders of Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner, the two white activists killed, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were both Jewish.

Brandeis University, the only nonsectarian Jewish-sponsored college university in the world, created the Transitional Year Program (TYP) in 1968, in part response to the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. The faculty created it to renew the university's commitment to social justice. Recognizing Brandeis as a university with a commitment to academic excellence, these faculty members created a chance for disadvantaged students to participate in an empowering educational experience.

According to political scientist Michael Rogin, Jewish-Black hostility was a two-way street extending to earlier decades. In the post-World War II era, Jews were granted white privilege and most moved into the middle-class while Blacks were left behind in the ghetto. Urban Jews engaged in the same sort of conflicts with Blacks-over integration busing, local control of schools, housing, crime, communal identity, and class divides-that other white ethnics did, leading to Jews participating in white flight. The culmination of this was the 1968 New York City teachers' strike, pitting largely Jewish schoolteachers against predominantly Black parents in Brownsville, New York.

Public profile

Many Jews in the Southern states who supported civil rights for African Americans tended to keep a low profile on "the race issue", in order to avoid attracting the attention of the anti-Black and antisemitic Ku Klux Klan. However, Klan groups exploited the issue of African-American integration and Jewish involvement in the struggle in order to commit violently antisemitic hate crimes. As an example of this hatred, in one year alone, from November 1957 to October 1958, temples and other Jewish communal gatherings were bombed and desecrated in Atlanta, Nashville, Jacksonville, and Miami, and dynamite was found under synagogues in Birmingham, Charlotte, and Gastonia, North Carolina. Some rabbis received death threats, but there were no injuries following these outbursts of violence.

Black segregationists

While Conservatives, in general, supported integration, some defended incrementally phased out segregation as a backstop against assimilation. Based on her interpretation of a 1966 study made by Donald Matthews and James Prothro detailing the relative percentage of blacks for integration, against it or feeling something else, Lauren Winner asserts that:

Black defenders of segregation look, at first blush, very much like black nationalists, especially in their preference for all-black institutions; but black defenders of segregation differ from nationalists in two key ways. First, while both groups criticize NAACP-style integration, nationalists articulate a third alternative to integration and Jim Crow, while segregationists preferred to stick with the status quo. Second, absent from black defenders of segregation's political vocabulary was the demand for self-determination. They called for all-black institutions, but not autonomous all-black institutions; indeed, some defenders of segregation asserted that black people needed white paternalism and oversight in order to thrive.

For Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X and other leading activists and groups during the movement, these opposing viewpoints acted as an obstacle against their ideas. These different views made such leaders' work much harder to accomplish, but they were nonetheless important in the overall scope of the movement. For the most part, the black individuals who had reservations on various aspects of the movement and ideologies of the activists were not able to make a game-changing dent in their efforts, but the existence of these alternate ideas gave some blacks an outlet to express their concerns about the changing social structure.

"Black Power" militants

During the Freedom Summer campaign of 1964, numerous tensions within the civil rights movement came to the forefront. Many blacks in SNCC developed concerns that white activists from the North and West were taking over the movement. The participation by numerous white students was not reducing the amount of violence that SNCC suffered, but seemed to exacerbate it. Additionally, there was profound disillusionment at Lyndon Johnson's denial of voting status for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party at the Democratic National Convention. Meanwhile, during CORE's work in Louisiana that summer, that group found the federal government would not respond to requests to enforce the provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, or to protect the lives of activists who challenged segregation. The Louisiana campaign survived by relying on a local African-American militia called the Deacons for Defense and Justice, who used arms to repel white supremacist violence and police repression. CORE's collaboration with the Deacons was effective in disrupting Jim Crow in numerous Louisiana areas.

In 1965, SNCC helped organize an independent political party, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO), in the heart of the Alabama Black Belt, also Klan territory. It permitted its black leaders to openly promote the use of armed self-defense. Meanwhile, the Deacons for Defense and Justice expanded into Mississippi and assisted Charles Evers' NAACP chapter with a successful campaign in Natchez. Charles had taken the lead after his brother Medgar Evers was assassinated in 1963. The same year, the 1965 Watts Rebellion took place in Los Angeles. Many black youths were committed to the use of violence to protest inequality and oppression.

The Black Panther Party (BPP), which was founded by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California, in 1966, gained the most attention for Black Power nationally. The group began following the revolutionary pan-Africanism of late-period Malcolm X, using a "by-any-means necessary" approach to stopping racial inequality. They sought to rid African-American neighborhoods of police brutality and to establish socialist community control in the ghettos. While they conducted armed confrontation with police, they also set up free breakfast and healthcare programs for children. Between 1968 and 1971, the BPP was one of the most important black organizations in the country and had support from the NAACP, SCLC, Peace and Freedom Party, and others.

Numerous popular cultural expressions associated with black power appeared at this time. Released in August 1968, the number one Rhythm & Blues single for the Billboard Year-End list was James Brown's " Say It Loud - I'm Black and I'm Proud". In October 1968, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, while being awarded the gold and bronze medals, respectively, at the 1968 Summer Olympics, donned human rights badges and each raised a black-gloved Black Power salute during their podium ceremony.

King was not comfortable with the "Black Power" slogan, which sounded too much like black nationalism to him. When King was assassinated in 1968, Stokely Carmichael said that whites had murdered the one person who would prevent rampant rioting and that blacks would burn every major city to the ground. Riots broke out in more than 100 cities across the country. Some cities did not recover from the damage for more than a generation; other city neighborhoods never recovered.

Native Americans

King and the civil rights movement inspired the Native American rights movement of the 1960s and many of its leaders. Native Americans had been dehumanized as "merciless Indian savages" in the United States Declaration of Independence, and in King's 1964 book Why We Can't Wait he wrote: "Our nation was born in genocide when it embraced the doctrine that the original American, the Indian, was an inferior race." John Echohawk, a member of the Pawnee tribe and the executive director and one of the founders of the Native American Rights Fund, stated: "Inspired by Dr. King, who was advancing the civil rights agenda of equality under the laws of this country, we thought that we could also use the laws to advance our Indianship, to live as tribes in our territories governed by our own laws under the principles of tribal sovereignty that had been with us ever since 1831. We believed that we could fight for a policy of self-determination that was consistent with U.S. law and that we could govern our own affairs, define our own ways and continue to survive in this society". Native Americans were also active supporters of King's movement throughout the 1960s, which included a sizable Native American contingent at the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.

Northern Ireland

Due to policies of segregation and disenfranchisement present in Northern Ireland many Irish activists took inspiration from American civil rights activists. People's Democracy had organized a "Long March" from Belfast to Derry which was inspired by the Selma to Montgomery marches. During the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland protesters often sang the American protest song We Shall Overcome and sometimes referred to themselves as the "negroes of Northern Ireland".

Soviet Union

There was an international context for the actions of the U.S. federal government during these years. The Soviet media frequently covered racial discrimination in the U.S. Deeming American criticism of its own human rights abuses hypocritical, the Soviet government would respond by stating " And you are lynching Negroes". In his 1934 book Russia Today: What Can We Learn from It?, Sherwood Eddy wrote: "In the most remote villages of Russia today Americans are frequently asked what they are going to do to the Scottsboro Negro boys and why they lynch Negroes."

In Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy, the historian Mary L. Dudziak wrote that Communists who were critical of the United States accused it of practicing hypocrisy when it portrayed itself as the "leader of the free world," while so many of its citizens were being subjected to severe racial discrimination and violence; she argued that this was a major factor in moving the government to support civil rights legislation.

White moderates

A majority of White Southerners have been estimated to have neither supported or resisted the civil rights movement. Many did not enjoy the idea of expanding civil rights but were uncomfortable with the language and often violent tactics used by those who resisted the civil rights movement as part of the Massive resistance. Many only reacted to the movement once forced to by their changing environment, and when they did their response was usually whatever they felt would disturb their daily life the least. Most of their personal reactions, whether eventually in support or resistance were not in extreme.

White segregationists

King reached the height of popular acclaim during his life in 1964, when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. After that point his career was filled with frustrating challenges. The liberal coalition that had gained passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 began to fray.

King was becoming more estranged from the Johnson administration. In 1965 he broke with it by calling for peace negotiations and a halt to the bombing of Vietnam. He moved further left in the following years, speaking about the need for economic justice and thoroughgoing changes in American society. He believed that change was needed beyond the civil rights which had been gained by the movement.

Politicians and journalists quickly blamed this white backlash on the movement's shift towards Black Power in the mid-1960s; today most scholars believe the backlash was a phenomenon that was already developing in the mid-1950s, and it was embodied in the " massive resistance" movement in the South where even the few moderate white leaders (including George Wallace, who had once been endorsed by the NAACP) shifted to openly racist positions. Northern and Western racists opposed the southerners on a regional and cultural basis, but also held segregationist attitudes which became more pronounced as the civil rights movement headed north and west. For instance, prior to the Watts riot, California whites had already mobilized to repeal the state's 1963 fair housing law.

Political responses

Eisenhower administration, 1953-1961

The first major piece of Civil Rights legislation since the Civil Rights Act of 1875 was also passed under the Eisenhower administration. President Eisenhower proposed, championed, and signed the Civil Rights Act of 1957. The legislation established the Civil Rights Commission and the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division and banned intimidating, coercing, and other means of interfering with a citizen's right to vote. Eisenhower's work in desegregating the judicial system is also notable. The judges he appointed were liberal when it came to the subject of Civil Rights/ desegregation and he actively avoided placing segregationists in federal courts.

Kennedy administration, 1961-1963

For the first two years of the Kennedy administration, civil rights activists had mixed opinions of both the president and Attorney General, Robert F. Kennedy. A well of historical skepticism toward liberal politics had left African Americans with a sense of uneasy disdain for any white politician who claimed to share their concerns for freedom, particularly ones connected to the historically pro-segregationist Democratic Party. Still, many were encouraged by the discreet support Kennedy gave to King, and the administration's willingness, after dramatic pressure from civil disobedience, to bring forth racially egalitarian initiatives.

Many of the initiatives resulted from Robert Kennedy's passion. The younger Kennedy gained a rapid education in the realities of racism through events such as the Baldwin-Kennedy meeting. The president came to share his brother's sense of urgency on the matter, resulting in the landmark Civil Rights Address of June 1963 and the introduction of the first major civil rights act of the decade.

Robert Kennedy first became concerned with civil rights in mid-May 1961 during the Freedom Rides, when photographs of the burning bus and savage beatings in Anniston and Birmingham were broadcast around the world. They came at an especially embarrassing time, as President Kennedy was about to have a summit with the Soviet premier in Vienna. The White House was concerned with its image among the populations of newly independent nations in Africa and Asia, and Robert Kennedy responded with an address for Voice of America stating that great progress had been made on the issue of race relations. Meanwhile, behind the scenes, the administration worked to resolve the crisis with a minimum of violence and prevent the Freedom Riders from generating a fresh crop of headlines that might divert attention from the President's international agenda. The Freedom Riders documentary notes that, "The back burner issue of civil rights had collided with the urgent demands of Cold War realpolitik."

On May 21, when a white mob attacked and burned the First Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, where King was holding out with protesters, Robert Kennedy telephoned King to ask him to stay in the building until the U.S. Marshals and National Guard could secure the area. King proceeded to berate Kennedy for "allowing the situation to continue". King later publicly thanked Kennedy for deploying the force to break up an attack that might otherwise have ended King's life.

With a very small majority in Congress, the president's ability to press ahead with legislation relied considerably on a balancing game with the Senators and Congressmen of the South. Without the support of Vice-President Johnson, a former Senator who had years of experience in Congress and longstanding relations there, many of the Attorney-General's programs would not have progressed.

By late 1962, frustration at the slow pace of political change was balanced by the movement's strong support for legislative initiatives, including administrative representation across all U.S. Government departments and greater access to the ballot box. From squaring off against Governor George Wallace, to "tearing into" Vice-President Johnson (for failing to desegregate areas of the administration), to threatening corrupt white Southern judges with disbarment, to desegregating interstate transport, Robert Kennedy came to be consumed by the civil rights movement. He continued to work on these social justice issues in his bid for the presidency in 1968.

At the University of Natal in Durban, I was told the church to which most of the white population belongs teaches apartheid as a moral necessity. A questioner declared that few churches allow black Africans to pray with the white because the Bible says that is the way it should be, because God created Negroes to serve. "But suppose God is black", I replied. "What if we go to Heaven and we, all our lives, have treated the Negro as an inferior, and God is there, and we look up and He is not white? What then is our response?" There was no answer. Only silence.

Robert Kennedy's relationship with the movement was not always positive. As attorney general, he was called to account by activists-who booed him at a June 1963 speech-for the Justice Department's own poor record of hiring blacks. He also presided over FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and his COINTELPRO program. This program ordered FBI agents to "expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize" the activities of Communist front groups, a category in which the paranoid Hoover included most civil rights organizations. Kennedy personally authorized some of the programs. According to Tim Weiner, "RFK knew much more about this surveillance than he ever admitted." Although Kennedy only gave approval for limited wiretapping of King's phones "on a trial basis, for a month or so." Hoover extended the clearance so his men were "unshackled" to look for evidence in any areas of the black leader's life they deemed important; they then used this information to harass King. Kennedy directly ordered surveillance on James Baldwin after their antagonistic racial summit in 1963.

Johnson administration: 1963-1969

Lyndon Johnson made civil rights one of his highest priorities, coupling it with a whites war on poverty. However increasing the opposition to the War in Vietnam, coupled with the cost of the war, undercut support for his domestic programs.

In popular culture

The 1954 to 1968 civil rights movement contributed strong cultural threads to American and international theater, song, film, television, and art.

Activist organizations

National/regional civil rights organizations

National economic empowerment organizations

Local civil rights organizations

Individual activists

History preservation

Post-civil rights movement

References

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4. Walton, Hanes (junior); Puckett, Sherman and Deskins Donald R. (junior); ^ The African American Electorate: A Statistical History, p. 539 ISBN 0872895084

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Bibliography

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Back, Adina "Exposing the Whole Segregation Myth: The Harlem Nine and New York City Schools" in Freedom north: Black freedom struggles outside the South, 1940-1980, Jeanne Theoharis, Komozi Woodard, eds.(Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).

Bartley, Abel A. Keeping the Faith: Race, Politics and Social Development in Jacksonville, 1940-1970 (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2000)

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The civil rights movement was a nonviolent social and political movement and campaign from 1954 to 1968 in the United States to abolish legalized institutional racial segregation, discrimination, and disenfranchisement throughout the United States. The movement had its origins in the Reconstruction era during the late 19th century, although it made its largest legislative gains in the 1960s after years of direct actions and grassroots protests.

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is an American white supremacist terrorist hate group whose primary targets are African Americans as well as Jews, immigrants, leftists, homosexuals, Catholics, and Muslims.[21] The Klan has existed in three distinct eras at different points in time during the history of the United States.

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Is an international movement originated within the African-American community.
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He was an African American Baptist minister and activist who became the most visible spokesperson and leader in the Civil Rights Movement from 1955 until his assassination in 1968. King advanced civil rights through nonviolence and civil disobedience, inspired by his Christian beliefs and the nonviolent activism of Mahatma Gandhi.

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is an American white supremacist terrorist hate group whose primary targets are African Americans as well as Jews, immigrants, leftists, homosexuals, Catholics, and Muslims.[21] The Klan has existed in three distinct eras at different points in time during the history of the United States.

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Redlining is a discriminatory practice that puts services out of reach for residents of certain areas based on race or ethnicity.
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/redlining-what-is-history-mike-bloomberg-comments/

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Whitney Plantation Museum is the only museum in Louisiana with an exclusive focus on the lives of enslaved people.  During your visit, you will learn about the history of slavery on a southern Louisiana sugarcane plantation by visiting memorials built to honor enslaved people; as well as original slave cabins, a freedmen’s church, a detached kitchen, and a owner’s house* built in 1790.
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The Whitney Plantation Historic District is a museum devoted to slavery in the Southern United States.
The district, incluiding the main house and outbuildings, is preserved near Wallance, in St. John the Baptist Parish, Louisiana, on the River Road along the Mississippi River. The plantation was started in 1752 by German immigrants Ambroise Haydel and his wife, and their descendants owned it until 1867.

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The green book was a book that  said what had to do the blak people when they travel, like where pass the night, eat...

It was important because it shows the discrimination for black people in all aspects.

There is a movie in Netflix and in Amazon Prime Video called the "Greenbook" that is about it. I recommend it.

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'Defund the police' movement 6 months after killing of George Floyd. ... Amid national outrage over the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, on May 25, and other police-involved shootings of Black people, the movement to "defund the police" became a rallying cry at protests across the country.

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was an American activist' in the civil rights movement  best known for her pivotal role in the Montogomery buss boycott. The United States Congress has called her "the first lady of civil rights" and "the mother of the freedom movement".

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George Floy was born in
North Carolina the 14 of October of 1973.

He died of suffocation, caused by the officer Derek Chauvin, who after handcuffing him and turning his faces down with a police car with the help of the agents Thomas Lane and J. Alexander Kueng, The officer pressed the arrestee to the pavement with his knee resting  on George Floyd's neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds. While being detained Floyd repeated the phrase"I can't breathe" eleven times.

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The Montgomery Bus Boycott was a political and social protest that began in 1955 in Montgomery, Alabama, with the intention of opposing the policy of racial segregation in the public transportation system. The fight dragged on when Rosa Parks was detained for refusing to give her seat on a bus to a white person, until December 20, 1956, when the Browder v. Gayle went into effect and led the Supreme Court to declare the laws requiring segregation on buses in Montgomery unconstitutional.1 Many prominent personalities in the civil rights movement participated in the boycott.

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Sarah Breedlove, named after Madame C.J. Walker, is a daughter of slaves born in Louisiana in 1867. She was the first in her family to be born free. She was an orphan at the age of seven.

Madam CJ Walker was an American businesswoman and philanthropist, considered the first African-American woman to become a millionaire in the United States.

There are a Serie in Netflix called  Self Made.

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'Defund the police' movement 6 months after killing of George Floyd. ... Amid national outrage over the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, on May 25, and other police-involved shootings of Black people, the movement to "defund the police" became a rallying cry at protests across the country.

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Iñaki Williams is a football player is sapanish and play in Athletics of Bilbao club.

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The Spanish first division club Espanyol will ban 12 supporters after they were identified as having subjected Iñaki Williams to racist abuse during a match against Athletic Bilbao on Saturday. The club have also passed their report on to local police in case there is a legal case to answer, with the football authorities proposing tougher measures against abuse in stadiums.

Williams was heading towards the bench having been substituted with 20 minutes remaining, leaving the pitch behind the goal Athletic were attacking, when he heard noises from the stand. At one point, he paused and could be seen to mutter "sons of bitches". As he reached the bench, he told teammates that he had heard monkey chants. Footage caught by a camera positioned on the touchline and shown on television that evening clearly picked up the chants as Williams passed the corner flag.

The game was not stopped or abandoned, and nor was there any tannoy announcement. The referee, who had been unaware of the chants, was informed of them at full-time by the Athletic captain, Iker Munian, and neither the delegate from the league nor the federation heard them.

Because of the existing protocol, which requires the referee or delegates to witness the abuse directly, the abuse was not included in the referees' official report but the league and the federation investigated, as did Espanyol. The league's report said the chanting had lasted 10 seconds. There was widespread condemnation with Williams receiving a message of support from across the game and the prime minister, Pedro Sánchez. La Liga initially proposed a partial closure of the stand as a punishment.

Espanyol announced on Monday night that they had investigated the incident and, "after an exhaustive analysis of video images", had identified 12 supporters in sectors 107 and 108. Nine of them are season-ticket holders, while three others were described as "occasional purchasers of tickets". The report will be passed on to the club's disciplinary committee with the intention that none of those fans return to Espanyol games. The nine season-ticket holders will have their membership revoked and none of them will be allowed to buy tickets.

"We did what we had to do; we made all necessary effort, in collaboration with the league," said Espanyol's vice-president, Carlos García Pont. "Football has values to defend. We have to try to ensure that people with these attitudes do not enter the ground."

The Athletic president, Aitor Elizegi, said: "Espanyol have been as concerned about this as we have. These people, who are a minority, have to know that they have no hiding place. Those who cannot embrace the values of sport are not wanted."

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Espanyol to ban 12 supporters after racist abuse of Athletic's Iñaki Williams

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The Spanish first division club Espanyol will ban 12 supporters after they were identified as having subjected Iñaki Williams to racist abuse during a match against Athletic Bilbao on Saturday.

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Three Black women in Spain talk about Racism

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Three Black women in Spain talk about Racism

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Los desgarradores testimonios de varias mujeres negras sobre el racismo en España: “Me hicieron una cicatriz por no cantar el Cara al Sol”

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“Hablamos del racismo y las protestas en EEUU cuando no vemos lo que hay en nuestras casas”, afirma una mujer negra sobre el racismo en España. Estos son los duros testimonios que evidencia que nuestro país tiene mucho que mejor todavía.

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The NGO that helps save migrants in the mediterranean has opportunities for volunteering and donations. HERE IS A LINK

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Open Arms has been able to carry on thanks to the help of the civil society. Without people like you, this would not have been possible. We count on you to continue saving lives. You can help us through different ways:

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Inside The World’s Deadliest Migrant Route

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Inside The World’s Deadliest Migrant Route

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This documentary was made in NOVEMBER 2020 only 4 months ago.

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Inside The World’s Deadliest Migrant Route

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was an American abolitionist and political activist. Born into slavery, Tubman escaped and subsequently made some 13 missions to rescue approximately 70 enslaved people, including family and friends,[2] using the network of antislavery activists and safe houses known as the Underground Railroad. During the American Civil War, she served as an armed scout and spy for the Union Army. In her later years, Tubman was an activist in the movement for women's suffrage.

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was an American abolitionist and political activist. Born into slavery, Tubman escaped and subsequently made some 13 missions to rescue approximately 70 enslaved people, including family and friends,[2] using the network of antislavery activists and safe houses known as the Underground Railroad. During the American Civil War, she served as an armed scout and spy for the Union Army. In her later years, Tubman was an activist in the movement for women's suffrage.

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Born enslaved in Dorchester County, Maryland, Tubman was beaten and whipped by her various masters as a child.

In 1849, Tubman became ill again, which diminished her value as a slave.

Tubman and her brothers, Ben and Henry, escaped from slavery on September 17, 1849.

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Harriet tubman born

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Dozens of people have gathered this Friday in the Tirso de Molina square in Madrid to remember Lucrecia Pérez Matos, a Dominican immigrant victim in 1992 of the first xenophobic crime recognized in Spain.
Summoned by the Anti-racist assembly, the protesters have improvised a small altar with candles, posters and fruits to honor the memory of Lucrecia Pérez, murdered at age 33 by a civil guard and three minors linked to neo-Nazi groups in the ruins of the old nightclub Four Roses from Aravaca.


"The first Dominican woman who was killed by a system that does not accept people who are from other places," said a protester at a rally with banners with messages such as' Neither forget nor forgive ',' White is violence 'or' Lives blacks matter. '

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In 2005, during the government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, the concertinas, wires with blades that caused deep cuts in the hands and legs of those who tried to jump, were installed on the upper part of the fence. Following complaints from different people and groups After being shown to cause significant injuries, the Government undertook to remove them in 2006. They were removed in 2007 and replaced by a three-dimensional wire rope.

In 2013, the Ministry of the Interior Jorge Fernández Díaz once again placed blades on the wires in the upper part of the gate throughout a third of its length.

In June 2020 the concertinas were replaced by a semicircular structure of bars

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Viola Desmond was born on July 6, 1914 in Halifax. She became an entrepreneur, one of the few blacks, and dedicated her life to working for her community. She opened her beauty salon dedicated to women of color, something that was almost unthinkable at the time.

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The phrase "All Cops Are Bastards" first appeared in England in the 1920s, then was abbreviated to "ACAB" by workers on strike in the 1940s. The
acronym is historically associated with criminals in the United Kingdom.

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Buddy the dog went with his human to a peaceful protest in honor George Floyd in Cincinnati

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Buddy the dog participated at a peaceful protest with his human in Cincinnati.

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Crimen Racista Lucrecia Perez Asesinada!!! 20 años Ni perdon Ni Olvido!!!

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In Aravaca (Madrid) they made a graffiti in homage to Lucrecia Perez

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of black ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black.

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of sub-Saharan African ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black ( or colored in historical terms).

This concept became codified into the law of some states in the early 20th century. It was associated with the principle of "invisible blackness" that developed after the long history of racial interaction in the South, which had included the hardening of slavery as a racial caste and later segregation. It is an example of hypodescent, the automatic assignment of children of a mixed union between different socioeconomic or ethnic groups to the group with the lower status, regardless of proportion of ancestry in different groups.

The one-drop rule is defunct in law in the United States and was never codified into federal law.

Before and during the centuries of slavery, people had interracial relationships, both forced and voluntary. In the antebellum years, free people of mixed race ( free people of color) were considered legally white if individuals had less than one-eighth or one-quarter African ancestry (depending on the state). Many mixed-race people were absorbed into the majority culture based simply on appearance, associations and carrying out community responsibilities. These and community acceptance were the more important factors if a person's racial status were questioned, not his or her documented ancestry. Because of the social mobility of antebellum society in frontier areas, many people did not have documentation about their ancestors anyway.

Based on late 20th-century DNA analysis and a preponderance of historical evidence, Thomas Jefferson is widely believed to have fathered the six mixed-race children with his slave Sally Hemings, who was herself three-quarters white. Four of these children, who were seven-eighths white, survived to adulthood. Hemings was a half-sister of Martha Wayles Jefferson. Their children were born into slavery because of her status; as they were seven-eighths European in ancestry, they were legally white under Virginia law of the time. Jefferson allowed the two oldest to escape in 1822 (freeing them legally was a public action he elected to avoid because he would have had to gain permission from the state legislature); the two youngest he freed in his 1826 will. Three of the four entered white society as adults, and all their descendants identified as white.

Although racial segregation was adopted legally by southern states of the former Confederacy in the late 19th century, legislators resisted defining race by law as part of preventing interracial marriages. In 1895 in South Carolina during discussion, George D. Tillman said,

It is a scientific fact that there is not one full-blooded Caucasian on the floor of this convention. Every member has in him a certain mixture of... colored blood...It would be a cruel injustice and the source of endless litigation, of scandal, horror, feud, and bloodshed to undertake to annul or forbid marriage for a remote, perhaps obsolete trace of Negro blood. The doors would be open to scandal, malice, and greed.

The one-drop rule was not adopted as law until the 20th century: first in Tennessee in 1910 and in Virginia under the Racial Integrity Act of 1924 (following the passage of similar laws in several other states).

In the early colonial years, children born of one Indigenous and one non-Native parent usually had a white father and an Indigenous mother. This was largely due to the majority of the early colonists being male. As many Native American tribes had matrilineal kinship systems, they considered the children to be born to the mother's family and clan. If they were raised in the culture, they were considered members of the community, and therefore, fully Native American.

Prior to colonization, and still in traditional communities, the idea of determining belonging by degree of "blood" was, and is, unheard of. Native American tribes did not use blood quantum law until the government introduced the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, instead determining tribal status on the basis of kinship, lineage and family ties.

Among patrilineal tribes, such as the Omaha, historically a child born to an Omaha mother and a white father could belong officially to the Omaha tribe only if the child were formally adopted into it by a male citizen. In contemporary practice, tribal laws around citizenship and parentage can vary widely between nations.

Between 1904 and 1919, tribal members of with any amount of African ancestry were disenrolled from the Chitimacha tribe of Louisiana, and their descendants have since then been denied tribal membership.

In 20th century America, the concept of the one-drop rule has been primarily applied by white Americans to those of sub-Saharan black African ancestry, when whites were trying to maintain some degree of overt or covert white supremacy. The poet Langston Hughes wrote in his 1940 memoir:

You see, unfortunately, I am not black. There are lots of different kinds of blood in our family. But here in the United States, the word 'Negro' is used to mean anyone who has any Negro blood at all in his veins. In Africa, the word is more pure. It means all Negro, therefore black. I am brown.

This rule meant many mixed-race people, of diverse ancestry, were simply seen as African-American, and their more diverse ancestors forgotten and erased, making it difficult to accurately trace ancestry in the present day.

Many descendants of those who were enslaved and trafficked by Europeans and Americans have assumed they have Native American ancestry. In 2006 Henry Louis Gates Jr.'s 2006 PBS documentary on the genetic makeup of African Americans, African American Lives, focused on these stories of Native American heritage in African-American communities. DNA test results showed, after African, primarily European ancestors for all but two of the celebrities interviewed. However, many critics point to the limitations of DNA testing for ancestry, especially for minority populations.

During World War II, Colonel Karl Bendetsen stated that anyone with "one drop of Japanese blood" was liable for forced internment in camps.

Today there are no enforceable laws in the U.S. in which the one-drop rule is applicable. Sociologically, however, the concept remains somewhat pervasive. Some African Americans turned it around, claiming people of African descent in order to strengthen their political unity when working on activism for civil rights and legislation. Research has shown that some white people associate bi-racial children with the non-white ancestry of the individual.

Both before and after the American Civil War, many people of mixed ancestry who "looked white" and were of mostly white ancestry were legally absorbed into the white majority. State laws established differing standards. For instance, an 1822 Virginia law stated that to be defined as mulatto (that is, multi-racial), a person had to have at least one-quarter (equivalent to one grandparent) African ancestry. Social acceptance and identity were historically the keys to racial identity. Virginia's one-fourth standard remained in place until 1910, when the standard was changed to one sixteenth. In 1924, under the Racial Integrity Act, even the one sixteenth standard was abandoned in favor of a more stringent standard. The act defined a person as legally "colored" (black) for classification and legal purposes if the individual had any African ancestry.

Although the Virginia legislature increased restrictions on free blacks following the Nat Turner Rebellion of 1831, it refrained from establishing a one-drop rule. When a proposal was made by Travis H. Eppes and debated in 1853, representatives realized that such a rule could adversely affect whites, as they were aware of generations of interracial relationships. During the debate, a person wrote to the Charlottesville newspaper:

[If a one-drop rule were adopted], I doubt not, if many who are reputed to be white, and are in fact so, do not in a very short time find themselves instead of being elevated, reduced by the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction, to the level of a free negro.

The state legislators agreed. No such law was passed until 1924, apparently assisted by the fading recollection of such mixed familial histories. In the 21st century, such interracial family histories are being revealed as individuals undergo DNA genetic analysis.

The Melungeons are a group of multiracial families of mostly European and African ancestry whose ancestors were free in colonial Virginia. They migrated to the frontier in Kentucky and Tennessee. Their descendants have been documented over the decades as having tended to marry persons classified as "white". Their descendants became assimilated into the majority culture from the 19th to the 20th centuries.

Pursuant to Reconstruction later in the 19th century, southern states acted to impose racial segregation by law and restrict the liberties of blacks, specifically passing laws to exclude them from politics and voting. From 1890 to 1908, all of the former Confederate states passed such laws, and most preserved disfranchisement until after passage of federal civil rights laws in the 1960s. At the South Carolina constitutional convention in 1895, an anti- miscegenation law and changes that would disfranchise blacks were proposed. Delegates debated a proposal for a one-drop rule to include in these laws. George D. Tillman said the following in opposition:

If the law is made as it now stands respectable families in Aiken, Barnwell, Colleton, and Orangeburg will be denied the right to intermarry among people with whom they are now associated and identified. At least one hundred families would be affected to my knowledge. They have sent good soldiers to the Confederate Army, and are now landowners and taxpayers. Those men served creditably, and it would be unjust and disgraceful to embarrass them in this way. It is a scientific fact that there is not one full-blooded Caucasian on the floor of this convention. Every member has in him a certain mixture of ... colored blood. The pure-blooded white has needed and received a certain infusion of darker blood to give him readiness and purpose. It would be a cruel injustice and the source of endless litigation, of scandal, horror, feud, and bloodshed to undertake to annul or forbid marriage for a remote, perhaps obsolete trace of Negro blood. The doors would be open to scandal, malice, and greed; to statements on the witness stand that the father or grandfather or grandmother had said that A or B had Negro blood in their veins. Any man who is half a man would be ready to blow up half the world with dynamite to prevent or avenge attacks upon the honor of his mother in the legitimacy or purity of the blood of his father.

In 1865, Florida passed an act that both outlawed miscegenation and defined the amount of Black ancestry needed to be legally defined as a "person of color". The act stated that "every person who shall have one-eighth or more of negro blood shall be deemed and held to be a person of color." (This was the equivalent of one great-grandparent.) Additionally, the act outlawed fornication, as well as the intermarrying of white females with men of color. However, the act permitted the continuation of marriages between white persons and persons of color that were established before the law was enacted.

Strangely enough, the one-drop rule was not made law until the early 20th century. This was decades after the Civil War, emancipation, and the Reconstruction era. It followed restoration of white supremacy in the South and the passage of Jim Crow racial segregation laws. In the 20th century, it was also associated with the rise of eugenics and ideas of racial purity.[citation needed ] From the late 1870s on, white Democrats regained political power in the former Confederate states and passed racial segregation laws controlling public facilities, and laws and constitutions from 1890 to 1910 to achieve disfranchisement of most blacks. Many poor whites were also disfranchised in these years, by changes to voter registration rules that worked against them, such as literacy tests, longer residency requirements and poll taxes.

The first challenges to such state laws were overruled by Supreme Court decisions which upheld state constitutions that effectively disfranchised many. White Democratic-dominated legislatures proceeded with passing Jim Crow laws that instituted racial segregation in public places and accommodations, and passed other restrictive voting legislation. In Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court allowed racial segregation of public facilities, under the "separate but equal" doctrine.

Jim Crow laws reached their greatest influence during the decades from 1910 to 1930. Among them were hypodescent laws, defining as black anyone with any black ancestry, or with a very small portion of black ancestry. Tennessee adopted such a "one-drop" statute in 1910, and Louisiana soon followed. Then Texas and Arkansas in 1911, Mississippi in 1917, North Carolina in 1923, Virginia in 1924, Alabama and Georgia in 1927, and Oklahoma in 1931. During this same period, Florida, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, and Utah retained their old "blood fraction" statutes , but amended these fractions (one-sixteenth, one-thirty-second) to be equivalent to one-drop

Before 1930, individuals of visible mixed European and African ancestry were usually classed as mulatto, or sometimes as black and sometimes as white, depending on appearance. Previously, most states had limited trying to define ancestry before "the fourth degree" (great-great-grandparents). But, in 1930, due to lobbying by southern legislators, the Census Bureau stopped using the classification of mulatto. Documentation of the long social recognition of mixed-race people was lost, and they were classified only as black or white.

The binary world of the one-drop rule disregarded the self-identification both of people of mostly European ancestry who grew up in white communities, and of people who were of mixed race and identified as American Indian. In addition, Walter Plecker, Registrar of Statistics, ordered application of the 1924 Virginia law in such a way that vital records were changed or destroyed, family members were split on opposite sides of the color line, and there were losses of the documented continuity of people who identified as American Indian, as all people in Virginia had to be classified as white or black. Over the centuries, many Indian tribes in Virginia had absorbed people of other ethnicities through marriage or adoption, but maintained their cultures. Suspecting blacks of trying to " pass" as Indians, Plecker ordered records changed to classify people only as black or white, and ordered offices to reclassify certain family surnames from Indian to black.

Since the late 20th century, Virginia has officially recognized eight American Indian tribes and their members; the tribes are trying to gain federal recognition. They have had difficulty because decades of birth, marriage, and death records were misclassified under Plecker's application of the law. No one was classified as Indian, although many individuals and families identified that way and were preserving their cultures.

In the case of mixed-race American Indian and European descendants, the one-drop rule in Virginia was extended only so far as those with more than one-sixteenth Indian blood. This was due to what was known as " the Pocahontas exception". Since many influential First Families of Virginia (FFV) claimed descent from the American Indian Pocahontas and her husband John Rolfe of the colonial era, the Virginia General Assembly declared that an individual could be considered white if having no more than one-sixteenth Indian "blood" (the equivalent of one great-great-grandparent).

The eugenicist Madison Grant of New York wrote in his book, The Passing of the Great Race (1916): "The cross between a white man and an Indian is an Indian; the cross between a white man and a Negro is a Negro; the cross between a white man and a Hindu is a Hindu; and the cross between any of the three European races and a Jew is a Jew." As noted above, Native American tribes such as the Omaha, which had patrilineal descent and inheritance, used hypodescent to classify the children of white men and Native American women as white.

Through the 1940s, Walter Plecker of Virginia and Naomi Drake of Louisiana had an outsized influence. As the Registrar of Statistics, Plecker insisted on labeling mixed-race families of European-African ancestry as black. In 1924, Plecker wrote, "Two races as materially divergent as the White and Negro, in morals, mental powers, and cultural fitness, cannot live in close contact without injury to the higher." In the 1930s and 1940s, Plecker directed offices under his authority to change vital records and reclassify certain families as black (or colored) (without notifying them) after Virginia established a binary system under its Racial Integrity Act of 1924. He also classified people as black who had formerly self-identified as Indian. When the United States Supreme Court struck down Virginia's law prohibiting inter-racial marriage in Loving v. Virginia (1967), it also declared Plecker's Virginia Racial Integrity Act and the one-drop rule unconstitutional.

Many people in the U.S., among various ethnic groups, continue to have their own concepts related to the one-drop idea. They may still consider those multiracial individuals with any African ancestry to be black, or at least non-white (if the person has other minority ancestry), unless the person explicitly identifies as white. On the other hand, the Black Power Movement and some leaders within the black community also claimed as black those persons with any visible African ancestry, in order to extend their political base and regardless of how those people self-identified. The number of self-identified multi-racial people in the US is increasing.

Among the colonial slave societies, the United States was nearly unique in developing the one-drop rule; it derived both from the Southern slave culture (shared by other societies) and the aftermath of the American Civil War, emancipation of slaves, and Reconstruction. In the late 19th century, Southern whites regained political power and restored white supremacy, passing Jim Crow laws and establishing racial segregation by law. In the 20th century, during the Black Power Movement, black race-based groups claimed all people of any African ancestry as black in a reverse way, to establish political power.

In colonial Spanish America, many soldiers and explorers took indigenous women as wives. Native-born Spanish women were always a minority. The colonists developed an elaborate classification and caste system that identified the mixed-race descendants of blacks, Amerindians, and whites by different names, related to appearance and known ancestry. Racial caste not only depended on ancestry or skin color, but also could be raised or lowered by the person's financial status or class.

The same racial culture shock has come to hundreds of thousands of dark-skinned immigrants to the United States from Brazil, Colombia, Panama, and other Latin American nations. Although many are not considered black in their homelands, they have often been considered black in US society. According to The Washington Post, their refusal to accept the United States' definition of black has left many feeling attacked from all directions. At times, white and black Americans might discriminate against them for their lighter or darker skin tones; African Americans might believe that Afro-Latino immigrants are denying their blackness. At the same time, the immigrants think lighter-skinned Latinos dominate Spanish-language television and media. A majority of Latin Americans possess some African or American Indian ancestry. Many of these immigrants feel it is difficult enough to accept a new language and culture without the additional burden of having to transform from white to black. Yvette Modestin, a dark-skinned native of Panama who worked in Boston, said the situation was overwhelming: "There's not a day that I don't have to explain myself."

Professor J.B. Bird has said that Latin America is not alone in rejecting the historical US notion that any visible African ancestry is enough to make one black:

In most countries of the Caribbean, Colin Powell would be described as a Creole, reflecting his mixed heritage. In Belize, he might further be described as a "High Creole", because of his extremely light complexion.

These examples show that the perception of race is relative to different societies and individuals.

People in many other countries have tended to treat race less rigidly, both in their self-identification and how they regard others. Just as a person with physically recognizable African ancestry can claim to be black in the United States, someone with recognizable Caucasian ancestry may be considered white in Brazil, even if mixed race.

In December 2002, The Washington Post ran a story on the one-drop rule and differences in Latin American practices. In the reporter's opinion:

Someone with Sidney Poitier's deep chocolate complexion would be considered white if his hair were straight and he made a living in a profession. That might not seem so odd, Brazilians say, when you consider that the fair-complexioned actresses Rashida Jones (' Parks and Recreation' and ' The Office') and Lena Horne are identified as black in the United States.

According to Jose Neinstein, a native white Brazilian and executive director of the Brazilian-American Cultural Institute in Washington, in the United States, "If you are not quite white, then you are black." However, in Brazil, "If you are not quite black, then you are white." Neinstein recalls talking with a man of Poitier's complexion when in Brazil: "We were discussing ethnicity, and I asked him, 'What do you think about this from your perspective as a black man?' He turned his head to me and said, 'I'm not black,' ... It simply paralyzed me. I couldn't ask another question."

Puerto Rico

During the Spanish colonial period, Puerto Rico had laws such as the Regla del Sacar or Gracias al Sacar, by which a person of black ancestry could be considered legally white so long as the individual could prove that at least one person per generation in the last four generations had also been legally white. Thus persons of black ancestry with known white lineage were classified as white, the opposite of the "one-drop rule" in the United States.

Given the intense interest in ethnicity, genetic genealogists and other scientists have studied population groups. Henry Louis Gates, Jr. publicized such genetic studies on his two series African American Lives, shown on PBS, in which the ancestry of prominent figures was explored. His experts discussed the results of autosomal DNA tests, in contrast to direct-line testing, which survey all the DNA that has been inherited from the parents of an individual. Autosomal tests focus on SNPs.

The specialists on Gates' program summarized the make-up of the United States population by the following:

58 percent of African Americans have at least 12.5% European ancestry (equivalent of one great-grandparent);

19.6 percent of African Americans have at least 25% European ancestry (equivalent of one grandparent);

1 percent of African Americans have at least 50% European ancestry (equivalent of one parent) (Gates is one of these, he discovered, having a total of 51% European ancestry among various distant ancestors); and

5 percent of African Americans have at least 12.5% Native American ancestry (equivalent to one great-grandparent).

In 2002, Mark D. Shriver, a molecular anthropologist at Penn State University, published results of a study regarding the racial admixture of Americans who identified as white or black: Shriver surveyed a 3,000-person sample from 25 locations in the United States and tested subjects for autosomal genetic make-up:

Of those persons who identified as white:

Individuals had an average 0.7% black ancestry, which is the equivalent of having 1 black and 127 white ancestors among one's 128 5×great-grandparents

Shriver estimates that 70% of white Americans have no African ancestors (in part because a high proportion of current whites are descended from more recent immigrants from Europe of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, rather than those early migrants to the colonies, who in some areas lived and worked closely with Africans, free, indentured or slave, and formed relations with them).

Among the 30% of identified whites who have African ancestry, Shriver estimates their black racial admixture is 2.3%; the equivalent of having had 3 black ancestors among their 128 5×great-grandparents.

Among those who identified as black:

The average proportion of white ancestry was 18%, the equivalent of having 22 white ancestors among their 128 5×great-grandparents.

About 10% have more than 50% white ancestry.

Black people in the United States are more racially mixed than white people, reflecting historical experience here, including the close living and working conditions among the small populations of the early colonies, when indentured servants, both black and white, and slaves, married or formed unions. Mixed-race children of white mothers were born free, and many families of free people of color were started in those years. 80 percent of the free African-American families in the Upper South in the censuses of 1790 to 1810 can be traced as descendants of unions between white women and African men in colonial Virginia, not of slave women and white men. In the early colony, conditions were loose among the working class, who lived and worked closely together. After the American Revolutionary War, their free mixed-race descendants migrated to the frontiers of nearby states along with other primarily European Virginia pioneers. The admixture also reflects later conditions under slavery, when white planters or their sons, or overseers, frequently raped African women. There were also freely chosen relationships among individuals of different or mixed races.

Shriver's 2002 survey found different current admixture rates by region, reflecting historic patterns of settlement and change, both in terms of populations who migrated and their descendants' unions. For example, he found that the black populations with the highest percentage of white ancestry lived in California and Seattle, Washington. These were both majority-white destinations during the Great Migration of 1940-1970 of African Americans from the Deep South of Louisiana, Texas and Mississippi. Blacks sampled in those two locations had more than 25% white European ancestry on average.

As noted by Troy Duster, direct-line testing of the Y-chromosome and mtDNA ( mitochondrial DNA) fails to pick up the heritage of many other ancestors. DNA testing has limitations and should not be depended on by individuals to answer all questions about heritage. Duster said that neither Shriver's research nor Gates' PBS program adequately acknowledged the limitations of genetic testing.

Similarly, the Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism (IPCB) notes that: "Native American markers" are not found solely among Native Americans. While they occur more frequently among Native Americans, they are also found in people in other parts of the world. Genetic testing has shown three major waves of ancient migration from Asia among Native Americans but cannot distinguish further among most of the various tribes in the Americas. Some critics of testing believe that more markers will be identified as more Native Americans of various tribes are tested, as they believe that the early epidemics due to smallpox and other diseases may have altered genetic representation.

Much effort has been made to discover the ways in which the one-drop rule continues to be socially perpetuated today. For example, in her interview of black/white adults in the South, Nikki Khanna uncovers that one way the one-drop rule is perpetuated is through the mechanism of reflected appraisal. Most respondents identified as black, explaining that this is because both black and white people see them as black as well.

Charles W. Chesnutt, who was of mixed race and grew up in the North, wrote stories and novels about the issues of mixed-race people in southern society in the aftermath of the Civil War.

The one-drop rule and its consequences have been the subject of numerous works of popular culture. The American musical (1927) opens in 1887 on a Mississippi River boat, after the Reconstruction era and imposition of racial segregation and Jim Crow in the South. Steve, a white man married to a mixed-race woman who passes as white, is pursued by a Southern sheriff. He intends to arrest Steve and charge him with miscegenation for being married to a woman of partly black ancestry. Steve pricks his wife's finger and swallows some of her blood. When the sheriff arrives, Steve asks him whether he would consider a man to be white if he had "negro blood" in him. The sheriff replies that "one drop of Negro blood makes you a Negro in these parts". Steve tells the sheriff that he has "more than a drop of negro blood in me". After being assured by others that Steve is telling the truth, the sheriff leaves without arresting Steve.

Notes

Quotes

Citations

1. Davis, F. James. Frontline."Who's black. One nation's definition". Accessed 27 February 2015.

2. Dworkin, Shari L. ^ The Society Pages. "Race, Sexuality, and the 'One Drop Rule': More Thoughts about Interracial Couples and Marriage". Accessed 27 February 2015.

3. Conrad P. Kottak, "What is hypodescent?" Archived 14 August 2010 at the Wayback Machine, Human Diversity and "Race", Cultural Anthropology, Online Learning, McGraw Hill, accessed 21 April 2010.

4. "All Niggers, More or Less!", The News and Courier, October 17, 1895.

5. ^ Kimberly Tallbear (2003). "DNA, Blood, and Racializing the Tribe". Wicazo Sa Review. University of Minnesota Press. 18 (1): 81-107. doi:10.1353/wic.2003.0008. JSTOR 140943.

6. ^ Richard Willing (1 February 2006). "DNA rewrites history for African-Americans". USA Today.

7. ^ Duster, Troy (2008). "Deep Roots and Tangled Branches". Chronicle of Higher Education. Archived from the original on 26 July 2011.

8. ^ "Genetic Ancestral Testing Cannot Deliver On Its Promise, Study Warns". ScienceDaily. 20 October 2007.

9. ^ John Hawks (2008). "How African Are You? What genealogical testing can't tell you". Washington Post.

10. ^ https://amhistory.si.edu/perfectunion/non-flash/removal_process.html

11. For the Plecker story, see ^ Smith, J. Douglas (2002). "The Campaign for Racial Purity and the Erosion of Paternalism in Virginia, 1922-1930: 'Nominally White, Biologically Mixed, and Legally Negro'". Journal of Southern History. 68 (1): 65-106. doi:10.2307/3069691. JSTOR 3069691.

12. For Drake, see ^ Dominguez, Virginia R. (1986). White by Definition: Social Classification in Creole Louisiana. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-1109-2.

13. ScienceDaily (2008). "Genetic Ancestral Testing Cannot Deliver On Its Promise, Study Warns". ScienceDaily.

14. ^ Kim TallBear, Phd., Associate, Red Nation Consulting (2008). "Can DNA Determine Who is American Indian?". The WEYANOKE Association. Archived from the original on 24 July 2011.

15. ^ Khanna, Nikki (2010). "If you're half black, you're just black: Reflected Appraisals and the Persistence of the One-Drop Rule". The Sociological Quarterly. 51 (5): 96-121. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.619.9359. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.2009.01162.x.

16. ^ Make Believe - Show Boat - Synopsis, from the 1993 Canadian cast recording Archived 7 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Theatre-Musical.com. Retrieved 2008-03-21.

Savy, Pierre, " Transmission, identité, corruption. Réflexions sur trois cas d'hypodescendance ", L'homme. Revue française d'anthropologie, 182, 2007 (" Racisme, antiracisme et sociétés "), pp. 53-80.

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of sub-Saharan African ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black ( or colored in historical terms).

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of black ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black.

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of black ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black.

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Kenia Pérez, 31 years old. He was only six when his mother, Lucrecia Pérez, was shot dead in Madrid by hooded men 25 years ago today, on November 13, 1992. That of Lucrecia, a Dominican woman who had come to Spain so that Kenya could study and live with dignity, it was the first racist assassination of democracy.

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We drove down a country road lined with gated houses toward the edge of Aravaca, a wealthy neighborhood on the outskirts of Madrid. Our destination: an abandoned nightclub, the site where Spain's first hate crime occurred 25 years ago.

But instead of pulling over in front of an ominous discoteca, Franco stopped at a roundabout, flanked by a Ford dealership and a busy highway. A waist-high memorial sat in its center, between two benches and a couple of bare, skinny trees. "Well, the disco was over here, but I think there's nothing left... I don't know, not even the bricks," said Franco, who reported on the murder in 1992.

There was no trace of the abandoned nightclub where Lucrecia, an immigrant from the Dominican Republic, was killed. All that's left is her memorial. She died here, from gunshot wounds inflicted by a gang of neo-Nazis.

As the highway roared behind us, Franco pulled out an old day planner. The words "Funeral Lucrecia" were written under the date November 18, 1992, five days after the shooting.

A Spanish magazine had published a photo Franco took at the funeral, an image of Lucrecia, wrapped in white linen in an open coffin. It took up the entire front page.

A photo of Lucrecia Pérez, taken from her identity papers.

"They were crazy and they bought the picture," said Franco. "They published this picture full page, and uh..."

Franco lost his train of thought for a moment. "I don't know. It was poor people trying to make a living here in Madrid and it was the first wave of immigrants in Madrid, probably the first."

It's safe to say that if you visited Madrid recently, your tour guide wouldn't bring you here. I'd bet a caña on it. In fact, the memorial - along with Lucrecia - might now be forgotten, even among the locals.

But in 1992, all of Spain knew who she was.

She was an immigrant from the Dominican Republic who signaled a new era in Spain. Her presence was proof that the country was growing, after decades without immigration. And her killing, with the service weapon of an off-duty civil guard, introduced Spain to a dark side-effect of immigration: hate crime.

The story of Lucrecia Peréz begins in Vicente Noble, an agricultural area not far from Santo Domingo. In 1992, she left her husband and daughter for Spain's growing economy, hoping to become a housekeeper. She quickly found a job, though her employment didn't last long. Homeless and jobless, she joined a community of Dominicans who inhabited an abandoned nightclub on the edge of Madrid. Despite it being a squat house, there were beds inside and even a kitchen, according to Franco, who interviewed the residents after the killing.

But not long after she moved in, a rogue Spanish civil guard led a gang of neo-Nazis into their compound. Three of them were only teenagers. The officer started shooting randomly, injuring two of the immigrants. But Lucrecia was the only one that was killed. Just minutes before, she had been eating dinner by candlelight.

Civil guard Luis Merino (r) arrives in court where he would be tried and found guilty of the killing of Lucrecia Pérez. Miguel Gener EL PAÍS

"Just for this: because she was poor, she was black, and she was an immigrant," said Miguel Ramos, a Spanish journalist who studies hate crimes.

The perpetrators were eventually caught and convicted of murder. The Spanish media obsessively covered her story. It was made into a TV movie, and singers wrote songs about her. But that was a long time ago, and some think Lucrecia is fading from the public's collective memory. "I think it's a very forgotten story," said Charo Nogueira, who reported on the murder in 1992.

While the story may be forgotten, it's worth remembering today. Because within the story of Lucrecia, lies the story of modern Spain, a country that has become one of the most popular migrant destinations in Europe. According to a report released by the Migration Policy Institute, in 2015 there were 5,875,000 immigrants living in the country.

But Lucrecia's Madrid was very different. In 1992, immigrants made up just a tiny sliver of its population - around 300,000, according to Joaquín Arango, an expert on immigration and a professor of Sociology at Madrid's Complutense University.

While that number sounds small, it was actually the beginning of something big. Before that - and for most of the 20th century - there were practically no immigrants living in Spain. The country had suffered a brutal civil war in the 1930s, leaving it with a fascist dictator and a struggling economy. "Spain was not an appealing country for migrants, even if there was economic growth since 1960 more or less," said Arango, who co-authored a report on Spanish immigration for the Migration Policy Institute.

That means Lucrecia and the Dominicans she lived with were some of the first immigrants the country had seen in decades.

"Lucrecia's murder had shown that we had become an immigration country, a country where people from abroad were coming in order to get a job," said Nogueira, a reporter for EL PAÍS.

Immigration in Spain was scarce for decades, and as such, so were acts of racism. Lucrecia's murder brought hate crimes to the public's attention. It brought discussions of racism to the televisions, newspapers and homes of Spaniards. The murder was so traumatic that Nogueira thought it might have stopped future racist acts: "It was like a vaccination, in my opinion."

A protest in Aravaca in the wake of the killing of Lucrecia Pérez. Cristóbal Manuel EL PAÍS

But if her murder didn't stop racism, it surely educated the nation of its existence.

Many hate crimes have taken place since Lucrecia. But her death did inspire Spaniards to organize against racism, an influence that still can be felt. It brought protests to the streets of Madrid and Barcelona. Groups such as Sos Racismo Madrid were created in response to her murder, and many are still helping immigrants in Spain today.

"It put a feeling into my mind that I must also fight this," said Ramos, who helped create Crimenes De Odio, an extensive database of Spanish hate crimes.

"It really was the first time Spaniards had thought about whether they were a racist society, what that meant, who the racists were, why people were racists, what it was like to be on the other end of racism, basically start thinking of it as something that might exist domestically," said Giles Tremlett, a British writer and Guardian journalist based in Madrid.

"This is important because what you don't measure, doesn't exist," said Irene Carrión Álvarez, a member of Sos Racismo Madrid.

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Remembering Spain's first official hate crime

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We drove down a country road lined with gated houses toward the edge of Aravaca, a wealthy neighborhood on the outskirts of Madrid. Our destination: an abandoned nightclub, the site where Spain's first hate crime occurred 25 years ago.

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How a border wall works in Melilla, Spain, a gateway between Europe and Africa

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Firing Line with William F. Buckley, Jr.

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Firing Line with William F. Buckley Jr.: The Black Panthers

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The Black Panther Party (originally called the Black Panther Party for Self-defense, and popularly known as Black Panthers) was a black nationalist, socialist and revolutionary2 organization active in the United States between 1966 and 1982, which also had an international chapter in Algeria between 1969 and 1972

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Cartel del Partido Pantera Negra

El Partido Pantera Negra (en inglés Black Panther Party originalmente llamado Partido Pantera Negra de Autodefensa, y popularmente conocido como Panteras Negras) fue una organización política comunista de tipo marxista-leninista-maoista​, y perteneciente al movimiento político denominado Poder Negro, fundada por los estudiantes universitarios Bobby Seale y Huey P. Newton en octubre de 1966 en Oakland, California.​​​ El partido estuvo activo en Estados Unidos entre 1966 y 1982, con diferentes secciones internacionales en Gran Bretaña y Argelia.​​ En sus inicios, la práctica principal del Partido de las Panteras Negras eran las patrullas de vigilancia de ciudadanos armados ("vigilancia policial", " copwatching" en inglés) que vigilaban el comportamiento de los agentes del Departamento de Policía de Oakland y desafiaban la brutalidad policial en la ciudad.

En 1969, diversos programas sociales comunitarios, llamados programas de supervivencia, se convirtieron en su actividad fundamental.​ El partido instituyó los programas de desayunos gratuitos para niños para hacer frente a la injusticia alimentaria, y clínicas de salud comunitarias para la educación y el tratamiento de enfermedades como la anemia de células falciformes, la tuberculosis y, más tarde, el VIH/SIDA.​​​ Abogaba por la lucha de clases, con el partido representando la vanguardia proletaria en contra del capitalismo.​

Múltiples miembros del Partido de las Panteras Negras estuvieron involucrados en varios tiroteos mortales con la policía. Newton en una ocasión declaró:​

Malcolm X, implacable hasta el extremo, ofreció a las masas negras ... la liberación de las cadenas del opresor y el abrazo traicionero de los portavoces [negros] avalados. Sólo con el arma se les negó a las masas negras esta victoria. Pero aprendieron de Malcolm que con el arma pueden recuperar sus sueños y hacerlos realidad.

Los miembros del Partido Pantera Negra han estado involucrados en numerosos tiroteos fatales con la policía. Huey Newton mató al oficial de policía John Frey en 1967 y Eldridge Cleaver dirigió una emboscada en 1968 a los oficiales de policía de Oakland, en la que dos policías resultaron heridos y Panther Bobby Hutton murió. El partido experimentó muchos conflictos internos, que culminaron con los asesinatos de Alex Rackley y Betty Van Patter por miembros del partido.​

El Partido de las Panteras Negras defendía y predicaba el derecho a autodefenderse, a la defensa propia (self-defense en inglés). Esto significa que la violencia era usada por los miembros del partido sólo para defenderse de la violencia que las autoridades ejercían sobre ellos. De hecho, el Partido tenía un código de conducta que prohibía el uso de arma s o de la violencia en general a no ser para defenderse de un peligro inminente.​

En 1967, la legislatura de California aprobó la Ley Mulford, que fue firmada por el gobernador Ronald Reagan. El proyecto de ley se elaboró en respuesta a los miembros del Partido de las Panteras Negras que vigilaban a la policía. El proyecto de ley derogó una ley que permitía el porte público de armas de fuego cargadas.

En 1969, el director del FBI, J. Edgar Hoover, describió al partido como "la mayor amenaza para la seguridad interna del país"​ Desarrolló y supervisó un extenso programa de contrainteligencia ( COINTELPRO) de vigilancia, infiltración, perjurio, acoso policial y muchas otras tácticas, diseñadas para socavar el liderazgo de las Panteras, incriminar y asesinar a los miembros del partido, desacreditar y criminalizar al partido, y agotar los recursos organizativos y la mano de obra. El programa fue responsable del asesinato de Fred Hampton,​ y se le acusa de asesinar a otros miembros de los Panteras Negras, incluido Mark Clark.​​​​

La persecución gubernamental contribuyó inicialmente al crecimiento del partido, ya que los asesinatos y las detenciones de los Panteras aumentaron su apoyo entre los afroamericanos y la amplia izquierda política, que valoraban a los Panteras como una fuerza poderosa que se oponía a la segregación de facto y al servicio militar obligatorio. El partido contaba con el mayor número de miembros y tenía la mayor influencia en la zona de la bahía de Oakland-San Francisco, Nueva York, Chicago, Los Ángeles, Seattle y Filadelfia. Había secciones activas en muchas prisiones, en un momento en que un número cada vez mayor de jóvenes afroamericanos eran encarcelados.​

El número de miembros del Partido de las Panteras Negras alcanzó su punto álgido en 1970, con oficinas en 68 ciudades y miles de miembros, pero empezó a disminuir en la década siguiente. Después de que sus líderes y miembros fueran vilipendiados por la prensa dominante, el apoyo público al partido disminuyó y el grupo se aisló más.​ Las luchas internas entre los dirigentes del Partido, fomentadas en gran medida por la operación COINTELPRO del FBI, provocaron expulsiones y deserciones que diezmaron a los miembros.​ El apoyo popular al Partido disminuyó aún más después de los informes sobre las supuestas actividades delictivas del grupo, como el tráfico de drogas y la extorsión a los comerciantes de Oakland.​ En 1972, la mayor parte de la actividad de las Panteras se centraba en la sede nacional y en una escuela de Oakland, donde el partido seguía influyendo en la política local. Aunque bajo constante vigilancia policial, la sección de Chicago también se mantuvo activa y mantuvo sus programas comunitarios hasta 1974.​ La sección de Seattle persistió más que la mayoría, con un programa de desayunos y clínicas médicas que continuaron incluso después de que la sección se disolviera en 1977.​ El Partido siguió disminuyendo a lo largo de la década de 1970, y en 1980 sólo contaba con 27 miembros.​

La historia del Partido es controvertida. Los académicos han caracterizado al Partido de las Panteras Negras como la organización del movimiento negro más influyente de finales de la década de 1960, y "el vínculo más fuerte entre la Lucha de Liberación Negra doméstica y los oponentes globales del imperialismo estadounidense".​ Otros comentaristas han descrito el Partido como más criminal que político, caracterizado por "más posturas desafiantes que sustancia".​

Bobby Seale en el campus de la Universidad de Binghamton el 25 de febrero de 2006.

En sus orígenes fue una organización creada para la autodefensa y supervivencia de los miembros de la comunidad negra. Incitaba a sus miembros a ejercer el derecho constitucional de los EE. UU. a poseer armas, con el único objetivo de defenderse de la violencia a la que eran sujetos por parte de la policía particularmente.

Según el Partido Panteras Negras, se llamaba Partido, "porque nace con vocación de actuar, de intervenir, de dar soluciones concretas y posibles" y Panteras Negras por la naturaleza de la pantera que "no es atacar a alguien en primer lugar; pero cuando es atacada y acorralada, responde ferozmente y sin piedad a su agresor", lo cual los unía con la idea de autodefensa de Malcolm X.

Entre sus acciones sociales destacan el programa de desayuno para niños, la habilitación de clínicas gratuitas para la población y la lucha contra las drogas, pues las consideraban como un arma de alienación. Además, impartían clases gratuitas de derecho y economía, autodefensa y primeros auxilios.

Poco después de la fundación de las Panteras Negras en 1966 (desde 1967), fue investigado, infiltrado y debilitado por el Programa de Contrainteligencia del FBI (COINTELPRO), que desde 1969 lo consideró como uno de sus "objetivos principales". Las operaciones de COINTELPRO del FBI destruyeron a las Panteras Negras con una serie de arrestos, asesinatos y destierros forzados.

El 17 de enero de 1969, Bunchy Carter y John Huggins, responsables de la organización en Los Ángeles son asesinados por miembros de United Slaves, un grupo nacionalista afrodescendiente rival creado en 1965. En la década de 1970 el partido caerá en numerosas escisiones y enfrentamientos, quedando reducido e inoperante.

Hoja de propaganda de una Convención del Partido de los Panteras Negras en 1970

En 1989, un grupo originalmente escindido del partido forma el New Black Panther Party (NBPP, Nuevo Partido Pantera Negra) en Dallas, Texas, atacado por los restos del partido original; diez años más tarde el NBPP se integrará en la organización estadounidense panafricanista Nation of Islam (NOI).

El 15 de julio de 2004 se forma con muchos de los antiguos miembros una nueva "National Alliance of Black Panthers", pretendiendo revitalizar el antiguo movimiento.

La plataforma y programa del Partido Pantera Negra, conocida como el Programa de los Diez Puntos "Lo que queremos, lo que creemos," fue publicado por primera vez en noviembre de 1966 y reeditado en 1972.

Primera versión, 1966:

1. QUEREMOS LIBERTAD. QUEREMOS EL PODER PARA DETERMINAR EL DESTINO DE NUESTRAS COMUNIDADES NEGRAS OPRIMIDAS Creemos que los negros oprimidos no serán libres hasta que seamos capaces de determinar nuestro destino en nuestras comunidades y por nosotros mismos controlar completamente todas las instituciones existentes dentro de nuestras comunidades.

2. QUEREMOS PLENO EMPLEO PARA NUESTRA GENTE Creemos que el gobierno federal es responsable y tiene la obligación de dar empleo a cada persona o un ingreso garantizado. Creemos que, si los hombres de negocios norteamericanos no nos darán pleno empleo, estamos en nuestro derecho de tomar sus tecnologías y medios de producción y ponerlos en la comunidad para que nuestra gente pueda organizar y emplear a toda esa gente y así darles un nivel de vida mejor.

3. QUEREMOS EL FIN DEL ROBO A NUESTRAS COMUNIDADES NEGRAS OPRIMIDAS POR PARTE DE LOS CAPITALISTAS Creemos que este gobierno racista nos ha robado y ahora demandamos la deuda pendiente de 40 acres y las 2 mulas. 40 acres y dos mulas fueron prometidos hace 100 años como restitución por la esclavitud y los asesinatos en masa de personas negras. Nosotros aceptaremos el pago de esta deuda, que se distribuirá entre nuestras numerosas comunidades. El racista estadounidense ha tomado parte en la matanza de nuestros 50 millones de negros. Por consiguiente, consideraremos nuestra demanda como "modesta".

4. QUEREMOS VIVIENDAS DECENTES, DIGNAS DE RESGUARDAR A SERES HUMANOS. Creemos que si los propietarios no dan albergue decente a nuestras comunidades negras y oprimidas, entonces la vivienda y la posesión de la tierra deberá cooperativizarse para que la gente de nuestras comunidades, con la ayuda del gobierno, pueda construir y hacer con ellas viviendas decentes para nuestra gente.

5. QUEREMOS EDUCACIÓN DECENTE PARA NUESTRA GENTE, QUE EXPONGA LA VERDADERA NATURALEZA DECADENTE DE ESTA SOCIEDAD NORTEAMERICANA. QUEREMOS UNA EDUCACIÓN QUE NOS ENSEÑE NUESTRA VERDADERA HISTORIA Y NUESTRO PAPEL EN LA SOCIEDAD ACTUAL Creemos en un sistema educativo que permita a nuestra gente el conocimiento de sí mismos. Si no tienes conocimiento de ti mismo y de tu posición en la sociedad y el mundo, entonces tendrás pocas oportunidades de conocer nada más.

6. QUEREMOS EL CUIDADO DE SALUD COMPLETAMENTE GRATIS PARA TODOS LOS NEGROS Y OPRIMIDOS Creemos que el gobierno debe proveer, sin cargo alguno para las personas, medios de salud que no solo traten nuestras enfermedades, la mayoría de las cuales ocurren como resultado de nuestra opresión. También deben desarrollar programas médicos preventivos para garantizar nuestra futura supervivencia. Creemos que deben desarrollarse programas masivos de educación en salud y de investigación para dar al negro y oprimido acceso a la información científica y médica avanzada, para que de esta manera podamos proveernos de atención y cuidados médicos.

7. QUEREMOS EL FIN INMEDIATO DE LA BRUTALIDAD POLICIAL Y DEL ASESINATO DE NEGROS, DE OTRA GENTE DE COLOR Y DE TODOS LOS OPRIMIDOS EN LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS Nosotros creemos que el gobierno racista y fascista de los Estados Unidos utiliza sus fuerzas de orden y seguridad para llevar a cabo su programa de opresión contra las personas negras, otras personas de color y las personas pobres de los Estados Unidos. Por consiguiente, creemos que es nuestro derecho defendernos de tales fuerzas armadas y que todos los negros y personas oprimidas puedan armarse para defenderse a sí mismas, a sus casas y comunidades contra las fuerzas policiales fascistas.

8. QUEREMOS EL FIN INMEDIATO DE LAS GUERRAS DE AGRESIÓN Creemos que los distintos conflictos que existen en todo el mundo son producto del agresivo deseo del círculo dominante de los Estados Unidos de forzar la dominación de los oprimidos del mundo. Creemos que si el gobierno de Estados Unidos o sus lacayos no cesan estas guerras agresivas, las personas tendrán el derecho de defenderse a sí mismas por todos los medios que sean necesarios en contra de esos agresores.

9. QUEREMOS LA LIBERTAD PARA TODOS LOS NEGROS Y PERSONAS OPRIMIDAS ACTUALMENTE RETENIDAS EN PRISIONES FEDERALES NORTEAMERICANAS, ESTATALES, DE CONDADO O MILITARES. QUEREMOS JUICIOS CON JURADOS PARITARIOS PARA TODAS LAS PERSONAS ACUSADAS DE CRÍMENES BAJO LA LEY DE ESTE PAÍS Creemos que muchos de los negros y pobres oprimidos actualmente retenidos en prisiones y cárceles de los Estados Unidos no han recibido un juicio justo e imparcial bajo este sistema judicial racista y fascista, por lo que deben ser liberados de su encarcelamiento. Creemos en la eliminación última de todas las infelices e inhumanas instituciones penales porque las masas de hombres y mujeres encarceladas en los Estados Unidos o por sus militares son víctimas de sus condiciones opresivas las cuales son la verdadera causa de su encarcelamiento. Creemos que, cuando las personas son enjuiciadas, los Estados Unidos deberían garantizarles jurados paritarios, abogados de su elección y libertad condicional mientras esperan el juicio.

10. QUEREMOS TIERRA, PAN, VIVIENDA, EDUCACIÓN, VESTIMENTA, JUSTICIA, Y EL CONTROL DE LAS TECNOLOGÍAS MODERNAS POR PARTE DE LAS COMUNIDADES DE PERSONAS. Cuando, en el curso de los acontecimientos humanos, se vuelve una necesidad para una persona el deshacerse de sus ataduras políticas que le han conectado con otros, y asumir, entre los poderes de la tierra, la separada e igual estado de las leyes que la naturaleza y el dios de la naturaleza les han concedido, un decente respeto a las opiniones de humanidad requieren que ellos declaren las causas que los impelen a la separación. Nosotros celebramos estas verdades por ser evidente que todos los hombres somos creados iguales. Que ellos son dotados por su Creador de ciertos derechos inalienables; que entre estos están los de la vida, la libertad y la búsqueda de la felicidad. Que para afianzar estos derechos, se instituyen los gobiernos entre los hombres, derivando su poder del consentimiento de los gobernados; que siempre que haya cualquier forma de tornarse destructivo para estos fines, será el derecho de la gente alterar o abolir esos gobiernos e instituir uno nuevo, basando su fundación en dichos principios y organizar sus poderes de tal forma que resulte más seguro y probable alcanzar la felicidad. De hecho, la prudencia determinará que los gobiernos no sean cambiados por causas livianas y transitorias; y, acordando, la experiencia no ha demostrado que la humanidad está dispuesta a sufrir, mientras los males sean soportables, en lugar de cambiar las formas a las que están acostumbrados. Pero cuando un largo tren de abusos y usurpación, sigue el mismo objeto, demuestra un plan para reducirlos bajo un despotismo absoluto, es su derecho y su deber echar afuera a dicho gobierno y proveer a nuevos guardianes para su seguridad futura.​

En mayo de 1972, dicho programa se hace mucho más específico a la hora de identificar dinámicas de poder y opresión. La mayoría de los diez puntos son revisados y se incluyen nuevos términos tales como capitalismo, se amplía el concepto de comunidades oprimidas y ya no comprende solamente a la comunidad negra, se menciona la tecnología como parte inherente de los medios de producción.

1- Queremos libertad. Queremos poder para determinar el destino de nuestras comunidades negras y oprimidas.

Creemos que las personas negras y oprimidas no serán libres hasta que seamos capaces de determinar nuestro propio destino, a través del control total de todas las instituciones que existen en nuestras comunidades.

2- Queremos pleno empleo para nuestra gente.

Creemos que el gobierno federal es responsable y está obligado a darle a cada persona un empleo o un ingreso garantizado. Creemos que si los empresarios americanos no dan pleno empleo, entonces la tecnología y los medios de producción deben serle arrebatados a los empresarios y ofrecidos a la comunidad para que la gente de la comunidad pueda organizarse y emplear a toda su gente y dar un alto nivel de vida.

3- Queremos que termine el robo, por parte del capitalista, de nuestras comunidades negras y oprimidas.

Creemos que este gobierno racista nos ha robado, y ahora exigimos el pago de la deuda atrasada de cuarenta acres y dos mulas. Hace 100 años se prometieron cuarenta acres y dos mulas como restitución por el trabajo esclavo y el asesinato en masa de personas negras. Aceptaremos el pago en moneda que se distribuirá a nuestras muchas comunidades. El racista Americano ha participado en la masacre de más de cincuenta millones de negros. Por lo tanto, creemos que esta es una demanda modesta que hacemos.

4- Queremos una vivienda digna, apta para el refugio de los seres humanos.

Creemos que si los propietarios no dan viviendas dignas a nuestras comunidades negras y oprimidas, entonces la vivienda y la tierra deben convertirse en cooperativas para que la gente de nuestras comunidades, con ayuda del gobierno, pueda construir y hacer viviendas y terrenos decentes. deben convertirse en cooperativas para que la gente de nuestras comunidades, con la ayuda del gobierno, pueda construir y hacer viviendas dignas para la gente.

5- Queremos una educación para nuestra gente que exponga la verdadera naturaleza de esta decadente sociedad Americana. Queremos una educación que nos enseñe nuestra verdadera historia y nuestro papel en la sociedad actual.

Creemos en un sistema educativo que le dará a nuestra gente un conocimiento de sí misma. Si una persona no tiene conocimiento de sí misma y de su posición en la sociedad y el mundo, entonces tendrá pocas posibilidades de saber algo más.

6- Queremos atención médica completamente gratuita para todas las personas negras y oprimidas.

Creemos que el gobierno debe proporcionarle al pueblo, de forma gratuita, instalaciones de salud que no solo tratarán nuestras enfermedades, la mayoría de las cuales se han producido como resultado de nuestra opresión, sino que también desarrollarán programas médicos preventivos para garantizar nuestra supervivencia futura. Creemos que se deben desarrollar programas masivos de educación e investigación para brindar a todas las personas negras y oprimidas acceso a información médica y científica avanzada, para que podamos brindarnos a nosotros mismos la atención y el cuidado médicos adecuados.

7- Queremos el fin inmediato de la brutalidad policial y el asesinato de personas negras, otras personas de color, de todas las personas oprimidas dentro de los Estados Unidos.

Creemos que el gobierno racista y fascista de los Estados Unidos utiliza sus agencias de dominación domésticas para llevar a cabo su programa de opresión contra los negros, otras personas de color y los pobres dentro de los Estados Unidos. Creemos que es nuestro derecho, por lo tanto, defendernos contra tales fuerzas armadas, y que todas las personas negras y oprimidas deben estar armadas para autodefender nuestros hogares y comunidades contra estas fuerzas policiales fascistas.

8- Queremos el fin inmediato de todas las guerras de agresión.

Creemos que los diversos conflictos que existen en todo el mundo se derivan directamente de los deseos agresivos del gobierno de los Estados Unidos y su círculo gobernante, para imponer su dominio sobre los pueblos oprimidos del mundo. Creemos que si el gobierno de los Estados Unidos o sus lacayos no cesan en estas guerras agresivas, el pueblo tiene derecho a defenderse contra sus agresores usando todos los medios necesarios.

9- Queremos libertad para todas las personas negras, y las pobres y oprimidas que ahora se encuentran en prisiones y cárceles federales, estatales, del condado, de la ciudad y militares de los EE. UU. Queremos juicios para todas las personas acusadas de los llamados delitos, según las leyes de este país, en los que los miembros del jurado sean de nuestras comunidades.

Creemos que las personas negras, y las pobres y oprimidas que ahora se encuentran recluidas en prisiones y cárceles de los EE. UU. no han recibido juicios justos e imparciales bajo un sistema judicial racista y fascista, y deberían ser liberadas de su encarcelamiento. Creemos en la eliminación definitiva de todas las instituciones penales miserables e inhumanas, porque las masas de hombres y mujeres encarcelados dentro de los Estados Unidos, o encarcelados por el ejército de los Estados Unidos son víctimas de condiciones opresivas que son la verdadera causa de su encarcelamiento. Creemos que cuando las personas son enjuiciadas, los Estados Unidos deben garantizarles jurados conformados por personas de su comunidad, los abogados de su elección y no ser encarcelados mientras esperan juicio.

10- Queremos tierra, pan, vivienda, educación, ropa, justicia, paz y el control comunitario de la tecnología moderna.

En el curso de la historia, se hace necesario que un pueblo disuelva las ataduras políticas que lo han conectado con otro, y asuma, entre los poderes de la tierra, la posición separada e igual que les han concedido las leyes de la naturaleza y las leyes de la naturaleza de Dios. Un respeto decente a las opiniones de la humanidad requiere que estos pueblos declaren las causas que los impulsan a la separación.

Sostenemos que estas verdades son evidentes por sí mismas, que todos los hombres son creados iguales; que están dotados por su Creador de ciertos derechos inalienables; que entre estos se encuentran la vida, la libertad y la búsqueda de la felicidad. Que, para garantizar estos derechos, se crean gobiernos entre los hombres, que derivan sus justos poderes del consentimiento de los gobernados; que, siempre que cualquier forma de gobierno se vuelva destructiva de estos fines, es el derecho del pueblo modificarla o abolirla, e instituir un nuevo gobierno, asentando sus fundamentos en tales principios y organizando sus poderes de tal forma que les parecerá más probable que afecte su seguridad y felicidad. La prudencia, de hecho, dictará que los gobiernos establecidos desde hace mucho tiempo no deben cambiarse por causas leves y transitorias; y, en consecuencia, nuestra experiencia colectiva ha demostrado que la humanidad está más dispuesta a sufrir, mientras los males son tolerables, que permitirse a sí misma abolir las formas a las que está acostumbrada. Pero, cuando una larga serie de abusos y usurpaciones que persiguen invariablemente el mismo objetivo muestra un plan para reducirlos al despotismo absoluto, es su derecho, es su deber, deshacerse de ese gobierno y proporcionar nuevas protecciones para su seguridad futura.​

El Partido Pantera Negra instituyó o imaginó el inicio de estos programas como parte de un proceso para ayudar a los afroamericanos y otros pueblos oprimidos a satisfacer sus necesidades básicas, con el objetivo de que pudieran organizarse para adquirir los recursos para la autodeterminación y el empoderamiento. La instalación de luces de tráfico en avenidas peligrosas en Oakland y la iniciativa de vigilancia a la policía son las primeras grandes propuestas del partido. Algunos de los programas de supervivencia aún existen o fueron modelos para muchos de los programas de servicios humanos y comunitarios actuales.

1- Clínica Médica George Jackson: atención médica y programas de prevención gratuitos.

2- Fundación para la investigación de células falciformes (ACF): establecida para investigar y crear una cura para la anemia de células falciformes. La fundación informa a las personas sobre la anemia de células falciformes y mantiene un comité médico asesor que investiga esta enfermedad paralizante.

3- Programa de atención dental gratuito para la población: chequeos gratuitos, tratamiento y programas educativos enfocados en la higiene dental.

4- Programa gratuito de optometría para el pueblo: exámenes optométricos gratuitos, tratamientos y espejuelos para el pueblo.

5- Programa de ambulancia gratuitos para el pueblo: provee, gratuitamente, rápida transportación para las personas heridas o enfermas. Los pagos de facturas por este servicio por ende se eliminan, protegiendo la situación financiera y medios económicos de los pacientes.

6- Programa gratuito de alimentos: ofrece alimentos a personas de la comunidad negra y otras comunidades oprimidas.

7- Programa de desayuno gratuito: ofrece gratuitamente a los niños un desayuno gratuito, caliente y nutritivo todas las mañanas en que deben ir a la escuela.

8- Cooperativas: provee a la comunidad de alimentos, a través de la participación comunitaria y la compra cooperativa comunitaria.

9- Servicios de noticias intercomunales: provee noticias e informaciones sobre el mundo y las comunidades negras y oprimidas.

10- Programa comunitario gratuito de empleo para el pueblo: ofrece servicios de búsqueda de empleo para las personas pobres y oprimidas.

11- Programa de calzado: ofrece zapatos gratuitos al pueblo, los cuales son fabricados en la Fábrica de Calzado Para el Pueblo.

12- Programa de ropa gratis para el pueblo: provee ropa nueva, elegante y de calidad al pueblo.

13- Programa de asesoría legal y educativa para el pueblo: ofrece asesoría legal completa, y clases de asesoría legal a las personas necesitadas.

14- Programa gratuito de transporte en autobuses a las prisiones: ofrece transportación gratuita a las cárceles a los familiares y amigos de los prisioneros.

15- Programa gratuito de cantina para prisioneros: provee fondos a hombres y mujeres presos para comprar artículos de la cantina de la cárcel.

16- Programa Adultos Mayores Contra un Ambiente Hostil (Seniors Against a Fearful Environment, S.A.F.E, en inglés): provee transportación y compañía a los adultos mayores hacia y desde los bancos de la comunidad el primer día de cada mes.

17- Programa de vivienda cooperativa para el pueblo: provee, con ayuda del gobierno federal, una vivienda decente, de bajo costo y de calidad a las comunidades negras y las comunidades oprimidas.

18- Programa gratuito de plomería y mantenimiento para el pueblo: ofrece servicios gratuitos de plomería y mantenimiento para mejorar las viviendas del pueblo.

19- Programa gratuito de control de plagas: servicio gratuito de exterminación de ratas, cucarachas y otros portadores de enfermedades y roedores.

20- Escuela comunitaria de Oakland: provee a los niños negros y de otras comunidades oprimidas con un método científico para pensar y analizar el mundo que les rodea. Este método desarrolla habilidades básicas para vivir en esta sociedad.

21- Escuelas de liberación. Programas gratuitos de música y baile: Proporciona a los niños instalaciones y materiales educativos complementarios gratuitos para promover una visión correcta de su papel en la sociedad y brinda apoyo para los programas de música y danza de la Escuela Comunitaria de Oakland.

22- Centro de desarrollo infantil: Proporciona instalaciones de cuidado infantil las 24 horas para bebés y niños entre las edades de 2 meses y tres años. Los jóvenes participan en un programa científico para desarrollar sus instalaciones físicas y mentales en las edades más tempranas.

Kathleen Cleaver habló en Hutton Memorial Park en el condado de Alameda, California.

Durante su existencia, las Panteras Negras, despertaron simpatías políticas en la comunidad estadounidense en general. Algunos simpatizantes famosos (no militantes): el actor James Cromwell, el rapero Tupac Shakur, el actor Marlon Brando y el actor Danny Glover,​ entre otros.

El Partido Pantera Negra estaba mayoritariamente dominado por dirigentes hombres, pero las mujeres fueron también una parte importante en el partido. Cuando se recuerda a los miembros del Partido, generalmente se proyecta una imagen masculina y violenta, aun así dos tercios de las Panteras Negras eran mujeres en el año 1970.​ Aunque algunas mujeres tuvieron gran influencia y ocuparon cargos de dirección dentro del partido, como Elaine Brown o Kathleen Cleaver , sexismo y machismo fueron problemas que nunca se abordaron debidamente y lo dañaron profundamente.

Tommie Smith y John Carlos hacen el saludo del Poder Negro en los Juegos Olímpicos de 1968.

Artículo principal: Saludo del Black Power en los Juegos Olímpicos de 1968

En los Juegos Olímpicos de México de 1968, en la ceremonia de entrega de medallas de la prueba de los 200 metros lisos, Tommie Smith (medalla de oro) junto a su compatriota John Carlos (medalla de bronce) agacharon la cabeza y levantaron un puño en alto con un guante negro mientras sonaba el himno de los EE. UU. como símbolo del movimiento Black Power y en protesta por el racismo en EE. UU. y el Apartheid en Sudáfrica. Peter Norman, un australiano medalla de plata en la misma prueba les apoyó pegándose a la altura del corazón un adhesivo del Proyecto Olímpico por los Derechos Humanos.​ Este gesto provocó que fueran expulsados de sus respectivos equipos y tuvieran que abandonar la villa olímpica. Smith y Carlos, al volver a EE. UU, fueron tratados como delincuentes y no encontraron trabajo durante muchos años.​ Aunque los dos atletas negros no tenían alguna relación con el Partido Panteras Negras, por esta acción la prensa de aquel tiempo los consideró extremistas, y se los ligó erróneamente con las Panteras.

El grupo chileno de Hip-hop Panteras Negras se hicieron llamar así inspirados por la lucha de las Panteras Negras. Según Eduardo Lalo Meneses, uno de sus fundadores "El rap es para mí como el rugido de una pantera que ya está cansada de tanto racismo, de tanta pobreza".

En 1995 se estrenó la película Panther del director y actor estadounidense Mario Van Peebles. La película es una dramatización de la historia de las Panteras Negras.​

En la película Forrest Gump (1994), el personaje principal, Forrest, conoce esta organización. Él mismo dice en un momento "Perdón por arruinar su fiesta de panteras negras", (puesto que Partido, en inglés, se escribe Party e igualmente significa Fiesta) después de un altercado con un miembro.

En la película The Butler (2013), el hijo del personaje principal Cecil Gaines (mayordomo de la Casa Blanca), llamado Louis Gains se une a la organización Panteras Negras, pero cuando las Panteras Negras comienzan a ejercer violencia Louis abandona la organización y regresa a la Universidad, obteniendo un título de maestría en Ciencias Políticas, para finalmente obtener un lugar en el Congreso.

En la película Men In Black 3 (Hombres de negro III), mientras que el protagonista, el Agente J, tras hablar con el artista Andy Warhol, se pasea por un desfile de moda de 1969, se ven al fondo un grupo de Panteras Negras, en un agudo guiño sobre la relación que tenían artistas y grupos revolucionarios en aquella década de los años 1960.

En la película The Hate You Give (2017) la personaje principal aprende los 10 derechos de las Panteras Negras, y luego citan uno de estos derechos

Los padres del legendario rapero 2Pac pertenecieron al partido de las Panteras Negras.

1. Delli Carpin, Michael X. (2000). "Black Panther Party: 1966-1982". Archivado desde el original el 2 de octubre de 2018. "While the exact size of the party is difficult to determine,the best estimates are that at its peak in 1969, the Black Panthers had as many as 5,000 members and between thirty-four and forty local chapters in the United States. "

2. Joseph, Peniel (2006). Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. Henry Holt. p. 219. (requiere registro).

3. Van Deburg, William L. (1992). New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. University of Chicago Press. p. 155. (requiere registro).

4. "October 15, 1966: The Black Panther Party Is Founded". The Nation. . Archivado desde el original el 21 de diciembre de 2015.

5. Meghelli, Samir (2009), "From Harlem to Algiers: Transnational Solidarities Between the African American Freedom Movement and Algeria, 1962-1978", en Marable, Manning, ed., Black Routes to Islam, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 99-119.

6. Nelson, Alondra (2011). Body and Soul: The Black Panther Party and the Fight against Medical Discrimination. University of Minnesota Press.

7. Haas, Jeffrey (2010). The assassination of Fred Hampton : how the FBI and the Chicago police murdered a Black Panther. Lawrence Hill Books/Chicago Review Press. . .

8. Pearson, Hugh (1994). The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America. Da Capo Press. p. 221.

9. Stubblefield, Anna (31 de mayo de 2018). Ethics Along the Color Line (en inglés). Cornell University Press. pp. 60-61. .

10. Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, (United States Senate. enlace roto disponible en este archivo).

11. O'Reilly, Kenneth (1989). Racial Matters: The FBI's Secret File on Black America, 1960-1972. Free Press. (requiere registro).

12. Churchill and Vander Wall (2002). The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI's Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States. South End Press.

13. Haas, Jeffrey (2010). The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther. Chicago Review Press.

14. "The Ten Point Plan". Archivado desde el original el 23 de octubre de 2010.

15. "Black Panther Party Platform and Program: "What We Want, What We Believe"". The Black Panther Intercommunal News Service. 13 de mayo de 1972.

Marine, Gene. Los Black Panthers. Siglo XXI, 1971.

Pearson, Hugh (1994). The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America (en inglés). De Capo Press. .

Roca, José Manuel. Nación Negra Poder Negro. La Linterna Sorda, 2009.- ISBN 978-84-936562-1-8

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Partido Pantera Negra - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

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El Partido Pantera Negra (en inglés Black Panther Party originalmente llamado Partido Pantera Negra de Autodefensa, y popularmente conocido como Panteras Negras) fue una organización política comunista de tipo marxista-leninista-maoista​, y perteneciente al movimiento político denominado Poder Negro, fundada por los estudiantes universitarios Bobby Seale y Huey P.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SaILY9TG-fQ

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The Melilla fence is a physical barrier located in the limits of the Spanish city of Melilla with Morocco, in North Africa and in Spanish territory. Its purpose is to hinder or prevent the entry of illegal immigrants. Although previously there was a wire fence, installed in 1971 due to a cholera outbreak in Morocco, the fence as we know it today began to be built in 1998 during the first term of José María Aznar.

The concertinas were installed in 2005 during the government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. They were removed in 2007 and replaced in 2013. In June 2020 they were replaced by a bar structure.

The Melilla border, together with that of Ceuta, are the only two land borders of the European Union in Africa.

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was a twenty-six-year-old African-American woman, an emergency health technician, who died in a shooting on March 13, 2020.
https://youtu.be/hYgD9t4iDtI

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SOBRE NEGRITUD Y RACISMO. Monólogo de Lucía Mbomío en la Universidad de Verano 2017

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SOBRE NEGRITUD Y RACISMO. Monólogo de Lucía Mbomío en la Universidad de Verano 2017

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AMAZING SEMINAR done by Lucia Mbomio! This talk is very insightful and highlights the importance of how THE PAST influences our mentality and actions today.

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SOBRE NEGRITUD Y RACISMO. Monólogo de Lucía Mbomío en la Universidad de Verano 2017

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Racism in Spain documentary/ interview

There is A LOT of ads and you have to sign up with gmail BUT it is the complete show for FREE

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'Salvados' aborda la lacra del racismo en España, en unos momentos en que se han producido fuertes tensiones en las Canarias con la llegada de migrantes en cayucos. Gonzo entrevista a dos invitados de excepción, el jugador del Athletic Club, Iñaki Williams, de padres ghaneses, y el exjugador de la ACB, Sitapha Savané, de origen senegalés.Ambos comparten con Gonzo experiencias personales que han soportado por su color de piel.

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The most accurate translation, in Spanish, is black. But even with the pejorative burden that it already has in Spanish, the wound it opens, the pain it causes and the controversy it raises cannot be understood.

That was the way the whites called the blacks as they subdued them as slaves. That word has not been used for decades, an implicit prohibition hovers over it for anyone who is not black. Saving all possible distances, it has the same double face as "🤬" in the LGTBIQ community: you can pronounce it if you are part of that community, but it is not a good idea to do it if you are not. 🤬, as a 🤬, they were used for decades in a derogatory, insulting way, almost spat on by those unable to tolerate anything other than themselves, blinded by an incomprehensible, petty and absurd hatred.

In recent months, the wave unleashed in the United States by the murder of George Floyd and the Black Lives Matter movement has reached Europe, bringing with it both the denunciation of current racism and the need to decolonize historical narratives. Many neighboring countries have responded by opening important debates on the need to make visible the historical role of Afro-Europeans and their contribution to our societies. In Spain, however, it seems as if this is not with us: as if the presence of black people here is a recent phenomenon and any previous presence a merely anecdotal issue.

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1. 13TH
2. When they see us
3. Self Made (Madam CJ Walker)
4. The Greenbook
5. Django unchained
6. Da 5 Bloods
7. The Help
8. Hidden Figures
9. 12 Years a Slave
10.  Straight out of compton
11. Harriet
12. Dear White People
13. Underground

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Atsushi Nishijima/Netflix

As the Black Lives Matter movement continues on, Netflix is highlighting works celebrating Black lives and highlighting the racial injustices they face. As of June 10, the mega streaming platform now has a page for its Black Lives Matter category, which features a range of curated films, TV series, documentaries and stand-ups that focus on "powerful and complex narratives about the Black experience." When users log onto Netflix, before reaching the home page, they'll be greeted with a page called "More than a Moment" that directs to the 40+ movies in the Black Lives Matter collection.

"When we say 'Black Lives Matter,' we also mean 'Black storytelling matters,'" the company tweeted with the announcement on Wednesday.

The change comes as protests against police brutality carry on throughout the country (and the world), and as calls to end racism are leading eager allies to educate themselves through Black literature, cinema, art, music, and history. However, some of those efforts were misguided as legions presumably streamed The Help, so much so that the 2009 film was trending on Netflix last week. But the Oscar-nominated film has been criticized for only portraying racism in a way that alleviates white guilt. Needless to say, The Help is not on Netlix's Black Lives Matter list. But the 54 films below are are.

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Netflix Introduces a Black Lives Matter Category

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Atsushi Nishijima/Netflix As the Black Lives Matter movement continues on, Netflix is highlighting works celebrating Black lives and highlighting the racial injustices they face. As of June 10, the mega streaming platform now has a page for its Black Lives Matter category, which features a range of curated films, TV series, documentaries and stand-ups that focus on "powerful and complex narratives about the Black experience."

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Kenia Pérez, 31 years old. He was only six when his mother, Lucrecia Pérez, was shot dead in Madrid by hooded men 25 years ago today, on November 13, 1992. That of Lucrecia, a Dominican woman who had come to Spain so that Kenya could study and live with dignity, it was the first racist assassination of democracy.

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Buddy the dog went with his human to a peaceful protest in honor George Floyd in Cincinnati

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Buddy the dog participated at a peaceful protest with his human in Cincinnati.

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of black ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black.

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of sub-Saharan African ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black ( or colored in historical terms).

This concept became codified into the law of some states in the early 20th century. It was associated with the principle of "invisible blackness" that developed after the long history of racial interaction in the South, which had included the hardening of slavery as a racial caste and later segregation. It is an example of hypodescent, the automatic assignment of children of a mixed union between different socioeconomic or ethnic groups to the group with the lower status, regardless of proportion of ancestry in different groups.

The one-drop rule is defunct in law in the United States and was never codified into federal law.

Before and during the centuries of slavery, people had interracial relationships, both forced and voluntary. In the antebellum years, free people of mixed race ( free people of color) were considered legally white if individuals had less than one-eighth or one-quarter African ancestry (depending on the state). Many mixed-race people were absorbed into the majority culture based simply on appearance, associations and carrying out community responsibilities. These and community acceptance were the more important factors if a person's racial status were questioned, not his or her documented ancestry. Because of the social mobility of antebellum society in frontier areas, many people did not have documentation about their ancestors anyway.

Based on late 20th-century DNA analysis and a preponderance of historical evidence, Thomas Jefferson is widely believed to have fathered the six mixed-race children with his slave Sally Hemings, who was herself three-quarters white. Four of these children, who were seven-eighths white, survived to adulthood. Hemings was a half-sister of Martha Wayles Jefferson. Their children were born into slavery because of her status; as they were seven-eighths European in ancestry, they were legally white under Virginia law of the time. Jefferson allowed the two oldest to escape in 1822 (freeing them legally was a public action he elected to avoid because he would have had to gain permission from the state legislature); the two youngest he freed in his 1826 will. Three of the four entered white society as adults, and all their descendants identified as white.

Although racial segregation was adopted legally by southern states of the former Confederacy in the late 19th century, legislators resisted defining race by law as part of preventing interracial marriages. In 1895 in South Carolina during discussion, George D. Tillman said,

It is a scientific fact that there is not one full-blooded Caucasian on the floor of this convention. Every member has in him a certain mixture of... colored blood...It would be a cruel injustice and the source of endless litigation, of scandal, horror, feud, and bloodshed to undertake to annul or forbid marriage for a remote, perhaps obsolete trace of Negro blood. The doors would be open to scandal, malice, and greed.

The one-drop rule was not adopted as law until the 20th century: first in Tennessee in 1910 and in Virginia under the Racial Integrity Act of 1924 (following the passage of similar laws in several other states).

In the early colonial years, children born of one Indigenous and one non-Native parent usually had a white father and an Indigenous mother. This was largely due to the majority of the early colonists being male. As many Native American tribes had matrilineal kinship systems, they considered the children to be born to the mother's family and clan. If they were raised in the culture, they were considered members of the community, and therefore, fully Native American.

Prior to colonization, and still in traditional communities, the idea of determining belonging by degree of "blood" was, and is, unheard of. Native American tribes did not use blood quantum law until the government introduced the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, instead determining tribal status on the basis of kinship, lineage and family ties.

Among patrilineal tribes, such as the Omaha, historically a child born to an Omaha mother and a white father could belong officially to the Omaha tribe only if the child were formally adopted into it by a male citizen. In contemporary practice, tribal laws around citizenship and parentage can vary widely between nations.

Between 1904 and 1919, tribal members of with any amount of African ancestry were disenrolled from the Chitimacha tribe of Louisiana, and their descendants have since then been denied tribal membership.

In 20th century America, the concept of the one-drop rule has been primarily applied by white Americans to those of sub-Saharan black African ancestry, when whites were trying to maintain some degree of overt or covert white supremacy. The poet Langston Hughes wrote in his 1940 memoir:

You see, unfortunately, I am not black. There are lots of different kinds of blood in our family. But here in the United States, the word 'Negro' is used to mean anyone who has any Negro blood at all in his veins. In Africa, the word is more pure. It means all Negro, therefore black. I am brown.

This rule meant many mixed-race people, of diverse ancestry, were simply seen as African-American, and their more diverse ancestors forgotten and erased, making it difficult to accurately trace ancestry in the present day.

Many descendants of those who were enslaved and trafficked by Europeans and Americans have assumed they have Native American ancestry. In 2006 Henry Louis Gates Jr.'s 2006 PBS documentary on the genetic makeup of African Americans, African American Lives, focused on these stories of Native American heritage in African-American communities. DNA test results showed, after African, primarily European ancestors for all but two of the celebrities interviewed. However, many critics point to the limitations of DNA testing for ancestry, especially for minority populations.

During World War II, Colonel Karl Bendetsen stated that anyone with "one drop of Japanese blood" was liable for forced internment in camps.

Today there are no enforceable laws in the U.S. in which the one-drop rule is applicable. Sociologically, however, the concept remains somewhat pervasive. Some African Americans turned it around, claiming people of African descent in order to strengthen their political unity when working on activism for civil rights and legislation. Research has shown that some white people associate bi-racial children with the non-white ancestry of the individual.

Both before and after the American Civil War, many people of mixed ancestry who "looked white" and were of mostly white ancestry were legally absorbed into the white majority. State laws established differing standards. For instance, an 1822 Virginia law stated that to be defined as mulatto (that is, multi-racial), a person had to have at least one-quarter (equivalent to one grandparent) African ancestry. Social acceptance and identity were historically the keys to racial identity. Virginia's one-fourth standard remained in place until 1910, when the standard was changed to one sixteenth. In 1924, under the Racial Integrity Act, even the one sixteenth standard was abandoned in favor of a more stringent standard. The act defined a person as legally "colored" (black) for classification and legal purposes if the individual had any African ancestry.

Although the Virginia legislature increased restrictions on free blacks following the Nat Turner Rebellion of 1831, it refrained from establishing a one-drop rule. When a proposal was made by Travis H. Eppes and debated in 1853, representatives realized that such a rule could adversely affect whites, as they were aware of generations of interracial relationships. During the debate, a person wrote to the Charlottesville newspaper:

[If a one-drop rule were adopted], I doubt not, if many who are reputed to be white, and are in fact so, do not in a very short time find themselves instead of being elevated, reduced by the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction, to the level of a free negro.

The state legislators agreed. No such law was passed until 1924, apparently assisted by the fading recollection of such mixed familial histories. In the 21st century, such interracial family histories are being revealed as individuals undergo DNA genetic analysis.

The Melungeons are a group of multiracial families of mostly European and African ancestry whose ancestors were free in colonial Virginia. They migrated to the frontier in Kentucky and Tennessee. Their descendants have been documented over the decades as having tended to marry persons classified as "white". Their descendants became assimilated into the majority culture from the 19th to the 20th centuries.

Pursuant to Reconstruction later in the 19th century, southern states acted to impose racial segregation by law and restrict the liberties of blacks, specifically passing laws to exclude them from politics and voting. From 1890 to 1908, all of the former Confederate states passed such laws, and most preserved disfranchisement until after passage of federal civil rights laws in the 1960s. At the South Carolina constitutional convention in 1895, an anti- miscegenation law and changes that would disfranchise blacks were proposed. Delegates debated a proposal for a one-drop rule to include in these laws. George D. Tillman said the following in opposition:

If the law is made as it now stands respectable families in Aiken, Barnwell, Colleton, and Orangeburg will be denied the right to intermarry among people with whom they are now associated and identified. At least one hundred families would be affected to my knowledge. They have sent good soldiers to the Confederate Army, and are now landowners and taxpayers. Those men served creditably, and it would be unjust and disgraceful to embarrass them in this way. It is a scientific fact that there is not one full-blooded Caucasian on the floor of this convention. Every member has in him a certain mixture of ... colored blood. The pure-blooded white has needed and received a certain infusion of darker blood to give him readiness and purpose. It would be a cruel injustice and the source of endless litigation, of scandal, horror, feud, and bloodshed to undertake to annul or forbid marriage for a remote, perhaps obsolete trace of Negro blood. The doors would be open to scandal, malice, and greed; to statements on the witness stand that the father or grandfather or grandmother had said that A or B had Negro blood in their veins. Any man who is half a man would be ready to blow up half the world with dynamite to prevent or avenge attacks upon the honor of his mother in the legitimacy or purity of the blood of his father.

In 1865, Florida passed an act that both outlawed miscegenation and defined the amount of Black ancestry needed to be legally defined as a "person of color". The act stated that "every person who shall have one-eighth or more of negro blood shall be deemed and held to be a person of color." (This was the equivalent of one great-grandparent.) Additionally, the act outlawed fornication, as well as the intermarrying of white females with men of color. However, the act permitted the continuation of marriages between white persons and persons of color that were established before the law was enacted.

Strangely enough, the one-drop rule was not made law until the early 20th century. This was decades after the Civil War, emancipation, and the Reconstruction era. It followed restoration of white supremacy in the South and the passage of Jim Crow racial segregation laws. In the 20th century, it was also associated with the rise of eugenics and ideas of racial purity.[citation needed ] From the late 1870s on, white Democrats regained political power in the former Confederate states and passed racial segregation laws controlling public facilities, and laws and constitutions from 1890 to 1910 to achieve disfranchisement of most blacks. Many poor whites were also disfranchised in these years, by changes to voter registration rules that worked against them, such as literacy tests, longer residency requirements and poll taxes.

The first challenges to such state laws were overruled by Supreme Court decisions which upheld state constitutions that effectively disfranchised many. White Democratic-dominated legislatures proceeded with passing Jim Crow laws that instituted racial segregation in public places and accommodations, and passed other restrictive voting legislation. In Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court allowed racial segregation of public facilities, under the "separate but equal" doctrine.

Jim Crow laws reached their greatest influence during the decades from 1910 to 1930. Among them were hypodescent laws, defining as black anyone with any black ancestry, or with a very small portion of black ancestry. Tennessee adopted such a "one-drop" statute in 1910, and Louisiana soon followed. Then Texas and Arkansas in 1911, Mississippi in 1917, North Carolina in 1923, Virginia in 1924, Alabama and Georgia in 1927, and Oklahoma in 1931. During this same period, Florida, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, and Utah retained their old "blood fraction" statutes , but amended these fractions (one-sixteenth, one-thirty-second) to be equivalent to one-drop

Before 1930, individuals of visible mixed European and African ancestry were usually classed as mulatto, or sometimes as black and sometimes as white, depending on appearance. Previously, most states had limited trying to define ancestry before "the fourth degree" (great-great-grandparents). But, in 1930, due to lobbying by southern legislators, the Census Bureau stopped using the classification of mulatto. Documentation of the long social recognition of mixed-race people was lost, and they were classified only as black or white.

The binary world of the one-drop rule disregarded the self-identification both of people of mostly European ancestry who grew up in white communities, and of people who were of mixed race and identified as American Indian. In addition, Walter Plecker, Registrar of Statistics, ordered application of the 1924 Virginia law in such a way that vital records were changed or destroyed, family members were split on opposite sides of the color line, and there were losses of the documented continuity of people who identified as American Indian, as all people in Virginia had to be classified as white or black. Over the centuries, many Indian tribes in Virginia had absorbed people of other ethnicities through marriage or adoption, but maintained their cultures. Suspecting blacks of trying to " pass" as Indians, Plecker ordered records changed to classify people only as black or white, and ordered offices to reclassify certain family surnames from Indian to black.

Since the late 20th century, Virginia has officially recognized eight American Indian tribes and their members; the tribes are trying to gain federal recognition. They have had difficulty because decades of birth, marriage, and death records were misclassified under Plecker's application of the law. No one was classified as Indian, although many individuals and families identified that way and were preserving their cultures.

In the case of mixed-race American Indian and European descendants, the one-drop rule in Virginia was extended only so far as those with more than one-sixteenth Indian blood. This was due to what was known as " the Pocahontas exception". Since many influential First Families of Virginia (FFV) claimed descent from the American Indian Pocahontas and her husband John Rolfe of the colonial era, the Virginia General Assembly declared that an individual could be considered white if having no more than one-sixteenth Indian "blood" (the equivalent of one great-great-grandparent).

The eugenicist Madison Grant of New York wrote in his book, The Passing of the Great Race (1916): "The cross between a white man and an Indian is an Indian; the cross between a white man and a Negro is a Negro; the cross between a white man and a Hindu is a Hindu; and the cross between any of the three European races and a Jew is a Jew." As noted above, Native American tribes such as the Omaha, which had patrilineal descent and inheritance, used hypodescent to classify the children of white men and Native American women as white.

Through the 1940s, Walter Plecker of Virginia and Naomi Drake of Louisiana had an outsized influence. As the Registrar of Statistics, Plecker insisted on labeling mixed-race families of European-African ancestry as black. In 1924, Plecker wrote, "Two races as materially divergent as the White and Negro, in morals, mental powers, and cultural fitness, cannot live in close contact without injury to the higher." In the 1930s and 1940s, Plecker directed offices under his authority to change vital records and reclassify certain families as black (or colored) (without notifying them) after Virginia established a binary system under its Racial Integrity Act of 1924. He also classified people as black who had formerly self-identified as Indian. When the United States Supreme Court struck down Virginia's law prohibiting inter-racial marriage in Loving v. Virginia (1967), it also declared Plecker's Virginia Racial Integrity Act and the one-drop rule unconstitutional.

Many people in the U.S., among various ethnic groups, continue to have their own concepts related to the one-drop idea. They may still consider those multiracial individuals with any African ancestry to be black, or at least non-white (if the person has other minority ancestry), unless the person explicitly identifies as white. On the other hand, the Black Power Movement and some leaders within the black community also claimed as black those persons with any visible African ancestry, in order to extend their political base and regardless of how those people self-identified. The number of self-identified multi-racial people in the US is increasing.

Among the colonial slave societies, the United States was nearly unique in developing the one-drop rule; it derived both from the Southern slave culture (shared by other societies) and the aftermath of the American Civil War, emancipation of slaves, and Reconstruction. In the late 19th century, Southern whites regained political power and restored white supremacy, passing Jim Crow laws and establishing racial segregation by law. In the 20th century, during the Black Power Movement, black race-based groups claimed all people of any African ancestry as black in a reverse way, to establish political power.

In colonial Spanish America, many soldiers and explorers took indigenous women as wives. Native-born Spanish women were always a minority. The colonists developed an elaborate classification and caste system that identified the mixed-race descendants of blacks, Amerindians, and whites by different names, related to appearance and known ancestry. Racial caste not only depended on ancestry or skin color, but also could be raised or lowered by the person's financial status or class.

The same racial culture shock has come to hundreds of thousands of dark-skinned immigrants to the United States from Brazil, Colombia, Panama, and other Latin American nations. Although many are not considered black in their homelands, they have often been considered black in US society. According to The Washington Post, their refusal to accept the United States' definition of black has left many feeling attacked from all directions. At times, white and black Americans might discriminate against them for their lighter or darker skin tones; African Americans might believe that Afro-Latino immigrants are denying their blackness. At the same time, the immigrants think lighter-skinned Latinos dominate Spanish-language television and media. A majority of Latin Americans possess some African or American Indian ancestry. Many of these immigrants feel it is difficult enough to accept a new language and culture without the additional burden of having to transform from white to black. Yvette Modestin, a dark-skinned native of Panama who worked in Boston, said the situation was overwhelming: "There's not a day that I don't have to explain myself."

Professor J.B. Bird has said that Latin America is not alone in rejecting the historical US notion that any visible African ancestry is enough to make one black:

In most countries of the Caribbean, Colin Powell would be described as a Creole, reflecting his mixed heritage. In Belize, he might further be described as a "High Creole", because of his extremely light complexion.

These examples show that the perception of race is relative to different societies and individuals.

People in many other countries have tended to treat race less rigidly, both in their self-identification and how they regard others. Just as a person with physically recognizable African ancestry can claim to be black in the United States, someone with recognizable Caucasian ancestry may be considered white in Brazil, even if mixed race.

In December 2002, The Washington Post ran a story on the one-drop rule and differences in Latin American practices. In the reporter's opinion:

Someone with Sidney Poitier's deep chocolate complexion would be considered white if his hair were straight and he made a living in a profession. That might not seem so odd, Brazilians say, when you consider that the fair-complexioned actresses Rashida Jones (' Parks and Recreation' and ' The Office') and Lena Horne are identified as black in the United States.

According to Jose Neinstein, a native white Brazilian and executive director of the Brazilian-American Cultural Institute in Washington, in the United States, "If you are not quite white, then you are black." However, in Brazil, "If you are not quite black, then you are white." Neinstein recalls talking with a man of Poitier's complexion when in Brazil: "We were discussing ethnicity, and I asked him, 'What do you think about this from your perspective as a black man?' He turned his head to me and said, 'I'm not black,' ... It simply paralyzed me. I couldn't ask another question."

Puerto Rico

During the Spanish colonial period, Puerto Rico had laws such as the Regla del Sacar or Gracias al Sacar, by which a person of black ancestry could be considered legally white so long as the individual could prove that at least one person per generation in the last four generations had also been legally white. Thus persons of black ancestry with known white lineage were classified as white, the opposite of the "one-drop rule" in the United States.

Given the intense interest in ethnicity, genetic genealogists and other scientists have studied population groups. Henry Louis Gates, Jr. publicized such genetic studies on his two series African American Lives, shown on PBS, in which the ancestry of prominent figures was explored. His experts discussed the results of autosomal DNA tests, in contrast to direct-line testing, which survey all the DNA that has been inherited from the parents of an individual. Autosomal tests focus on SNPs.

The specialists on Gates' program summarized the make-up of the United States population by the following:

58 percent of African Americans have at least 12.5% European ancestry (equivalent of one great-grandparent);

19.6 percent of African Americans have at least 25% European ancestry (equivalent of one grandparent);

1 percent of African Americans have at least 50% European ancestry (equivalent of one parent) (Gates is one of these, he discovered, having a total of 51% European ancestry among various distant ancestors); and

5 percent of African Americans have at least 12.5% Native American ancestry (equivalent to one great-grandparent).

In 2002, Mark D. Shriver, a molecular anthropologist at Penn State University, published results of a study regarding the racial admixture of Americans who identified as white or black: Shriver surveyed a 3,000-person sample from 25 locations in the United States and tested subjects for autosomal genetic make-up:

Of those persons who identified as white:

Individuals had an average 0.7% black ancestry, which is the equivalent of having 1 black and 127 white ancestors among one's 128 5×great-grandparents

Shriver estimates that 70% of white Americans have no African ancestors (in part because a high proportion of current whites are descended from more recent immigrants from Europe of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, rather than those early migrants to the colonies, who in some areas lived and worked closely with Africans, free, indentured or slave, and formed relations with them).

Among the 30% of identified whites who have African ancestry, Shriver estimates their black racial admixture is 2.3%; the equivalent of having had 3 black ancestors among their 128 5×great-grandparents.

Among those who identified as black:

The average proportion of white ancestry was 18%, the equivalent of having 22 white ancestors among their 128 5×great-grandparents.

About 10% have more than 50% white ancestry.

Black people in the United States are more racially mixed than white people, reflecting historical experience here, including the close living and working conditions among the small populations of the early colonies, when indentured servants, both black and white, and slaves, married or formed unions. Mixed-race children of white mothers were born free, and many families of free people of color were started in those years. 80 percent of the free African-American families in the Upper South in the censuses of 1790 to 1810 can be traced as descendants of unions between white women and African men in colonial Virginia, not of slave women and white men. In the early colony, conditions were loose among the working class, who lived and worked closely together. After the American Revolutionary War, their free mixed-race descendants migrated to the frontiers of nearby states along with other primarily European Virginia pioneers. The admixture also reflects later conditions under slavery, when white planters or their sons, or overseers, frequently raped African women. There were also freely chosen relationships among individuals of different or mixed races.

Shriver's 2002 survey found different current admixture rates by region, reflecting historic patterns of settlement and change, both in terms of populations who migrated and their descendants' unions. For example, he found that the black populations with the highest percentage of white ancestry lived in California and Seattle, Washington. These were both majority-white destinations during the Great Migration of 1940-1970 of African Americans from the Deep South of Louisiana, Texas and Mississippi. Blacks sampled in those two locations had more than 25% white European ancestry on average.

As noted by Troy Duster, direct-line testing of the Y-chromosome and mtDNA ( mitochondrial DNA) fails to pick up the heritage of many other ancestors. DNA testing has limitations and should not be depended on by individuals to answer all questions about heritage. Duster said that neither Shriver's research nor Gates' PBS program adequately acknowledged the limitations of genetic testing.

Similarly, the Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism (IPCB) notes that: "Native American markers" are not found solely among Native Americans. While they occur more frequently among Native Americans, they are also found in people in other parts of the world. Genetic testing has shown three major waves of ancient migration from Asia among Native Americans but cannot distinguish further among most of the various tribes in the Americas. Some critics of testing believe that more markers will be identified as more Native Americans of various tribes are tested, as they believe that the early epidemics due to smallpox and other diseases may have altered genetic representation.

Much effort has been made to discover the ways in which the one-drop rule continues to be socially perpetuated today. For example, in her interview of black/white adults in the South, Nikki Khanna uncovers that one way the one-drop rule is perpetuated is through the mechanism of reflected appraisal. Most respondents identified as black, explaining that this is because both black and white people see them as black as well.

Charles W. Chesnutt, who was of mixed race and grew up in the North, wrote stories and novels about the issues of mixed-race people in southern society in the aftermath of the Civil War.

The one-drop rule and its consequences have been the subject of numerous works of popular culture. The American musical (1927) opens in 1887 on a Mississippi River boat, after the Reconstruction era and imposition of racial segregation and Jim Crow in the South. Steve, a white man married to a mixed-race woman who passes as white, is pursued by a Southern sheriff. He intends to arrest Steve and charge him with miscegenation for being married to a woman of partly black ancestry. Steve pricks his wife's finger and swallows some of her blood. When the sheriff arrives, Steve asks him whether he would consider a man to be white if he had "negro blood" in him. The sheriff replies that "one drop of Negro blood makes you a Negro in these parts". Steve tells the sheriff that he has "more than a drop of negro blood in me". After being assured by others that Steve is telling the truth, the sheriff leaves without arresting Steve.

Notes

Quotes

Citations

1. Davis, F. James. Frontline."Who's black. One nation's definition". Accessed 27 February 2015.

2. Dworkin, Shari L. ^ The Society Pages. "Race, Sexuality, and the 'One Drop Rule': More Thoughts about Interracial Couples and Marriage". Accessed 27 February 2015.

3. Conrad P. Kottak, "What is hypodescent?" Archived 14 August 2010 at the Wayback Machine, Human Diversity and "Race", Cultural Anthropology, Online Learning, McGraw Hill, accessed 21 April 2010.

4. "All Niggers, More or Less!", The News and Courier, October 17, 1895.

5. ^ Kimberly Tallbear (2003). "DNA, Blood, and Racializing the Tribe". Wicazo Sa Review. University of Minnesota Press. 18 (1): 81-107. doi:10.1353/wic.2003.0008. JSTOR 140943.

6. ^ Richard Willing (1 February 2006). "DNA rewrites history for African-Americans". USA Today.

7. ^ Duster, Troy (2008). "Deep Roots and Tangled Branches". Chronicle of Higher Education. Archived from the original on 26 July 2011.

8. ^ "Genetic Ancestral Testing Cannot Deliver On Its Promise, Study Warns". ScienceDaily. 20 October 2007.

9. ^ John Hawks (2008). "How African Are You? What genealogical testing can't tell you". Washington Post.

10. ^ https://amhistory.si.edu/perfectunion/non-flash/removal_process.html

11. For the Plecker story, see ^ Smith, J. Douglas (2002). "The Campaign for Racial Purity and the Erosion of Paternalism in Virginia, 1922-1930: 'Nominally White, Biologically Mixed, and Legally Negro'". Journal of Southern History. 68 (1): 65-106. doi:10.2307/3069691. JSTOR 3069691.

12. For Drake, see ^ Dominguez, Virginia R. (1986). White by Definition: Social Classification in Creole Louisiana. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-1109-2.

13. ScienceDaily (2008). "Genetic Ancestral Testing Cannot Deliver On Its Promise, Study Warns". ScienceDaily.

14. ^ Kim TallBear, Phd., Associate, Red Nation Consulting (2008). "Can DNA Determine Who is American Indian?". The WEYANOKE Association. Archived from the original on 24 July 2011.

15. ^ Khanna, Nikki (2010). "If you're half black, you're just black: Reflected Appraisals and the Persistence of the One-Drop Rule". The Sociological Quarterly. 51 (5): 96-121. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.619.9359. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.2009.01162.x.

16. ^ Make Believe - Show Boat - Synopsis, from the 1993 Canadian cast recording Archived 7 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Theatre-Musical.com. Retrieved 2008-03-21.

Savy, Pierre, " Transmission, identité, corruption. Réflexions sur trois cas d'hypodescendance ", L'homme. Revue française d'anthropologie, 182, 2007 (" Racisme, antiracisme et sociétés "), pp. 53-80.

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The one-drop rule is a social and legal principle of racial classification that was historically prominent in the United States in the 20th century. It asserted that any person with even one ancestor of sub-Saharan African ancestry ("one drop" of black blood) is considered black ( or colored in historical terms).

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Prior to its construction, as we know it today, there was already a 1971 built due to an outbreak of cholera on Moroccan soil.7 The fence as it is known today began to be erected in 1998, promoted by the Government of Jose María Aznar, 8 first as a single fence and finally as two parallel fences three meters high, It consists of 12 km of two parallel fences 6 meters high with barbed wire on top. There are alternate surveillance posts and paths between the fences for the passage of surveillance vehicles. Cables under the ground connect a network of electronic noise and motion sensors. It is equipped with high intensity lights and surveillance video cameras, as well as night vision equipment. Its height has doubled to 12 meters due to the mass immigrant crisis in September and November 2005 from the nearby Mount Gurugú camp.

Attempts to climb it are thwarted by the retractable characteristics of its rear end. Between the first and second there is a spider web-like framework with a steel cable without sharp elements, which slows down maneuverability.

It incorporates presence sensors, automatic cameras and all the information is centralized in a management point. It means a saving of surveillance personnel of around 50%.

In 2013 and 2014 a metal mesh was placed in which the fingers cannot be inserted to climb. A second helicopter was also incorporated into the Civil Guard surveillance team and the first was equipped with a thermal camera and a spotlight to monitor Moroccan territory at night. Two Rapid Intervention Modules of the Civil Guard are in charge of repelling the assaults.

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Los desgarradores testimonios de varias mujeres negras sobre el racismo en España: “Me hicieron una cicatriz por no cantar el Cara al Sol”

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“Hablamos del racismo y las protestas en EEUU cuando no vemos lo que hay en nuestras casas”, afirma una mujer negra sobre el racismo en España. Estos son los duros testimonios que evidencia que nuestro país tiene mucho que mejor todavía.

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Malcolm X was an African American Muslin minister and human rights activist who was a popular figure during the civil rights movement. He is best known for his time spent as a vocal spokesman for the Nation of Islam.

When Malcolm was six years old, his father was murdered for his work in defense of workers' rights and his mother was admitted to a mental hospital because of the madness of having her children taken away from her. After living in a series of foster homes, Malcolm X became involved in the Boston and New York underworld, and in 1945 he was sentenced to between eight and ten years in prison. In prison, Malcolm X became a member of the Nation of Islam and after his parole in 1952, he became a minister of the organization. For nearly a dozen years he was the public face of the Nation of Islam, but tensions between him and Elijah Muhammad (leader of the Nation of Islam) led to his departure from the organization in March 1964.

After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X made the pilgrimage to Mecca and converted to Sunnism. He traveled extensively throughout Africa, the Middle East, and even visited the Soviet Union. Those trips changed his vision of the world and the fight for civil liberties. He founded the Muslim Mosque, Inc., an Islamic organization, and the secular Organization of African American Unity. Less than a year after leaving the Nation of Islam, on February 21, 1965, Malcolm X was assassinated at the Audubon Ballroom in Manhattan by Thomas Hagan, a member of the Nation of Islam, and two other men, during a speech at a meeting of the Organization of African American Unity.

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Photos Of Slavery From The Past That Will Horrify You

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JANE ELLIOT BLUE-EYED AND BROWN EYES EXCERCISE

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JANE ELLIOT BLUE-EYED AND BROWN EYES EXCERCISE

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Jane Elliott's "Blue Eyes/Brown Eyes" Anti-Racism Exercise | The Oprah Winfrey Show | OWN