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Gender equality is when people of all genders have equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities. Which is a condition of development, and a matter of sustainable peace and security.

Men and women, girls and boys are expected to play a certain roles and behave in certain ways.

These behaviours shape our gender norms in society.

Global:
What is it and why women has less opportunities than men in the whole world?
- Gender-based violence has been increasingly on the political agenda of the human rights organizations in Europe.
- Violence against women is caused by gender inequality  including unequal power relations between women and men.
- Violence against women and girls is one of the most prevalent human rights violations in the world. In fact an estimated one in three women will experience physical or sexual abuse in her lifetime.

National:
How gender equality is represented in Chile and why?
- This is especially the case of Chilean women, who have one of the lowest rates of employment in Latin America.
- Many countries gender norms create disadvantages for womens. Such as economic justice.

Local:
How does gender equality is represented in our city and how is shown?

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What is it and why women has less opportunities than men in the whole world?

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Racial discrimination is any discrimination against any individual on the basis of their skin color, or racial or ethnic origin. Individuals can discriminate by refusing to do business with, socialize with, or share resources with people of a certain group.

global :

-Two in 3 Black adults cite discrimination as a significant source of stress in their life.
-Asian and Black Americans are more likely than other groups to report negative experiences related to their race or ethnicity during the pandemic
-discrimination is linked to higher rates of smoking, alcohol use, drug use, and unhealthful eating habits.
-This suggests that racial bias is causing medical professionals to use different thresholds of pain for different racial groups.

national

-in chile imigration has risen in. huge scale the last 20 years and with that , racial discrimination .

- examples of groups that have been racially disriminated in chile are mapuches , POC  and imigrants in general .

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WHAT IS RACISM , AND HOW IT IS REPRESENTED AROUND THE WORLD?

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Its statistics on a topic about a survey where they ask people with different race abot if they have experienced racism

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Its a video that explain racism as a topic and then follows to its subtopics , explaining also important terms .

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Race, Racism, Prejudice and Discrimination - What are they?

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Gun-related violence is violence committed with the use of a gun. Gun-related violence may or may not be considered criminal. Criminal violence includes homicide, assault with a deadly weapon, and suicide, or attempted suicide, depending on jurisdiction.Global: Brazil has the largest gun deaths in one year, with over 43,000 killed in one year, in second place is the uniteds states, followed by mexico, venezuela, guatemalaIn Brazil is very common that happen gun violence because Brazil has a lot of dangerous population and also because are a lot gun trafic.

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Gun-related violence is violence committed with the use of a gun. Gun-related violence may or may not be considered criminal. Criminal violence includes homicide, assault with a deadly weapon, and suicide, or attempted suicide, depending on jurisdiction.Global: Brazil has the largest gun deaths in one year, with over 43,000 killed in one year, in second place is the uniteds states, followed by mexico, venezuela, guatemalaIn Brazil is very common that happen gun violence because Brazil has a lot of dangerous population and also because are a lot gun trafic.

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Global question:
What factors produce that the gun violence increase.

https://www.apa.org/pubs/info/reports/gun-violence-prevention

https://www.amnesty.org/en/what-we-do/arms-control/gun-violence/

https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/magazine/magazine_article/off-the-cuff-what-dont-we-know-about-the-causes-of-gun-violence-almost-everything/

https://ojjdp.ojp.gov/mpg/literature-review/gun-violence-and-youth.pdf

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/10/2/16399418/boulder-colorado-mass-shooting-gun-violence-statistics-charts

Nacional question: How the Gun violence has increase through out the years?

https://www.latercera.com/nacional/noticia/fiscales-de-santiago-revelan-mayor-uso-de-armas-de-fuego-en-bandas-criminales/RBI4SSQSEFARRMHGGOUCJ4I3IM/

https://www.24horas.cl/nacional/mas-de-700-homicidios-cometidos-en-chile-en-este-2020-cifra-incremento-un-33-mas-que-el-ano-pasado-4584848

https://www.24horas.cl/nacional/aumentan-homicidios-en-chile-uso-de-armas-encienden-las-alertas-2666520

https://www.elmundo.es/internacional/2019/11/26/5ddc2c19fdddffda598b45e9.html

https://www.ciperchile.cl/2011/11/08/el-explosivo-aumento-de-armas-en-poder-de-jovenes-delincuentes-como-las-compran-y-cuanto-pagan/

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Its a report of the website on human rights , it talks about the main issues and consequences that racial discrimination has

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Complaints under the Racial Discrimination Act

Table of contents

What is the Racial Discrimination Act?

The Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) (the RDA) makes it against the law to treat you unfairly because of your race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin or immigrant status.

The RDA also makes racial hatred against the law.

When can this law be used?

You can use the RDA to get fair treatment in many areas of public life such as:

Employment - getting a job, terms and conditions of a job, training, promotion, being dismissed.

Education - enrolling or studying in a course at a private or public school, college or university.

Accommodation - renting or buying a house or unit.

Getting or using services - such as banking or insurance services, services provided by government departments, transport or telecommunication services, professional services like those provided by lawyers, doctors or tradespeople, services provided by restaurants, shops or entertainment venues.

Accessing public places - such as parks, government offices, restaurants, hotels or shopping centres.

What is racial discrimination?

Racial discrimination happens when a person is treated less favourably than another person in a similar situation because of their race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin or immigrant status. For example, it would be 'direct discrimination' if a real estate agent refuses to rent a house to a person because they are of a particular racial background or skin colour.

Racial discrimination also happens when there is a rule or policy that is the same for everyone but has an unfair effect on people of a particular race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin or immigrant status. This is called 'indirect discrimination'. For example, it may be indirect discrimination if a company says that employees must not wear hats or other headwear at work, as this is likely to have an unfair effect on people from some racial/ethnic backgrounds.

What is racial hatred?

It is against the law to do something in public based on the race, colour, national or ethnic origin of a person or group of people which is likely to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate.

Examples of racial hatred may include:

racially offensive material on the internet, including eforums, blogs, social networking sites and video sharing sites

racially offensive comments or images in a newspaper, magazine or other publication such as a leaflet or flyer

racially offensive speeches at a public rally

racially abusive comments in a public place, such as a shop, workplace, park, on public transport or at school

racially abusive comments at sporting events by players, spectators, coaches or officials.

When is offensive behaviour based on race not against the law?

The RDA aims to strike a balance between the right to communicate freely ('freedom of speech') and the right to live free from racial hatred. The RDA says that the following things are not against the law if they are "done reasonably and in good faith" in:

an artistic work or performance - for example, a play in which racially offensive attitudes are expressed by a character.

a statement, publication, discussion or debate made for genuine academic or scientific purposes - for example, discussing and debating public policy such as immigration, multiculturalism or special measures for particular groups.

making a fair and accurate report on a matter of public interest - for example, a fair report in a newspaper about racially offensive conduct.

making a fair comment, if the comment is an expression of a person's genuine belief.

What can I do if I experience discrimination or racial hatred?

You may want to deal with the situation yourself by raising it directly with the person or people involved.

If direct contact does not resolve the situation, or you do not feel comfortable doing this, you can make a complaint to the Australian Human Rights Commission. You can also have someone such as a solicitor, advocate or trade union make a complaint on your behalf.

It does not cost anything to make a complaint to the Commission.

Your complaint needs to be put in writing. The Commission has a complaint form that you can fill in and post or fax to us or you can lodge a complaint online at our website. If you are not able to put your complaint in writing, we can help you with this.

For your complaint to be valid it must be reasonably arguable that the events you want to complain about are unlawful discrimination and you must provide sufficient details about your allegations including what happened, when and where it happened and who was involved.

A complaint can be made in any language. If you need a translator or interpreter, the Commission can arrange this for you.

What will happen with my complaint?

When the Commission receives a complaint about something that is covered by the RDA, the President of the Commission can investigate the complaint and try to resolve it by conciliation. The Commission is not a court and cannot determine that discrimination has happened. The Commission's role is to get both sides of the story and help those involved resolve the complaint.

Commission staff may contact you to get further information about your complaint.

Generally, the Commission will tell the person or organisation the complaint is against (the respondent) about your complaint and give them a copy of the complaint. The Commission may ask the respondent for specific information or a detailed response to your complaint.

Where appropriate, the Commission will invite you to participate in conciliation. Conciliation is an informal process that allows you and the respondent to talk about the issues and try to find a way to resolve the complaint.

If your complaint is not resolved or it is discontinued for another reason, you can take your complaint to the Federal Court of Australia or the Federal Circuit Court. In certain circumstances, you can you take a matter to court if the court has granted you leave to do so.

Find out more:

Where can I get more information?

The Australian Human Rights Commission's contact details are:

Telephone
National Information Service: 1300 656 419 (local call)
TTY: 1800 620 241 (toll free)
Fax: (02) 9284 9611

Post
Australian Human Rights Commission
GPO Box 5218
Sydney NSW 2001

Online
Email: infoservice@humanrights.gov.au
Website: www.humanrights.gov.au

You can make a complaint online by going to
www.humanrights.gov.au/complaints/lodge-complaint

If you are deaf or hearing impaired you can contact us by TTY on 1800 620 241. If you need an Auslan interpreter, the Commission can arrange this for you.

If you are blind or have a vision impairment, the Commission can provide information in alternative formats on request.

Other contact points for racial hatred complaints

If you are concerned about offensive media stories, broadcasts or online content, you can complain to the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA); the Advertising Standards Board for advertisements; or the Australian Press Council for newspaper stories. You can also complain to the Editor or Manager of the media organisation.

If you are concerned about offensive behaviour by neighbours, you can approach a Community Justice Centre to help resolve the problem, or the Department of Housing if you live in public housing.
If you are threatened with violence or violently attacked you should go to the police.
General legal advice

If you are thinking about making a complaint, you might also want to consider obtaining legal advice or contacting your trade union. There are community legal services that can provide free advice about discrimination and harassment. Contact details for your closest community legal centre can be found at www.naclc.org.au/directory.
Disclaimer: The information on this fact sheet is only intended as a guide. It is not a substitute for legal advice.

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Complaints under the Racial Discrimination Act

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The Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) (the RDA) makes it against the law to treat you unfairly because of your race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin or immigrant status. The RDA also makes racial hatred against the law. When can this law be used?

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-Police brutality is when law enforcemt uses exagerated force for no reason. Police brutality is often seen used on minorities due to racial profiling

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-Police brutality is when law enforcemt uses exagerated force for no reason. Police brutality is often seen used on minorities due to racial profiling

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Global:
-In Australia the law enforcement don't have access to guns, so they use tasers. There have been many reports of people not resisting arrest but still being tased. From what i've seen there have been two reported taser ralated deaths.

-Another thing that police have done is pepper spraying people during peaceful protests, even bystanders get pepper sprayed even though they hadn't even participated in the protests themselves.

-In the USA its more a thing about race, there have been seen a lot of police shooting black people, most of the times for unwarranted reasons and often leading to death.

National:

Local:

-In Chile police brutality began to happen more frequently due to the protests, half of the protests were peaceful, but the rest were actual riots. The law enforcement rubber bullets that explode into shrapnel, often leaving the people protesting permantly blind, and  in one case it killed someone. It was also discovered that the "rubber bullets" had about 30% or 20% rubber and the rest being either plastic or metal. Similar to other countries they also used pepper spray , but also tear gas. The problem with this is that they also used this methods on the peaceful protests.

Global: How does police brutality vary around other countries?
Link 1
Link 2
Link 3
Link 4
Link 5

National: In which country of South America is police brutality more violent?
Link 1
Link 2

Local: When does police brutality become justified?

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Its another report that explains what racial discrimination is in a more brief way .

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What is Race discrimination ? We explain its definition, areas covered and what constitutes discrimination.

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In this topic page we present data and research on economic inequalities between men and women. Whenever the data allows it, we also discuss how these inequalities have been changing over time.

As we show, although economic gender inequalities remain common and large, they are today smaller than they used to be some decades ago.
Related topics:
Women's Employment - rising female labor force participation has been one of the most remarkable economic developments of the last century. In this topic page we present the key facts and drivers behind this important change.
See all interactive charts on economic inequality by gender ↓
The 'gender pay gap' comes up often in political debates, policy reports, and everyday news. But what is it? What does it tell us? Is it different from country to country? How does it change over time?

Here we try to answer these questions, providing an empirical overview of the gender pay gap across countries and over time.

The gender pay gap measures inequality but not necessarily discrimination

The gender pay gap (or the gender wage gap) is a metric that tells us the difference in pay (or wages, or income) between women and men. It's a measure of inequality and captures a concept that is broader than the concept of equal pay for equal work.

Differences in pay between men and women capture differences along many possible dimensions, including worker education, experience and occupation. When the gender pay gap is calculated by comparing all male workers to all female workers - irrespective of differences along these additional dimensions - the result is the 'raw' or 'unadjusted' pay gap. On the contrary, when the gap is calculated after accounting for underlying differences in education, experience, etc., then the result is the 'adjusted' pay gap.

Discrimination in hiring practices can exist in the absence of pay gaps - for example, if women know they will be treated unfairly and hence choose not to participate in the labor market. Similarly, it is possible to observe large pay gaps in the absences of discrimination in hiring practices - for example, if women get fair treatment but apply for lower-paid jobs.

The implication is that observing differences in pay between men and women is neither necessary nor sufficient to prove discrimination in the workplace. Both discrimination and inequality are important. But they are not one and the same. (You can read about discrimination and 'equal pay for equal work' in our post here).

In most countries there is a substantial gender pay gap

Cross-country data on the gender pay gap is patchy, but the most complete source in terms of coverage is the United Nation's International Labour Organization (ILO). The visualization here presents this data. You can add observations by clicking on the option 'add country' at the bottom of the chart.

The estimates shown here correspond to differences between average hourly earnings of men and women (expressed as a percentage of average hourly earnings of men), and cover all workers irrespective of whether they work full time or part time.

As we can see: (i) in most countries the gap is positive - women earn less than men; and (ii) there are large differences in the size of this gap across countries.

(NB. By this measure the gender wage gap can be positive or negative. If it is negative, it means that, on an hourly basis, men earn on average less than women. This happens in some countries, such as Malaysia.)

In most countries the gender pay gap has decreased in the last couple of decades

How is the gender pay gap changing over time? To answer this question, let's consider this chart showing available estimates from the OECD. These estimates include OECD member states, as well as some other non-member countries, and they are the longest available series of cross-country data on the gender pay gap that we are aware of.

Here we see that the gap is large in most OECD countries, but it has been going down in the last couple of decades. In some cases the reduction is remarkable. In the UK, for example, the gap went down from almost 50% in 1970 to about 17% in 2016.

These estimates are not directly comparable to those from the ILO, because the pay gap is measured slightly differently here: The OECD estimates refer to percent differences in median earnings (i.e. the gap here captures differences between men and women in the middle of the earnings distribution); and they cover only full-time employees and self-employed workers (i.e. the gap here excludes disparities that arise from differences in hourly wages for part-time and full-time workers).

However, the ILO data shows similar trends for the period 2000-2015.

The conclusion is that in most countries with available data, the gender pay gap has decreased in the last couple of decades.

The gender pay gap is larger for older workers

The United States Census Bureau defines the pay gap as the ratio between median wages - that is, they measure the gap by calculating the wages of men and women at the middle of the earnings distribution, and dividing them.

By this measure, the gender wage gap is expressed as a percent (median earnings of women as share of median earnings of men) and it is always positive. Here, values below 100% mean that women earn less than men, while values above 100% mean than women earn more. Values closer to 100% reflect a lower gap.

The next chart shows available estimates of this metric for full-time workers in the US, by age group.

First, we see that the series trends upwards, meaning the gap has been shrinking in the last couple of decades. Secondly, we see that there are important differences by age.

The second point is crucial to understand the gender pay gap: the gap is a statistic that changes during the life of a worker. In most rich countries, it's small when formal education ends and employment begins, and it increases with age. As we discuss in our analysis of the determinants, the gender pay gap tends to increase when women marry and when/if they have children.

The gender pay gap is smaller in middle-income countries - which tend to be countries with low labor force participation of women

The scatter plot here shows available ILO estimates on the gender pay gap (vertical axis) vs GDP per capita (on a logarithmic scale along the horizontal axis). As we can see there is a weak positive correlation between GDP per capita and the gender pay gap. However, the chart shows that the relationship is not really linear. Actually, middle-income countries tend to have the smallest pay gap.

The fact that middle-income countries have low gender wage gaps is, to a large extent, the result of selection of women into employment. Olivetti and Petrongolo (2008) explain it as follows: "if women who are employed tend to have relatively high‐wage characteristics, low female employment rates may become consistent with low gender wage gaps simply because low‐wage women would not feature in the observed wage distribution."

Olivetti and Petrongolo (2008) show that this pattern holds in the data: unadjusted gender wage gaps across countries tend to be negatively correlated with gender employment gaps. That is, the gender pay gaps tend to be smaller where relatively fewer women participate in the labor force.

So, rather than reflect greater equality, the lower wage gaps observed in some countries could indicate that only women with certain characteristics - for instance, with no husband or children - are entering the workforce.

Women in management positions

The chart here plots the proportion of women in senior and middle management positions around the world. It shows that women all over the world are underrepresented in high-profile jobs, which tend to be better paid.

Firms with female managers

The next chart provides an alternative perspective on the same issue. Here we show the share of firms that have a woman as manager. We highlight world regions by default, but you can add specific countries by using the option 'add country'.

As we can see, all over the world firms tend to be managed by men. And, globally, only about 18% of firms have a female manager.

Firms with female managers tend to be different to firms with male managers. For example, firms with female managers tend to also be firms with more female workers.

Despite having fallen in recent decades, there remains a substantial pay gap between the average wages of men and women.

But what does gender inequality look like if we focus on the very top of the income distribution? Do we find any evidence of the so-called 'glass ceiling' preventing women from reaching the top? How did this change over time?

Answers to these questions are found in the work of Atkinson, Casarico and Voitchovsky (2018). Using tax records, they investigated the incomes of women and men separately across nine high-income countries. As such, they were restricted to those countries in which taxes are collected on individual basis, rather than as couples.

In addition to wages they also take into account income from investments and self-employment.

Whilst investment income tends to make up a larger share of the total income of rich individuals in general, the authors found this to be particularly marked in the case of women in top income groups.

The two charts present the key figures from the study.

One chart shows the proportion of women out of all individuals falling into the top 10%, 1% and 0.1% of the income distribution. The open circle represents the share of women in the top income brackets back in 2000; the closed circle shows the latest data, which is from 2013.

The other chart shows the data over time for individual countries. You can explore data for other countries using the 'Change country' button on the chart.
The two charts allow us to answer the initial questions:

Women are greatly under-represented in top income groups - they make up much less than 50% across each of the nine countries. Within the top 1% women account for around 20% and there is surprisingly little variation across countries.

The proportion of women is lower the higher you look up the income distribution. In the top 10% up to every third income-earner is a woman; in the top 0.1% only every fifth or tenth person is a woman.

The trend is the same in all countries of this study: Women are now better-represented in all top income groups than they were in 2000.

But improvements have generally been more limited at the very top. With the exception of Australia, we see a much smaller increase in the share of women amongst the top 0.1% than amongst the top 10%.

Overall, despite recent inroads, we continue to see remarkably few women making it to the top of the income distribution today.

Above we show that women all over the world are underrepresented in high-profile jobs, which tend to be better paid. As it turns out, in many countries women are at the same time overrepresented in low-paying jobs.

This is shown in the chart here, where 'low-pay' refers to workers earning less than two-thirds of the median (i.e. the middle) of the earnings distribution.

A share above 50% implies that women are 'overrepresented', in the sense that among those with low wages, there are more women than men.

The fact that women in rich countries are overrepresented in the bottom of the income distribution goes together with the fact that working women in these countries are overrepresented in low-paying occupations. The chart shows this for the US.

Women often have no control over their personal earned income

The chart plots cross-country estimates of the share of women who are not involved in decisions about their own income. The line shows national averages, while the dots show averages for rich and poor households (i.e. averages for women in households within the top and bottom quintiles of the corresponding national income distribution).

As we can see, in many countries, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia, a large fraction of women are not involved in household decisions about spending their personal earned income. And this pattern is stronger among low-income households within low-income countries.

Percentage of women not involved in decisions about their own income - World Development Report (2012)

In many countries women have limited influence over important household decisions

Above we focus on whether women get to choose how their own personal income is spent. Now we look at women's influence over total household income.

In the next chart we plot the share of currently married women who report having a say in major household purchase decisions, against national GDP per capita.

We see that in many countries, notably in Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia, an important number of women have limited influence over major spending decisions.

The chart above shows that women's control over household spending tends to be greater in richer countries. In the chart we show that this correlation also holds within countries: Women's control is greater in wealthier households. Household's wealth is shown by the quintile in the wealth distribution on the x-axis - the poorest households are in the lowest quintiles (Q1) on the left.

There are many factors at play here, and it's important to bear in mind that this correlation partly captures the fact that richer households enjoy greater discretionary income beyond levels required to cover basic expenditure, while at the same time, in richer households women often have greater agency via access to broader networks as well as higher personal assets and incomes.

Land ownership is more often in the hands of men

Economic inequalities between men and women manifest themselves, not only in terms of wages earned, but also in terms of assets owned. For example, as the chart shows, in nearly all low and middle-income countries with data, men are more likely to own land than women.

Women's lack of control over important household assets, such as land, can be a critical problem in case of divorce or the husband's death.

Closely related to the issue of land ownership is the fact that in several countries women do not have the same rights to property as men. These countries are highlighted in the map.

( This map from the World Development Report (2012) provides a more fine-grained overview of different property regimes operating in different countries.)

Gender equal inheritance systems have been adopted in most, but not all countries

Inheritance is one of the main mechanisms for the accumulation of assets. In the map we provide an overview of the countries that do, and do not have gender-equal inheritance systems.

If you move the slider to 1920, you will see that while gender equal inheritance systems were very rare in the early 20th century, today they are much more common. And still, despite the progress achieved, in many countries, notably in North Africa and the Middle East, women and girls still have fewer inheritance rights than men and boys.

Gender differences in access to productive inputs are often large

Above we show that there are large gender gaps in land ownership across low-income countries. Here we show that there are also large gaps in terms of access to borrowed capital.

The chart shows the percentage of men and women who report borrowing any money in the past 12 months to start, operate, or expand a farm or business.

As we can see, almost everywhere, including in many rich countries, women are less likely to get borrowed capital for productive purposes.

This can have large knock-on effects: In agriculture and entrepreneurship, gender differences in access to productive inputs, including land and credit, can lead to gaps in earnings via lower productivity.

Indeed, studies have found that, when statistical gender differences in agricultural productivity exist, they often disappear when access to and use of productive inputs are taken into account.

Women's Economic Opportunity Index

The previous discussion focused on particularly aspects one by one. What is the the picture on economic inequality in the aggregate?

Tracking progress across multiple dimensions of gender inequalities can be difficult, since changes across dimensions often go in different directions and have different magnitudes. Because of this, researchers and policymakers often construct synthetic indicators that aggregate various dimensions.

The Women's Economic Opportunity Index (WEO) published by The Economist Intelligence Unit, is one such effort to aggregate various aspects of female economic empowerment into a single metric.

The WEO index defines women's economic opportunity as "a set of laws, regulations, practices, customs and attitudes that allow women to participate in the workforce under conditions roughly equal to those of men, whether as wage-earning employees or as owners of a business." It is calculated from 29 indicators drawing on data from many sources, including the UN and the OECD.

Here is a map showing scores on this index (higher scores denote more economic opportunities for women).

The Gender Inequality Index from the Human Development Report

The Human Development Report produced by the UN includes a composite index that captures gender inequalities across several dimensions, including economic status.

This index, called the Gender Inequality Index, measures inequalities in three dimensions: reproductive health (based on maternal mortality ratio and adolescent birth rates); empowerment (based on proportion of parliamentary seats occupied by females and proportion of adult females aged 25 years and older with at least some secondary education); and economic status (based on labour market participation rates of female and male populations aged 15 years and older).

The map shows scores, country by country.

Historical Gender Equality Index

The Gender Inequality Index from the Human Development Report only has data from 1995. Considering this, Sarah Carmichael, Selin Dilli and Auke Rijpma, from Utrecht University, produced a similar composite index of gender inequality, using available data for the period 1950-2000, in order to make aggregate comparisons over the long run.

This index covers four dimensions:

(i) Health, measured by sex rations in life expectancy;

(ii) Socio-economic resources, measured by sex ratios in average years of education and labour force participation;

(iii) Gender disparities in the household, captured by sex ratios in marriage ages; and

(iv) Gender disparities in politics, measured by sex rations in parliamentary seats.

The results from this study are shown in the chart.

As we can see, the second half of the 20th century saw global improvements, and the regions with the steepest increase in gender equality were Latin America and Western Europe.

Interestingly, this chart also shows that in Eastern Europe there was important progress in the period 1950-1980, but there was a reversal after the fall of the Soviet Union.

In almost all countries, if you compare the wages of men and women you find that women tend to earn less than men. These inequalities have been narrowing across the world. In particular, over the last couple of decades most high-income countries have seen sizeable reductions in the gender pay gap.

How did these reductions come about and why do substantial gaps remain?

Before we get into the details, here is a preview of the main points.

An important part of the reduction in the gender pay gap in rich countries over the last decades is due to a historical narrowing, and often even reversal of the education gap between men and women.

Today, education is relatively unimportant to explain the remaining gender pay gap in rich countries. In contrast, the characteristics of the jobs that women tend to do, remain important contributing factors.

The gender pay gap is not a direct metric of discrimination. However, evidence from different contexts suggests discrimination is indeed important to understand the gender pay gap. Similarly, social norms affecting the gender distribution of labor are important determinants of wage inequality.

On the other hand, the available evidence suggests differences in psychological attributes and non-cognitive skills are at best modest factors contributing to the gender pay gap.

Differences in human capital

The adjusted pay gap

Differences in earnings between men and women capture differences across many possible dimensions, including education, experience and occupation.

For example, if we consider that more educated people tend to have higher earnings, it is natural to expect that the narrowing of the pay gap across the world can be partly explained by the fact that women have been catching up with men in terms of educational attainment, in particular years of schooling.

Indeed, since differences in education partly contribute to explain differences in wages, it is common to distinguish between 'unadjusted' and 'adjusted' pay differences.

When the gender pay gap is calculated by comparing all male and female workers, irrespective of differences in worker characteristics, the result is the raw or unadjusted pay gap. In contrast to this, when the gap is calculated after accounting for underlying differences in education, experience, and other factors that matter for the pay gap, then the result is the adjusted pay gap.

The idea of the adjusted pay gap is to make comparisons within groups of workers with roughly similar jobs, tenure and education. This allows us to tease out the extent to which different factors contribute to observed inequalities.

The chart here, from Blau and Kahn (2017) shows the evolution of the adjusted and unadjusted gender pay gap in the US.

More precisely, the chart shows the evolution of female to male wage ratios in three different scenarios: (i) Unadjusted; (ii) Adjusted, controlling for gender differences in human capital, i.e. education and experience; and (iii) Adjusted, controlling for a full range of covariates, including education, experience, job industry and occupation, among others. The difference between 100% and the full specification (the green bars) is the "unexplained" residual.

Several points stand out here.

First, the unadjusted gender pay gap in the US shrunk over this period. This is evident from the fact that the blue bars are closer to 100% in 2010 than in 1980.

Second, if we focus on groups of workers with roughly similar jobs, tenure and education, we also see a narrowing. The adjusted gender pay gap has shrunk.

Third, we can see that education and experience used to help explain a very large part of the pay gap in 1980, but this changed substantially in the decades that followed. This third point follows from the fact that the difference between the blue and red bars was much larger in 1980 than in 2010.

And fourth, the green bars grew substantially in the 1980s, but stayed fairly constant thereafter. In other words: Most of the convergence in earnings occurred during the 1980s, a decade in which the "unexplained" gap shrunk substantially.

Education and experience have become much less important in explaining gender differences in wages in the US

The chart here shows a breakdown of the adjusted gender pay gaps in the US, factor by factor, in 1980 and 2010.

When comparing the contributing factors in 1980 and 2010, we see that education and work experience have become much less important in explaining gender differences in wages over time, while occupation and industry have become more important.

In this chart we can also see that the 'unexplained' residual has gone down. This means the observable characteristics of workers and their jobs explain wage differences better today than a couple of decades ago. At first sight, this seems like good news - it suggests that today there is less discrimination, in the sense that differences in earnings are today much more readily explained by differences in 'productivity' factors. But is this really the case?

The unexplained residual may include aspects of unmeasured productivity (i.e. unobservable worker characteristics that cannot be controlled for in a regression), while the "explained" factors may themselves be vehicles of discrimination.

For example, suppose that women are indeed discriminated against, and they find it hard to get hired for certain jobs simply because of their sex. This would mean that in the adjusted specification, we would see that occupation and industry are important contributing factors - but that is precisely because discrimination is embedded in occupational differences!

Hence, while the unexplained residual gives us a first-order approximation of what is going on, we need much more detailed data and analysis in order to say something definitive about the role of discrimination in observed pay differences.

Gender pay differences around the world are better explained by occupation than by education

The set of three maps here, taken from the World Development Report (2012), shows that today gender pay differences are much better explained by occupation than by education. This is consistent with the point already made above using data for the US: as education expanded radically over the last few decades, human capital has become much less important in explaining gender differences in wages.

This blog post from Justin Sandefur at the Center for Global Development shows that education also fails to explain wage gaps if we include workers with zero income (i.e. if we decompose the wage gap after including people who are not employed).

Looking beyond worker characteristics

Job flexibility

All over the world women tend to do more unpaid care work at home than men - and women tend to be overrepresented in low paying jobs where they have the flexibility required to attend to these additional responsibilities.

The most important evidence regarding this link between the gender pay gap and job flexibility is presented and discussed by Claudia Goldin in the article ' A Grand Gender Convergence: Its Last Chapter', where she digs deep in the data from the US. There are some key lessons that apply both to rich and non-rich countries.

Goldin shows that when one looks at the data on occupational choice in some detail, it becomes clear that women disproportionately seek jobs, including full-time jobs, that tend to be compatible with childrearing and other family responsibilities. In other words, women, more than men, are expected to have temporal flexibility in their jobs. Things like shifting hours of work and rearranging shifts to accommodate emergencies at home. And these are jobs with lower earnings per hour, even when the total number of hours worked is the same.

The importance of job flexibility in this context is very clearly illustrated by the fact that, over the last couple of decades, women in the US increased their participation and remuneration in only some fields. In a recent paper, Goldin and Katz (2016) show that pharmacy became a highly remunerated female-majority profession with a small gender earnings gap in the US, at the same time as pharmacies went through substantial technological changes that made flexible jobs in the field more productive (e.g. computer systems that increased the substitutability among pharmacists).

The chart here shows how quickly female wages increased in pharmacy, relative to other professions, over the last few decades in the US.

The motherhood penalty

Closely related to job flexibility and occupational choice, is the issue of work interruptions due to motherhood. On this front there is again a great deal of evidence in support of the so-called 'motherhood penalty'.

Lundborg, Plug and Rasmussen (2017) provide evidence from Denmark - more specifically, Danish women who sought medical help in achieving pregnancy.

By tracking women's fertility and employment status through detailed periodic surveys, these researchers were able to establish that women who had a successful in vitro fertilization treatment, ended up having lower earnings down the line than similar women who, by chance, were unsuccessfully treated.

Lundborg, Plug and Rasmussen summarise their findings as follows: "Our main finding is that women who are successfully treated by [in vitro fertilization] earn persistently less because of having children. We explain the decline in annual earnings by women working less when children are young and getting paid less when children are older. We explain the decline in hourly earnings, which is often referred to as the motherhood penalty, by women moving to lower-paid jobs that are closer to home."

The fact that the motherhood penalty is indeed about 'motherhood' and not 'parenthood', is supported by further evidence.

A recent study, also from Denmark, tracked men and women over the period 1980-2013, and found that after the first child, women's earnings sharply dropped and never fully recovered. But this was not the case for men with children, nor the case for women without children.

These patterns are shown in the chart here. The first panel shows the trend in earnings for Danish women with and without children. The second panel shows the same comparison for Danish men.

Note that these two examples are from Denmark - a country that ranks high on gender equality measures and where there are legal guarantees requiring that a woman can return to the same job after taking time to give birth.

This shows that, although family-friendly policies contribute to improve female labor force participation and reduce the gender pay gap, they are only part of the solution. Even when there is generous paid leave and subsidized childcare, as long as mothers disproportionately take additional work at home after having children, inequities in pay are likely to remain.

Ability, personality and social norms

The discussion so far has emphasised the importance of job characteristics and occupational choice in explaining the gender pay gap. This leads to obvious questions: What determines the systematic gender differences in occupational choice? What makes women seek job flexibility and take a disproportionate amount of unpaid care work?

One argument usually put forward is that, to the extent that biological differences in preferences and abilities underpin gender roles, they are the main factors explaining the gender pay gap. In their review of the evidence, Francine Blau and Lawrence Kahn (2017) show that there is limited empirical support for this argument.

To be clear, yes, there is evidence supporting the fact that men and women differ in some key attributes that may affect labor market outcomes. For example standardised tests show that there are statistical gender gaps in maths scores in some countries; and experiments show that women avoid more salary negotiations, and they often show particular predisposition to accept and receive requests for tasks with low promotion potential. However, these observed differences are far from being biologically fixed - 'gendering' begins early in life and the evidence shows that preferences and skills are highly malleable. You can influence tastes, and you can certainly teach people to tolerate risk, to do maths, or to negotiate salaries.

What's more, independently of where they come from, Blau and Kahn show that these empirically observed differences can typically only account for a modest portion of the gender pay gap.

In contrast, the evidence does suggest that social norms and culture, which in turn affect preferences, behaviour and incentives to foster specific skills, are key factors in understanding gender differences in labor force participation and wages. You can read more about this in our blog post dedicated to answer the question 'How well do innate gender differences explain the gender pay gap?'.

Discrimination and bias

Independently of the exact origin of the unequal distribution of gender roles, it is clear that our recent and even current practices show that these roles persist with the help of institutional enforcement. Goldin (1988), for instance, examines past prohibitions against the training and employment of married women in the US. She touches on some well-known restrictions, such as those against the training and employment of women as doctors and lawyers, before focusing on the lesser known but even more impactful 'marriage bars' which arose in the late 1800s and early 1900s. These work prohibitions are important because they applied to teaching and clerical jobs - occupations that would become the most commonly held among married women after 1950. Around the time the US entered World War II, it is estimated that 87% of all school boards would not hire a married woman and 70% would not retain an unmarried woman who married.

The map here highlights that to this day, explicit barriers across the world limit the extent to which women are allowed to do the same jobs as men.

However, even after explicit barriers are lifted and legal protections put in their place, discrimination and bias can persist in less overt ways. Goldin and Rouse (2000), for example, look at the adoption of "blind" auditions by orchestras, and show that by using a screen to conceal the identity of a candidate, impartial hiring practices increased the number of women in orchestras by 25% between 1970 and 1996.

Many other studies have found similar evidence of bias in different labor market contexts. Biases also operate in other spheres of life with strong knock-on effects on labor market outcomes. For example, at the end of World War II only 18% of people in the US thought that a wife should work if her husband was able to support her. This obviously circles back to our earlier point about social norms.

Strategies for reducing the gender pay gap

In many countries wage inequality between men and women can be reduced by improving the education of women. However, in many countries gender gaps in education have been closed and we still have large gender inequalities in the workforce. What else can be done?

An obvious alternative is fighting discrimination. But the evidence presented above shows that this is not enough. Public policy and management changes on the firm level matter too: Family-friendly labor-market policies may help. For example, maternity leave coverage can contribute by raising women's retention over the period of childbirth, which in turn raises women's wages through the maintenance of work experience and job tenure.

Similarly, early education and childcare can increase the labor force participation of women - and reduce gender pay gaps - by alleviating the unpaid care work undertaken by mothers.

Additionally, the experience of women's historical advance in specific professions (e.g. pharmacists in the US), suggests that the gender pay gap could also be considerably reduced if firms did not have the incentive to disproportionately reward workers who work long hours, and fixed, non-flexible schedules.

Changing these incentives is of course difficult because it requires reorganizing the workplace. But it is likely to have a large impact on gender inequality, particularly in countries where other measures are already in place.

Implementing these strategies can have a positive self-reinforcing effect. For example, family-friendly labor-market policies that lead to higher labor-force attachment and salaries for women, will raise the returns to women's investment in education - so women in future generations will be more likely to invest in education, which will also help narrow gender gaps in labor market outcomes down the line.

Nevertheless, powerful as these strategies may be, they are only part of the solution. Social norms and culture remain at the heart of family choices and the gender distribution of labor. Achieving equality in opportunities requires ensuring that we change the norms and stereotypes that limit the set of choices available both to men and women. It is difficult, but the evidence shows that social norms, too, can be changed.

Gender pay gap

The gender pay gap (or the gender wage gap) is a metric that tells us the difference in pay (or wages, or income) between women and men. It's a measure of inequality and captures a concept that is broader than the concept of equal pay for equal work.

Differences in pay between men and women capture differences along many possible dimensions, including worker education, experience and occupation. When the gender pay gap is calculated by comparing all male workers to all female workers - irrespective of differences along these additional dimensions - the result is the 'raw' or unadjusted pay gap. On the contrary, when the gap is calculated after accounting for underlying differences in education, experience, etc., then the result is the adjusted pay gap.

Discrimination in hiring practices can exist in the absence of pay gaps - for example, if women know they will be treated unfairly and hence choose not to participate in the labor market. Similarly, it is possible to observe large pay gaps in the absences of discrimination in hiring practices - for example, if women get fair treatment but apply for lower-paid jobs.

The implication is that observing differences in pay between men and women is neither necessary nor sufficient to prove discrimination in the workplace. Both discrimination and inequality are important. But they are not one and the same.

How is the unadjusted gender pay gap measured?

Percent differences in average or median earnings

The gender wage gap is often measured as the difference between average earnings of men and average earnings of women expressed as a percentage of average earnings of men. By this measure the gender wage gap can be negative. This is the definition used by the ILO. (We explore the ILO data above.)

Comparisons of averages can often be misleading because averages are very sensitive to extreme data points. Hence, it is also common to measure gender gaps by comparing earnings for the individuals at the median - or middle - of the earnings distribution. This is the definition used by the OECD. (We explore the OECD data above.)

Ratios of average or median earnings

In addition to percent differences, it is also common to express the gender pay gap as a simple ratio between wages. This is the measure adopted by the United States Census Bureau.

By this measure, the gender wage gap is expressed as a percent (median earnings of women as share of median earnings of men) and it is always positive. Here, values below 100% mean that women earn less than men, while values above 100% mean than women earn more. Values closer to 100% reflect a lower gap.

Data hubs dedicated to gender statistics

World Bank - Gender Statistics

United Nations - Gender Statistics

OECD - Development Centre's Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI)

OECD - Gender data portal

Data Source: Multiple sources

Description of available measures: The OECD Gender Data Portal includes selected indicators shedding light on gender inequalities in education, employment, entrepreneurship, health and development, showing how far we are from achieving gender equality and where actions is most needed. The data cover OECD member countries, as well as partner economies including Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, and South Africa.

Link: http://www.oecd.org/gender/data/

Wikigender statistics

World Economic Forum - Global Gender Gap Report

Other sources referenced in this article

International Labor Organization (ILO)

Data Source: ILO

Description of available measures: Unadjusted gender gap in average hourly wages, Female share of low pay earners

Time span: 1990-2016

Geographical coverage: Global by country

Link: http://www.ilo.org/ilostat/

World Bank - World Development Indicators

UN Human Development Report

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What is determining the inequality in incomes, jobs, and wealth between men and women?

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We need gender equality urgently. Gender equality prevents violence against women and girls. It's essential for economic prosperity. Societies that value women and men as equal are safer and healthier. Gender equality is a human right. Everyone benefits from gender equality.

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Gender equality: what is it and why do we need it?

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We need gender equality urgently. Find out what gender equality means and why it's important.

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WHAT RACISM IN CHILE LOOKS LIKE , AND HOW PEOPLE CHOSE TO IGNORE IT ?

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WHAT RACISM IN CHILE LOOKS LIKE , AND HOW PEOPLE CHOSE TO IGNORE IT ?

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Uno de los festivales que sobrevivió a la pandemia y se realiza adaptándose a las normas sanitarias es el de Las Condes. El humorista de vasta trayectoria, Álvaro Salas, fue uno de los invitados al evento y realizó un chiste que estuvo lejos de ser celebrado. De hecho, aquel momento fue replicado en redes sociales, recibiendo diversas críticas debido al contenido racista de este. "Ha cambiado todo en nuestro país. Ha cambiado la educación, está todo cambiado. Se acuerdan que en nuestro país antes las pizarras eran negras y los alumnos eran blancos, está todo cambiado", dijo el cuestionado artista. Tras esto, se realizaron amplios debates en internet repudiando la acción.

Una mujer colombiana de 104 años fue noticia por superar por segunda vez el covid-19 a pesar de pertenecer al primer grupo de riesgo por...

Envíada por Varios Firmantes | 7 abril, 2021

Envíada por María José Troncoso, María Catalina Pavez y María Francisca Moreno | 6 abril, 2021

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Francisco Letelier Troncoso, Javiera Cubillos Almendra y Verónica Tapia Barría

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Álvaro Salas fue altamente criticado por realizar chiste racista en el Festival de Las Condes

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Uno de los festivales que sobrevivió a la pandemia y se realiza adaptándose a las normas sanitarias es el de Las Condes. El humorista de vasta trayectoria, Álvaro Salas, fue uno de los invitados al evento y realizó un chiste que estuvo lejos de ser celebrado.

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2020 UNiTE Campaign Theme: "Orange the World: Fund, Respond, Prevent, Collect!"

The UN System's 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence activities, from 25 November to 10 December, will take place under our 2020 global theme: "Orange the World: Fund, Respond, Prevent, Collect!"

As the world retreated inside homes due to the lockdown measures introduced to curb the COVID-19 pandemic, reports showed an alarming increase in the already existing pandemic of violence against women.

"Accompanying the crisis has been a spike in domestic violence reporting, at exactly the time that services, including rule of law, health and shelters, are being diverted to address the pandemic," stated the UN Secretary-General's report, " Shared Responsibility, Global Solidarity: Responding to the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19".

You can make a difference during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and protracted state of crisis it has generated across the world. You can support women and girl survivors of violence to stay safe and free of violence. Take action during this year's 16 Days of Activism to End Gender-Based Violence. For more information about "Orange the World: Fund, Respond, Prevent, Collect!" and action ideas, see this year's concept note.

The 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence is an annual international campaign that kicks off on 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, and runs until 10 December, Human Rights Day. It was started by activists at the inaugural Women's Global Leadership Institute in 1991 and continues to be coordinated each year by the Center for Women's Global Leadership. It is used as an organizing strategy by individuals and organizations around the world to call for the prevention and elimination of violence against women and girls.

In support of this civil society initiative, under the leadership of the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, the United Nations Secretary-General's UNiTE by 2030 to End Violence against Women campaign (UNiTE campaign) calls for global actions to increase awareness, galvanize advocacy efforts, and share knowledge and innovations.

2019

In 2019, the UNiTE campaign will mark the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence, from 25 November to 10 December, under the theme, "Orange the World: Generation Equality Stands against Rape!"

While the names, times and contexts may differ, women and girls universally experience rape, sexual violence, and abuse, in times of peace or war.

Rape is rooted in a complex set of patriarchal beliefs, power, and control that continue to create a social environment in which sexual violence is pervasive and normalized. Exact numbers of rape and sexual assaults are notoriously difficult to confirm due to frequent latitude and impunity for perpetrators, stigma towards survivors, and their subsequent silence.

In recent years, the voices of survivors and activists, through campaigns such as #MeToo, #TimesUp, #Niunamenos, #NotOneMore, #BalanceTonPorc, and others, have put the spotlight on the issue of sexual violence and have reached a crescendo that cannot be silenced or ignored anymore.

That is why, under the umbrella of UN Women's Generation Equality campaign that marks the 25th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the UNiTE Campaign is calling on people from all walks of life to learn more and take a stand against the pervasive rape culture that surrounds us.

Join us! Share your photos, messages and videos showing how you are participating in the campaign on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter using #OrangeTheWorld and #GenerationEquality. You can also join the conversation on social media by sharing our campaign materials that you can download here. For more information about "Orange the World: Generation Equality Stands against Rape" and action ideas, see this year's concept note.

Subscribe to the mailing list for updates.

2018

From 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, to 10 December, Human Rights Day, the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence Campaign is a time to galvanize action to end violence against women and girls around the world. The international campaign originated from the first Women's Global Leadership Institute coordinated by the Center for Women's Global Leadership in 1991.

For far too long, impunity, silence and stigma have allowed violence against women to escalate to pandemic proportions-one in three women worldwide experience gender-based violence.

The time for change is here and now.

In recent years, the voices of survivors and activists, through campaigns such as #MeToo, #TimesUp, #Niunamenos, #NotOneMore, #BalanceTonPorc and others, have reached a crescendo that cannot be silenced any more. Advocates understand that while the names and contexts may differ across geographic locations, women and girls everywhere are experiencing extensive abuse and their stories need to be brought to light.

This is why the UNiTE Campaign's global advocacy theme this year is: Orange the World: #HearMeToo

Under the theme Orange the World: #HearMeToo, the UNiTE partners are encouraged to host events with local, national, regional and global women's movements, survivor advocates and women human rights defenders and create opportunities for dialogue between activists, policy-makers and the public. As in previous years, the colour orange will be a key theme unifying all activities, with buildings and landmarks lit and decorated in orange to bring global attention to the initiative.

Join us! Share your photos, messages and videos showing how you are participating in the campaign at facebook.com/SayNO.UNiTE and twitter.com/SayNO_UNiTE using #orangetheworld and #HearMeToo. For more information about Orange the World: #HearMeToo, see this year's Concept Note.

Save the date for the UN official commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.

2017

From 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, to 10 December, Human Rights Day, the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence Campaign is a time to galvanize action to end violence against women and girls around the world. The international campaign originated from the first Women's Global Leadership Institute coordinated by the Center for Women's Global Leadership in 1991.

In 2017, the UNiTE Campaign marked the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence under the overarching theme, " Leave No One Behind: End Violence against Women and Girls "- reflecting the core principle of the transformative 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

"Leave No One Behind: End Violence against Women and Girls" reinforces the UNiTE Campaign's commitment to a world free from violence for all women and girls around the world, while reaching the most underserved and marginalized, including refugees, migrants, minorities, indigenous peoples, and populations affected by conflict and natural disasters, amongst others, first.

As in previous years, the colour orange was a key theme unifying all activities, and buildings and landmarks will be lit and decorated in orange to bring global attention to the issue of violence against women and girls.

See what happened "
For more information see the action plan.

2016

In 2016, the UNiTE campaign strongly emphasized the need for sustainable financing for efforts to end violence against women and girls towards the fulfilment of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

One of the major challenges to efforts to prevent and end violence against women and girls worldwide is the substantial funding shortfall. As a result, resources for initiatives to prevent and end violence against women and girls are severely lacking. Frameworks such as the Sustainable Development Goals, which includes a specific target on ending violence against women and girls, offer huge promise, but must be adequately funded in order to bring real and significant changes in the lives of women and girls.

To bring this issue to the fore, the UN Secretary-General's campaign UNiTE to End Violence against Women's call for the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence in 2016 was 'Orange the World: Raise Money to End Violence against Women and Girls'. The initiative provided a moment to bring the issue of sustainable financing for initiatives to prevent and end violence against women to global prominence and also presents the opportunity for resource mobilization for the issue.
For more information see the action plan.
2014

The 2014 theme was "Orange YOUR Neighbourhood." Participants around the globe took the UNiTE campaign to local streets, shops and businesses, organizing "Orange Events" in their own neighbourhoods, reaching out to your neighbours, local stores, food-sellers on the corner of your street, gas stations, local cinemas, barbers, schools, libraries and post offices. Orange lights were projected and orange flags hung on local landmarks and local 'orange marches' were organized on 25 November to raise awareness about violence against women and discuss solutions that would work for specific communities.

For more information about "Orange YOUR Neighbourhood, 2014" see flyer and toolkit.

2013

The overall theme for Orange Day in 2013 was ' Safe Spaces for Women and Girls', highlighting the recommendations of the agreed conclusions of the 57th session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW57) which took place in March.

From 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, to 10 December 2013, Human Rights Day, UNiTE called for a global action to "Orange Your World in 16 Days."

As part of the 16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence, organizations and activists organized local and national 'orange' events. From marches, marathons and panel discussions to radio and television programmes, concerts and film festivals, Orange Your World involved governments, celebrities, media, civil society organizations and the United Nations system on the ground and on social media to raise awareness and public engagement.
See what happened " Watch this video showcasing actions around the world to Orange the World in 16 Days:

Check out our influencers for #Iwearorangebecause:

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16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence | What we do: Ending violence against women and girls: Take action

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The 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence is an annual international campaign that kicks off on 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, and runs until 10 December, Human Rights Day. In support of this civil society initiative, under the

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El central del Valencia Mouctar Diakhaby se vio envuelto en un confuso y condenado incidente el domingo, en un partido contra el Cádiz. A los 30′ del primer tiempo, el francés salió enojado del campo de juego, reclamando que el jugador local Juan Cala le había proferido un insulto racista.

Sus compañeros lo siguieron hasta los camarines, donde se quedaron durante un rato para luego volver a jugar, aunque ya sin Diakhaby.

Este martes, el futbolista entregó su versión de lo ocurrido a través de un video. "En Cádiz el domingo hay una jugada en la que un jugador me insulta y sus palabras son 'negro de mierda'. Eso es intolerable, no puedo consentir eso. Todos visteis mi reacción. Eso no puede pasar en la vida normal y tampoco en el fútbol que es un deporte de respeto", dijo el jugador.

"Yo y mis compañeros decidimos irnos al vestuario. Fue una buena decisión. Luego nos preguntó un jugador de ellos a un jugador nuestro si volveríamos al campo si Cala se excusaba. Dijimos que no, que las cosas no son así, que no puedes hacer algo y excusarte y pasar así ", agregó.

" Negro de Mierda " pic.twitter.com/FcuT3PNwpy

- Mouctar Diakhaby (@Diakhaby_5) April 6, 2021

Lee también: Subsecretaria Daza descartó por el momento suspender el Campeonato Nacional por la pandemia
El lunes, el Valencia publicó una foto en la que se ve a Diakhaby delante del resto del plantel, con todos, excepto el central, con el brazo y la mano extendida en señal de compromiso contra el racismo.

"Ayer, hoy, mañana y siempre: stop al racismo", dijo la entidad en un tuit. "Lucharemos hasta el final para esclarecer lo sucedido, defender a nuestro jugador y erradicar el racismo", añadió.

En su declaración de este martes, Diakhaby agradeció al equipo, a sus compañeros y a los entrenadores "por la solidaridad, el cariño y el apoyo que me han dado y a toda la afición".

Ayer, hoy, mañana y siempre:

¡𝗦𝗧𝗢𝗣 𝗔𝗟 𝗥𝗔𝗖𝗜𝗦𝗠𝗢! 🖐🖐🏻🖐🏼🖐🏽🖐🏾🖐🏿

Nuestro TOTAL APOYO a @Diakhaby_5.

Lucharemos hasta el final para esclarecer lo sucedido, defender a nuestro jugador y erradicar el racismo. #JuntsAnemAMUNT!#AllToPlayFor pic.twitter.com/Zvr9CCFyYR

- Valencia CF 🦇🍊🌊 (@valenciacf) April 5, 2021

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Jugador del Valencia revela el insulto racista que lo llevó a salir de la cancha: "Es intolerable"

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El central del Valencia Mouctar Diakhaby se vio envuelto en un confuso y condenado incidente el domingo, en un partido contra el Cádiz. A los 30′ del primer tiempo, el francés salió enojado del campo de juego, reclamando que el jugador local Juan Cala le había proferido un insulto racista.

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El asesinato injusto de George Floyd por la policía de Estados Unidos en mayo de este año ha provocado un estallido social bajo el eslogan "Black Lives Matter" (Las vidas negras importan). Este incidente y el movimiento social que ha generado ha resonado fuertemente en Estados Unidos, así como también en Europa y el Sudeste asiático. Las protestas sociales y las discusiones públicas visibilizan y denuncian el racismo institucional y cotidiano que diariamente experimentan minorías excluidas de los privilegios de una supuesta "mayoría". En Chile, con la excepción de ciertos activistas antirracistas que se han manifestado en redes sociales, no existe una discusión o reflexión más amplia sobre las consecuencias, a veces violentas y explotadoras, del racismo contra los afrodescendientes, así como hacia otras personas y comunidades racializadas en el país.

Recordemos las muertes injustas de personas inmigrantes haitianas en Chile como Joane Florvil, quien fue acusada sin fundamento, detenida y criminalizada por el supuesto abandono de su hija, sin haber contado con intérpretes ni un procedimiento apropiado de detención. Si bien la historia particular de racismo, colonización y esclavitud difieren en cada contexto nacional y regional, debemos reconocer el carácter global del racismo, donde la historia de esclavitud de los afrodescendientes está fuertemente vinculada con las historias de falta de libertad y trabajo forzado de otras personas racializadas, como aquellas provenientes de China e India. La presencia de las diásporas globales de afrodescendientes, chinos, e indios - y el racismo que ellos viven en muchos contextos -- evidencia esta historia compartida. El racismo cotidiano, simbólico y muchas veces institucionalizado contra personas de dichas ascendencias también ocurre en Chile. Diversas formas de racismo nos muestran que todavía no hemos superado el legado del colonialismo, donde los chilenos suelen considerarse "un país occidental" y continuamente reniegan de su herencia indígena.

Recordemos la historia del blackface en Chile-- por ejemplo, en el programa Jappening con Ja en los años 80, y en los anuncios de chocolate Negrita en los años 90, donde algunos actores usaban maquillaje para representar una persona negra.[4] La existencia y popularidad del blackface en Chile en un periodo donde no habían muchos afrodescendientes en el país, evidencia el carácter global del racismo. Lo mismo se da incluso hoy con aquella conocida publicidad del papel higiénico marca Noble. En los años 80, sus anuncios para la televisión presentaban humorísticamente a un afrodescendiente que promovía un producto "100% chileno" con frases como "el color que más me gusta... blanco". En general, estos ejemplos asocian la negritud con lo primitivo, la suciedad, la falta de intelecto e hipersexualidad, ideas denigrantes que hoy se refuerzan en la sociedad chilena con la mayor presencia de migrantes afrodescendientes en el país.

En esta misma línea, queremos problematizar y denunciar las representaciones racistas y estereotípicas de las personas asiáticas - de China e India-en los medios de comunicación chilenos. Queremos desafiar la idea de que, si bien las representaciones de asiáticos en los medios parecen ser más inofensivas que la de personas afrodescendientes, las bromas y estereotipos que se utilizan en dichos anuncios no dejan de ser perjudiciales. Ambas imágenes -- de asiáticos, por un lado, y afrodescendientes por el otro -- están interrelacionadas y demuestran las diversas formas que toma el racismo. Por un lado, la imagen (racializada) del "buen migrante" hace posible aquella del "migrante indeseable". Como miembros de ambas comunidades (chinas e india), queremos cuestionar y rechazar la idea del "buen migrante". Por otro lado, creemos que estas ideas invisibilizan la diversidad interna de estas comunidades y omiten que su aparente autosegregación y autosuficiencia son en parte el resultado de una larga historia de desafíos y obstáculos de inserción económica, social, y política en el país. Es más, las distinciones entre los migrantes "buenos" y "malos," "emprendedores" y "delincuentes," "empoderados" y "vulnerables" solo separan y hacen mutuamente irrelevante o conflictivas las experiencias y luchas que comparten diversas personas migrantes y racializadas.

Tomemos el ejemplo del popular anuncio de Té Supremo y el personaje llamado Rashid, supuestamente de India o Sri Lanka. Rashid utiliza un turbante, baila una coreografía llamada Saltarín Bombay (en alusión al cine de Bollywood), habla con un acento "distinto," y promociona principalmente un té que es originario de Sri Lanka. La apariencia y forma de hablar de Rashid es un disfraz que podríamos describir como brownface; una representación que pretende reducir la heterogeneidad de la cultura y población del Asia del sur a unos símbolos limitados y erróneos. En primer lugar, no todos ellos usan turbantes, siendo más distintivo de la población sikh. Por otra parte, el acento de Rashid recuerda, en el imaginario chileno, al acento utilizado por el personaje Apu de Los Simpsons, creado y personificado, por un hombre blanco; efectivamente, Rashid es como nuestro Apu chileno. Ambos son caricaturas, en donde su origen étnico y acento se prestan para bromas y provocan micro-racismos en la vida cotidiana de las personas que se identifican con Asia del Sur. El brownface e instancias de apropiación cultural de la India en Chile son actos de poder, porque se toma elementos importantes de una cultura, y se ridiculiza para entretenimiento de otros.

Con la llegada del Covid19 en Chile, hemos visto racismos con consecuencias a veces violentas en espacios públicos contra las personas chinas y asiáticas. No es difícil vincular estos actos y discursos de racismo y xenofobia con su normalización en los medios de comunicación. Por ejemplo, en el programa "Mentiras Verdaderas" de La Red, María Luisa Cordero evocaba la imagen del trabajo infantil en China, declarando, en el contexto de la pandemia mundial, que "todo lo que venga de China es peligroso". El programa "Morandé con compañía" de Mega también vincula y culpa a las personas chinas por la pandemia de manera vulgar y denigrante: el cuarto capítulo de su temporada 2020 promueve el estereotipo de que las personas chinas comen animales inusuales y de manera barbárica. Estos programas normalizan la idea de que los chinos suelen hablar mal, vinculando esto con una aparente falta de inteligencia y un dejo de vulgaridad, siendo, por tanto, perpetuadores de visiones racistas sobre las personas asiáticas.

Debemos evitar que estas representaciones estereotipadas y estigmatizantes se conviertan en generalizaciones que impregnen e informen nuestras interacciones con las personas representadas, así como nuestra forma de verlas y entenderlas. Este tipo de representaciones son dañinas y desconocen las múltiples realidades y sensibilidades de la diversidad que conforman estas culturas. Estos ejemplos e instancias de racismo también son relevantes para problematizar el clasismo en Chile y las relaciones y perspectivas conflictivas contra la población indígena mapuche. Como hemos visto en el caso de Camilo Catrillanca, su asesinato y las justificaciones del hecho, se dan dentro de una perspectiva que lo presenta como un "otro". Ésta no identificación con él, así como con otras víctimas de racismo sistémico es parte fundamental del problema. Esta falta de identificación revela que existe una jerarquía racial en Chile, donde algunos son más "otros" que el resto. Los racismos son múltiples y están todos interrelacionados. El racismo no es sólo un problema para quienes son discriminados, sino que también de quienes lo practican y avalan. Es un problema compartido como sociedad. Sólo afrontándolo en conjunto podremos vivir en un mundo un poco más justo, apreciando y reconociendo a cada ser humano en toda su complejidad.

h ttps://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/06/04/papuanlivesmatter-george-floyds-death-hits-close-to-home-in-indonesia.html?fbclid=IwAR1cLRgPN7o0N96HgBHOrdVB_bIuJOX-ibR2Ur2qK_jRfMCXz_pcwP97HKY

https://www.latercera.com/noticia/los-30-dias-calvario-joane-florvil/

Lee, A. P. (2018). Mandarin Brazil: Race, representation, and memory. Stanford University Press.

[4] Ver: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r-r9F8-5hno

h ttps://dindep.cl/art/15574/el-hombre-del-te-yair-juri-debutara-junto-a-diana-bolocco-en-nuevo-programa-de-concursos

https://theconversation.com/the-problem-with-apu-why-we-need-better-portrayals-of-people-of-colour-on-television-106707

https://www.latercera.com/la-tercera-domingo/noticia/xenofobia-en-tiempos-de-crisis-me-escupieron-porque-pensaban-que-tenia-coronavirus/2XBVYQUBT5AIFLSAIFEGKXNUBI/

https://www.biobiochile.cl/noticias/nacional/chile/2020/02/06/empresarios-chinos-critican-a-doctora-cordero-por-decir-que-envios-de-china-pueden-traer-coronavirus.shtml

El contenido vertido en esta columna de opinión es de exclusiva responsabilidad de su autor, y no refleja necesariamente la línea editorial ni postura de El Mostrador.

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Racismo, televisión y publicidad en Chile

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El asesinato injusto de George Floyd por la policía de Estados Unidos en mayo de este año ha provocado un estallido social bajo el eslogan "Black Lives Matter" (Las vidas negras importan). Este incidente y el movimiento social que ha generado ha resonado fuertemente en Estados Unidos, así como también en Europa y el Sudeste ...

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Diakhaby acusa al central del Cádiz, Cala, de insultos racistas y por eso su equipo abandonó el campo durante 24 minutos. Esta es la secuencia.

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Vicerrectoría de Extensión y Comunicaciones

Campaña #nomasracismo

Diversas organizaciones pro migrantes y anti discriminación en Chile eligieron el 30 de septiembre, fecha que marca la trágica muerte de Joane Florvil en 2017, para conmemorar el Día contra el racismo en Chile. Este año, la Cátedra de Racismo y Migraciones Contemporáneas de la U. de Chile se hizo parte con diferentes actividades, entre ellas la difusión de una serie de láminas en español, creole y mapudungún, para recordar a víctimas de racismo en Chile. Con el hashtag #nomasracismo se activó la memoria sobre estas historias que nos negamos a olvidar hasta que se haga justicia.

Viernes 9 de octubre de 2020

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Gráfica para conmemorar el Día contra el racismo en Chile

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Diversas organizaciones pro migrantes y anti discriminación en Chile eligieron el 30 de septiembre, fecha que marca la trágica muerte de Joane Florvil en 2017, para conmemorar el Día contra el racismo en Chile. Este año, la Cátedra de Racismo y Migraciones Contemporáneas de la U.

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Girls and boys see gender inequality in their homes and communities every day - in textbooks, in the media and among the adults who care for them.

Parents may assume unequal responsibility for household work, with mothers bearing the brunt of caregiving and chores. The majority of low-skilled and underpaid community health workers who attend to children are also women, with limited opportunity for professional growth.

And in schools, many girls receive less support than boys to pursue the studies they choose. This happens for a variety of reasons: The safety, hygiene and sanitation needs of girls may be neglected, barring them from regularly attending class. Discriminatory teaching practices and education materials also produce gender gaps in learning and skills development. As a result, nearly 1 in 4 girls between the ages of 15 and 19 are neither employed nor in education or training - compared to 1 in 10 boys.

Worldwide, nearly 1 in 4 girls between the ages of 15 and 19 are neither employed nor in education or training - compared to 1 in 10 boys.

Yet, in early childhood, gender disparities start out small. Girls have higher survival rates at birth, are more likely to be developmentally on track, and are just as likely to participate in preschool. Among those who reach secondary school, girls tend to outperform boys in reading across every country where data are available.

But the onset of adolescence can bring significant barriers to girls' well-being. Gender norms and discrimination heighten their risk of unwanted pregnancy, HIV and AIDS, and malnutrition. Especially in emergency settings and in places where menstruation remains taboo, girls are cut off from the information and supplies they need to stay healthy and safe.

In its most insidious form, gender inequality turns violent. Some 1 in 20 girls between the ages of 15 and 19 - around 13 million - have experienced forced sex. In times of both peace and conflict, adolescent girls face the highest risk of gender-based violence. Hundreds of millions of girls worldwide are still subjected to child marriage and female genital mutilation - even though both have been internationally recognized as human rights violations. And violence can occur at birth, like in places where female infanticide is known to persist.

Some 1 in 20 girls between the ages of 15 and 19 - around 13 million globally - have experienced forced sex in their lifetimes.

Harmful gender norms are perpetuated at the highest levels. In some countries, they become entrenched in laws and policies that fail to uphold - or that even violate - girls' rights, like laws that restrict women from inheriting property. Boys also suffer from gender norms: Social conceptions of masculinity can fuel child labour, gang violence, disengagement from school, and recruitment into armed groups.

Despite major hurdles that still deny them equal rights, girls refuse to limit their ambitions. Since the signing of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 1995 - the most comprehensive policy agenda for gender equality - the world has seen uneven progress.

More and more girls are attending and completing school, and fewer are getting married or becoming mothers while still children themselves. But discrimination and limiting stereotypes remain rife. Technological change and humanitarian emergencies are also confronting girls with new challenges, while old ones - violence, institutionalized biases, poor learning and life opportunities - persist.

That's why girls from all walks of life are boldly raising their voices against inequality. Girl-led movements are stopping child marriage and female genital mutilation, demanding action on climate change, and trail-blazing in the fields of science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) - asserting their power as global change-makers.

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Equal rights and opportunities for girls and boys help all children fulfil their potential.

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Why gender equality is not just about women | Caroline Strachan | TEDxFolkestone

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I recently watched a netflix serie, which is "Las Chicas Del Cable." Which demonstrates the differences and inequalities between men and women. The show reveals the hardships that working women faced in 1920s Spain, and especially the severe restrictions on the rights of Spanish women in a male-dominated society.

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Gender equality | Description & Policy Approaches

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Gender equality, the condition of parity regardless of gender.

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How gender equality is represented in Chile and why?

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Chile intends to train 300,000 women for highly skilled jobs and empower women entrepreneurs. It will improve the ability of women to negotiate as workers, including in organizations representing the labour force, with a focus on reducing the wage gap between men and women. A national action plan against violence against women has been implemented, and more centres assist survivors of abuse. Programmes train community leaders and government officials to prevent and halt violence against women. The new Chilean electoral system for the first time has a quota system whereby at least 40 per cent of candidates standing for Parliament must be women. As incentives to comply, any party with less than 40 per cent cannot register candidates, and those meeting the quota receive economic incentives. By 2018, Chile aims to have 40 per cent of public enterprises directed by women. It will support equality, empowerment and solidarity between spouses. Speaking at the Global Leaders' Meeting on 27 September 2015, President Michelle Bachelet said: "For gender equality to be effective, we also have to look at the decision-making area, in social and political spheres."

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Chile intends to train 300,000 women for highly skilled jobs and empower women entrepreneurs. It will improve the ability of women to negotiate as workers, including in organizations representing the labour force, with a focus on reducing the wage gap between men and women.

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This is about the inequalities of womens and mens towards jobs and money.

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The path toward gender equality in Chile

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Women, Business and the Law is a World Bank Group flagship report measuring gender equality in legislation in 190 economies.

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A few days ago, Chile held a historical plebiscite to decide whether the country should draft a new constitution, and through which mechanism; a fully elected constitutional convention, with gender parity, or a mixed convention integrated by current members of congress and elected citizens. This was the first national referendum since the ones that initiated the transition to democracy in 1988 and 1989.

The election, originally scheduled for 26 April 2020 but postponed to due to the COVID-19 pandemic, was conducted in an orderly manner, with final results announced only a few hours after polls closed, accepted by all, and peacefully celebrated throughout the country.

The "approve" option to draft a new constitution won by an overwhelming majority, obtaining 78 percent of the vote, and the second ballot, the option of an all elected "Constitutional Convention" obtained 79 percent of the vote. This convention will be required to secure gender parity in the allocation of seats, using an innovative electoral mechanism. Making Chile the first country in the world with a constitution drafted by an equal number of women and men.

There is an expectation that reserved seats for indigenous peoples will also be secured, but an agreement on this issue is still pending.

Opening this participatory process was the result of a landmark agreement among political parties in Congress, subsequently launched by the President of the Republic, and an institutional response to the political and social turmoil following massive protests that began at the end of 2019. The drafting of a new constitution was among the demands raised by citizens, along with others that sought greater socioeconomic equality.

The process is also recognized as a means to introduce structural changes in the country. The current constitution was originated in 1980, during President Augusto Pinochet´s dictatorship and, despite the many amendments it has undergone, its suitability has remained challenged by several sectors since the country's return to democracy.

Polls had predicted a large victory for both the "approve" and "constitutional convention" options. Voter turnout, crucial for providing legitimacy to the process, remained a key question mark, considering that electoral participation had dropped dramatically since the nineties, staying below regional and world averages. UNDP Chile has been studying this phenomenon for years, publishing an in-depth assessment of electoral participation in 2017 and a broader analysis of democracy in 2020, showing that this decline had become a structural characteristic of the Chilean democracy. This was interpreted as a consequence and an indicator of deteriorating representation mechanisms and a declining trust in institutions.

Despite past trends and the new obstacles posed by COVID-19 participation reached 50.9 percent of registered voters. Over 7.5 million people voted, about 500,000 more than in the last presidential election in 2017, the highest ever number of voters in Chilean history. Another positive aspect was the smaller gap between more affluent and poorer municipalities and cities, particularly evident in the capital of Santiago, where participation reached 56 percent with major increases in voting in poor neighborhoods, where the "approve" option won by even greater margins than in the national average.

The constitutional process seems to have helped revert the downward trend in participation. Renewed efforts to increase electoral participation will remain key for strengthening representative democracy.

The next step in the process will be the election of members of the Constitutional Convention in April 2021, concurrent with municipal and regional elections. The Convention will convene for nine months that can be extended, only once, for an additional three. At the end of that period, citizens will be asked to vote again on the final text in a closing constitutional referendum with mandatory voting. The constitutional process will run parallel to the largest electoral cycle in the country since the return to democracy, with primaries, municipal, regional, congressional, and presidential elections scheduled through early 2022.

In a year marked by unprecedented challenges, exacerbated by the pandemic, the constitutional process has opened a precious opportunity to address citizens' demands and build a new rapport with politics and state institutions. It offers an institutional route for a societal dialogue regarding the development model, the role of the state in the provision of social goods, and the distribution of power in a persistent unequal society.

The milestone reached with the successful holding of the plebiscite is good news for the country and all of its citizens in a challenging road ahead. Chilean society has offered an example to the world in choosing peaceful political avenues to address national challenges and build a more inclusive and prosperous nation.

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Chile celebrates a gender equality milestone | UNDP

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A few days ago, Chile held a historical plebiscite to decide whether the country should draft a new constitution, and through which mechanism; a fully elected constitutional convention, with gender parity, or a mixed convention integrated by current members of congress and elected citizens.

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A historic victory for gender equality in Chile
Columna publicada originalmente el 2 de Noviembre de 2020, en el blog de The Bartlett Development Planning Unit.
By Ignacia Ossul Vermehren, Lieta Vivaldi & Camila Cociña

On Sunday 25th October, Chileans voted to overhaul the Pinochet-era Constitution. The country also determined that this new Constitution will be written by an assembly composed exclusively by elected citizens, half of whom will be women. In doing so, Chile will become the first country in the world to write a Constitution with gender parity.

Manifestation in Santiago for International Women's Day, 8th March 2020. Galería Cima has recorded from above all events in Plaza Dignidad since October 2019. Source: Galería Cima

The protests and the overall claim for Dignidad

On 18 th October 2019, simmering social unrest in Chile exploded. Led by students in response to Metro ticket price rises by 30 pesos, protests spread across the country, exposing deep inequalities and systemic injustice. "No eran 30 pesos, eran 30 años" ( "It wasn't 30 pesos, it was 30 years ") became a mobilising slogan for protesters that claimed several demands to address multifold inequalities experienced by the majority of people.

The protests were framed, in broad terms, as a response to the failure of the neoliberal system. While economic and social policies have for decades led to successful macro level indicators, the model has deepened disparities in terms of distribution, political power and representation. The consequent human rights violations and police brutality that followed the protests, only deepened the sense of injustice. Issues of representation of ethnic groups and women in politics played a key role, as well as demands related to pension, health and environmental issues, summarised under the overall claim for Dignidad ( Dignity). The demands for change were so fundamental, wide-reaching and varied, that less than a month after the beginning of the protests the political establishment agreed on setting up a route map to write a new Constitution through a democratic process. One year and one week later, the country was finally given the chance to vote on whether or not to write a new Constitution, and if so, who would be responsible for writing it.

A new Constitution to address entrenched social inequalities

The results were overwhelming. With a large turnout across the country, 77.6% voted in favour of a new Constitution. Crucially, 78.99% determined that it should be written entirely by elected citizens, half of whom will be women, rather than both citizens and members of parliament.
How and why did a mobilisation driven against inequalities find an answer in a claim for a constituent process? And what do the results and the nature of the body in charge of writing the new Constitution tell us about the fight for gender equality in Chile and Latin America?
When social mobilisations and violence exploded in October 2019, many figures from the establishment claimed that they 'didn't see this coming'; while the statement seems to project some humility, it is hard to comprehend it in a country where the depth of inequalities and the 'social gap' had been widely researched and socialised by organisations from diverse sectors, as encapsulated by the report "Desiguales" (" Unequals ") published by UNDP in 2017. Even more, mobilisations and unrest against injustices in different arenas had grown exponentially: while students' mobilisations for public education trembled the political agenda in 2006 and 2011, the last decade witnessed the emergence of massive protests around gender and indigenous rights, environmental concerns, and pension issues.

Looking back, what all these mobilisations had in common was a call for what the 2019 mobilisation coined as ' dignity'. From a social justice perspective, the distribution aspect of inequality was only one of the elements at stake: claims for representation and parity participation have been central to all of them. While some legal reforms were introduced in each of these sectors as response to citizens' claims, the impasse for structural change seemed to be always the same: the burden of the Constitution written during the dictatorship in 1980, and its limitations to adapt to the claims of the majority while concentrating power in a few. Unsurprisingly, the demand for a new Constitution had been growing as a significant claim by civil society groups and new political forces (who in 2013 articulated the campaign #MarcaAC), and also by authorities that led President Michelle Bachelet (2014-2018) to launch a first attempt of re-writing a democratic Constitution through self-organised local assemblies (for an assessment of that process, see here).

But the demand wasn't just for any new Constitution, or any constituent process. While significant in itself, the overwhelming triumph for writing a new Constitution is as telling as the nature of the politics of representation of the body that will write it up. This representation was determined in March 2020, when parliament voted for any citizen-based constitutional convention to be gender equal, following long-term demands for gender parity. In voting for a new Constitution written exclusively by elected citizens, Chile has voted to become the first country to enshrine the equal representation of women and men in the writing of its Constitution.

Poster in Santiago's street. It reads: 'Against all violence: neoliberal, clasist, racist and patriarchal. We resist to live, we fight to transfor". Source: Ignacia Ossul, December 2019.

The key role of feminist movement(s)

Chile has historically been one of the most conservative countries in terms of gender rights in Latin America; abortion was only made legal in 2017, and only on three grounds. Yet, it was the first country in Latin America to establish a Department of Women's Services in the 1990s which became the Ministry of Women and Gender Equality in 2016. During Michelle Bachelet governments (2006-2010; 2014-2018) many progressive gender bills were put forward, such as the newly passed abortion law.

Progress has not been limited to legislation. Many believe last year's extended protests were made possible by feminist groups, who played a key role both in setting the agenda and in mobilising people on the street. The 2016 feminist protests of "Ni Una Menos" ('Not one [woman] less'), in which thousands of women in Chile and across Latin America marched to demand the end of gender violence, is also seen to have prepared the ground for last year's mobilisations. In May 2018, the " Chilean feminist revolution " took place. It began in universities with demands for equal rights in higher education, to stop sexual assault and to incorporate feminist theories and authors to the syllabus. These demands expanded later to different social inequalities caused by patriarchy and neoliberalism that were an important precedent to feminist demands from October 2019 onwards.

Many of the most enduring, widely shared and internationally recognised images of the protests were based in feminist demonstartions, whether through the performances of "Un violador en tu camino" ('A Rapist in Your Path') by art collective "Las Tesis" and the giant textile banner "Borda sus Ojos" in which women from across the country embroidered an eye to denounce police brutality implicated in 359 recorded eye injuries. The banner was subsequently displayed this year in the Museum of Memory and Human Rights.

During December 2019, thousands of women gathered in the national stadium in Santiago to perform "Un Violador en tu camino" ('A Rapist in Your Path') by Las Tesis. Source: "Las Tesis, Estadio Nacional" by pslachevsky under CC license.

The outcome of the plebiscite directly reflects the demands of feminist groups for more representation and parity in political participation in decision-making spaces. This victory has already set a precedent for representation and inclusion of other groups, which has been taken forward by a bill to include additional reserved seats for indigenous peoples in the writing of the Constitution, currently being debated in parliament.

The details of the referendum results, at this early stage, seem to manifest some of the intersectional claims for recognition and participation that had been raised over the last decade: first, the social gap and concentration of power of elites resistant to change was manifested by the fact that the option against the new Constitution only won in the three richest districts of Santiago, which has led some to say that "No eran 30 pesos, eran 3 comunas" ( "It wasn't 30 pesos, it was 3 districts"); second, in a country where participation in elections had systematically decreased since the return of democracy in 1990, this plebicite witnessed an increase of turnout particularly in poor and segregated districts, such as La Pintana and Puente Alto in Santiago, with increased turnout from young urban groups, who were consistently seen as the most politically disaffected group; and finally, looking at the districts in which the support to the new Constitution was the highest (with triumphs of around 90%) they tend to be small towns or rural areas that had been at the eye of the storm of environmental conflicts over the last years, led by local communities against extractive companies. All in all, these results speak of a hope for change precisely from those groups that have been marginalised from the narratives of development and growth that have dominated the country, and women are not the exception.

Mapuche and Wiphala flags in manifestations, which took place every Friday in downtown Santiago. Source: Camila Cociña, December 2019.

The Constitution from a feminist perspective and how it could bring about change

In terms of gender equality, the opportunities in the Constitution for social change are immense, both in the recognition of women in decision-making spaces, as in the potential for a gender approach to the creation of the Constitution. Although the equal participation of women and men in the Constitutional convention alone does not guarantee feminist outcomes and the protection of women's rights, particularly considering the wide diversity of age, class, ethnicity and political beliefs of the women involved, this remains a significant step towards improving gender representation in the country.

Before 2015, Chile had one of the lowest rates of female parliamentary participation in Latin America: 15.8% compared to the average of 27.8% in Latin America. It was only after the introduction of a new law on gender quotas for 40% of the candidates, that the percentage of elected women increased to 23%. This is still lower than the average in the region and far from Nordic countries, that have 42.5% of female representation in parliament.

To think a Constitution from a feminist perspective is much more than including an article establishing that men and women are equal before the law. Formal equality has proven to be completely insufficient in order to really guarantee women's and sexual diversity rights.

On the one hand, feminist demands involve expanding rights that have been historically made invisible, such as domestic and reproductive labour, sexual and reproductive rights, and the prohibition of discrimination; additionally to incorporate gender perspective to rights that are already in the constitution, such as health care, education, and so on. On the other hand, a gender perspective implies questioning the politics of representation of diverse identities, knowledges and claims; then, writing a feminist Constitution means also to ensure a mechanism to distribute and negotiate power, ensuring that multiple and often marginalised identities are recognised in decision-making processes in the long term.

The constituent process is an opportunity to expand this approach to all government bodies: the equal representation of men and women in each state branch and institution is also crucial to ensure the inclusion of women and sexual dissidence in processes of decision making. Furthermore, Chile has subscribed and ratified international treaties with commitments to ensure several women's rights, and the way in which the legal system includes them to then apply them by national courts, is also a matter of the constituent discussion. Last, the state should have specific obligations and duties in order to incorporate gender perspective in public policies, judicial decisions and national legislation.

Even if the outcome of the Constitution is unknown, the decision to vote for gender parity of those writing the Constitution is an enormous win for Chile, and a model for democratic politics of representation and parity participation around the world.

Graffiti in Santiago. It reads: 'No fear / It was sadness, it was rage, it was us / New Constitution!'. Source: Camila Cociña, December 2019.

Additional to these three districts (Las Condes, Lo Barnechea, Vitacura), there were another two small districts where the option against the new Constitution won (Antártica and Colchane, both of which are rural areas with military bases), making it to a total of 5 out of the 346 districts of the country. For a complete analysis of the territorial distribution of the results, see " Cartografías del apruebo: notas de trabajo ".

Even if similar processes in other countries have ensured minimum quotas for women as candidates and elected representatives, this will be the first case in which the final composition of the body in charge of writing the new Constitution will be actually composed by 50% women. For more information, see "Facts and figures: Leadership and political participation".
(University College London), Lieta (U. de Chile and UAH) and Camila (University College London) are academics from Chile working on women's rights, feminist theory, poverty, planning and urban equality.

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A historic victory for gender equality in Chile Columna publicada originalmente el 2 de Noviembre de 2020, en el blog de The Bartlett Development Planning Unit. By Ignacia Ossul Vermehren, Lieta Vivaldi & Camila Cociña On Sunday 25th October, Chileans voted to overhaul the Pinochet-era Constitution.

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How does gender equality is represented in our city and how is shown?

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Immigration is the process through which individuals become permanent residents or citizens of another country. Historically, the process of immigration has been of great social, economic, and cultural benefit to states. The immigration experience is long and varied and has in many cases resulted in the development of multicultural societies; many modern states are characterized by a wide variety of cultures and ethnicities that have derived from previous periods of immigration.

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Immigration is the process through which individuals become permanent residents or citizens of another country. Historically, the process of immigration has been of great social, economic, and cultural benefit to states. The immigration experience is long and varied and has in many cases resulted in the development of multicultural societies; many modern states are characterized by a wide variety of cultures and ethnicities that have derived from previous periods of immigration.

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global:It is generally believed that those immigrants who have had the courage to leave one country and move to another are often enterprising and entrepreneurial, even if poor. As such, in many countries, immigrants often set up small businesses. They however, become easy targets when the general economic conditions in that host country worsen.

In other cases, people become immigrants because they have fleed worsening conditions or persecution. In that situation, although they may live in another country, it may initially be quite difficult to adapt and change practices and customs. In such situations immigrants are clearly seen as different and in worsening economic times can be seen as sapping away resources that could otherwise have been used for local populations.

In the 1970s and 80s, Indian and Pakistani immigrants in the UK for example faced constant racist harassment and jokes about their small businesses. Many Indian and Pakistani communities escaping turmoil in East Africa were technically allowed to come to the UK but very quickly local populations became concerned and held numerous protests. While these communities have managed to weather this and many are now quite successful, the new wave of immigrants, Polish in particular it seems, face a new wave of hostility.

https://www.globalissues.org/article/537/immigration

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Leon, where is your Local Inquiry Question?