# data[].attributes.body
Welcome everyone! Join us for an exploration of the themes of socio-political issues and identity in Sri Lankan English poetry... Our journey would navigate through Richard de Zoysa's "Birds, Beasts and Relatives", followed by Malinda Seneviratne's "For Lasantha and Others". We hope you would gain new insight and perspective into the issues presented in the poems through our reading...

# data[].attributes.body
Malinda Seneviratne is a sociologist by training who was educated in Sri Lanka and the USA. He is well known as a Sri Lankan author, translator, political commentator, journalist, as well as an activist. Most prominently, he has worked for over 20 years as a journalist, contributing to many national newspapers in both English and Sinhala. He has written articles related to diverse subjects such as political economy, constitutional affairs, conflict resolution, democracy as well as literature and philosophy.
(Words Without Borders, 2022)

# data[].attributes.body
The poem ‘For Lasantha and Others’ was written by Malinda Seneviratne in 2009, the same year that the renowned Sri Lankan journalist Lasantha Wickrematunge was murdered in broad daylight by unidentified assailants. On the one hand, the poem is a critique of the socio-political context in Sri Lanka and on the other hand, it incorporates a rather humane and unidealized portrayal of Lasantha as a citizen who “spoke his mind” and represented the bitter truth during a period of immense political and social censorship in Sri Lanka. It depicts the bravery and courage of Lasantha for standing up to certain controversial ideologies and viewpoints despite the political threats that he constantly received throughout his career as a journalist. However, rather than simply depicting him as a hero, the poem acknowledges his faults and drawbacks alongside his bravery as well. The poem also evokes self-reflection within the readers towards the latter part of it, when the poet questions the readers and himself regarding our identity as citizens who remain complicit in the face of corruption.

# data[].attributes.body
Richard de Zoysa was a distinguished Sri Lankan actor, poet, writer, journalist as well as a human rights activist. He was abducted from his home and murdered in February 1990. His murder caused a great upheaval within the country, criticizing the "death squad" which operated under the Premadasa government.

Richard de Zoysa comes from a privileged and mixed background, where his mother was Tamil and his father was Sinhalese. His stance and ideologies which opposed the state made him a victim of brutal power politics which operated at the time, though there was no overt indication that he was supportive of the JVP.
His poetry is filled with layers of symbolism which can be interpreted in different ways and they are certainly critical of the socio-political climate of the time. He published his poetry under a pseudonym Angela de Silva which would have given him some form of protection to address controversial issues through his writing.

(Fernando, 2021)

# data[].attributes.body
The poem Birds, Beasts and Relatives by Richard de Zoysa was written in 1988 after a trip to the Yala sanctuary. The title of the poem is rather interesting as it groups 'relatives' with 'beasts'. Therefore, the intention of this poem is to be a 'political satire' as it comments on the violence inflicted by the government on people through the metaphor of animals. This is extensively explained in the proceeding sections.

# data[].attributes.body
Zoomorphism

“Zoomorphism proceeds by first understanding what kind of mental states animals have and then attributing these mental states to humans.”  (Nanay, 2018, p. 171) – it is a new way of thinking about the human mind.

Scientific vs. philosophical zoology:

Philosophical zoology does not prescribe what animal qualities need to be attributed to humans. It is merely a philosophical explanatory paradigm in this sense and not a theory.

It does not give a full description of the human mind

Zoomorphism is not supposed to do all the work in relation to understanding the human mind, but instead, provides the first step.

The second step would be how to refine and alter the conceptual apparatus in order to understand the human mind further.

Describing human mind through our understanding of nonhumans.

(Nanay, 2018)

Q1: How do we know what mental states nonhumans have?

A1: We understand the nonhuman mental state from a human POV. However, the main objective is not to fully compare human minds to animal minds.

Q2: What animals can we attribute to humans?

A2: The ones that show similar behavioural patterns. It does not have to be entirely accurate since we build upon it.

This is what de Zoysa does too, he goes beyond animal minds as well. He compares humans to the base qualities of animals but then goes beyond this to say that humans are actually worse than animals because “... Man, quite unlike beasts, in lots of instances CAN CHANGE HIS SPOTS” (23-24). He adjusts the framework to show that man is great at segregation and deception which is beyond an animals mind. This also contributes to the theme of identity through segregation which will be discussed in the proceeding sections.

Allegory

Definition: "a story that can be interpreted to reveal a hidden meaning; typically a moral or political one" (Oxford Languages, n.d.).

The line, “With concrete jungle – leafy glade” (30) : while on the surface level might seem like just a wild jungle, the use of 'concrete' hints at it actually being a city or urban area.

Furthermore, the line is indicative that it is not a natural structure but man-made. Over the course of the poem, we realise that segregation is man-made and this can relate to government censorship in the Sri Lankan (SL) context. – ("To hide forbidden private parts" (31) ). This relates to overarching frameworks such as biopolitics as well as fragmentation of identity which will be discussed in-depth in relevant sections.

Rhyme Scheme and Intention

The poem is Similar to satirical ballads in terms of rhyme scheme and in intention. It is also similar in intention to Viridu Kavi

Satirical ballads:

4 quatrains, AABB rhyme scheme – provides a critique on a societal issue – Birds, Beasts and Relatives follows the same structure and comments on a societal issue.

The poem is a more Juvenalian Satire: angry, resentful, personal. Juvenalian satires are also an indirect attack, universal and bitter compared to Horation which is lighthearted, short-lived, and direct (Ugolini, 2016, p.3). De Zoysa's poem does not overtly critique people and the government, but, it does so by utilising zoomorphism. e.g. "For once you've seen man on the kill/ The spotted hunter fails to thrill"  (15-16).

Viridu Kavi:

A source of entertainment that was seen in the 17th and 18th-century courts of Kings and Queens in Kotte and Kandy (de Zoysa, 2017).

The intentions of de Zoysa's poem and Viridu kavi are quite similar. Viridu kavi intended to  "moralize to the Western-educated Sinhala Elite to abstain from eating beef and drinking alcohol, narrate a sensational, sad or moralizing story, create awareness..."(de Zoysa, 2017, p. 55 ). This intention of creating awareness is very much seen in "Birds, Beasts and Relatives" as it opens up a conversation regarding the divisions of people and issues of identity therein.

# data[].attributes.body
Through the aforementioned areas we can understand the conflict in Sri Lanka is not merely 'ethnic'. While it is definitely an issue between the ethnicities residing in Sri Lanka, it is not only their decisions that have led to the violence. It is clear that through the actions of the state, such as barring English education for rural areas, censoring important facts (the murder of Lasantha) etc. that the state is definitely responsible for these horrors.

Furthermore, creating this divide within people causes a  fragmentation of identities in SL. An individual is constantly negotiating as to who they are as an individual and where do they belong. Therefore, a part of the resolution to this issue could be a political one (eradicating corruption within the state).

# data[].attributes.body
The Padlet critically analyses the poems “Birds, Beasts and Relatives” by Angela De Silva and “For Lasantha and Others” in terms of their incorporation of the Sri Lankan socio-political contexts, their linguistic creation of identity, and their relatability to the contemporary Sri Lankan context of 2022. Moreover, it presents our reading of the poem – many Sri Lankan poets deal with questions of reclaiming identity and national identity as well as the causes for fragmentation of identity in Sri Lanka. Thus, this Padlet indeed presents a critical analysis of the selected poems.

# data[].attributes.body
Piyumini Buddhika

Thanuri Somasiri

Shanelle Bandara

# data[].attributes.body
Introduction

"Birds, Beasts and Relatives" by Richard de Zoysa

Incorporation of the Sociopolitical Context.

Linguistic Creation of Identity.

Relatability.

"For Lasantha and Others" by Malinda Seneviratne

Incorporation of the Sociopolitical Context.

Linguistic Creation of Identity.

Relatability.

Food For Thought

Conclusion

# data[].attributes.body
Angela de Silva, also known as Richard de Zoysa, incorporates issues related to the socio-political context of the 1980s in his poem “Birds, Beasts and Relatives”. That is, employing a myriad of techniques, some of which have been previously discussed, he creatively presents Sri Lanka during the period.

# data[].attributes.headline
Sri Lanka in 1984: The Politics of Communal Violence 

# data[].attributes.subject
Sri Lanka in 1984: The Politics of Communal Violence 

# data[].attributes.body
Prior to analysing the way in which he incorporates such elements, it is important to understand the socio-political context of the period. The decade of 1980-1990 marks a period of excessive violence and tension in the country (Kearney, 1985). That is, as Kearney (1985) states, the country was engulfed in communal and ethnic tensions and rivalry which were at times extremely violent. As such, violence and ethnic divisions were almost a “normal” mundane part of the people.

# data[].attributes.body
Moreover, the year 1988 in particular was also chaotic and violent as well. That is, owing to the JVP riots in the South and Tamil Separatist movement in the North, the country was divided ethnically and racially giving way to extremist and divisive propaganda (Matthews, 1989). Furthermore, with the presidential election and “the devolution of power through the provincial councils” the country was involved in a power struggle with JVP at its front. In fact, this period saw numerous false alliances made between the government and JVP in particular, which resulted in more violence and death (Matthews, 1989). As such, this period marks a violent period in history.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources.

# data[].attributes.headline
The socio-political concerns as depicted in the poem

# data[].attributes.subject
The socio-political concerns as depicted in the poem

# data[].attributes.body
The poem, on the surface, revolves around a very mundane experience of a Sri Lankan – a simple visit to Yala Park and by employing such a simple scenario, he creatively paints a picture of Sri Lanka of the period. First and foremost, he opens the poem with a possible reference to the sociopolitical context of the country. That is, he presents a description of the animals he sees in the park, for example, “We saw three leopards and a bear, Four herds of elephants” (lines 1-2). Here, the word “Bear” could be a reference to JVP members who internalised and preached communist ideals (Watkins, 2005). That is, the symbol of the communist party is the “Russian Bear” and thus, this could be a reference to the JVP rioters who, in the name of patriarchy, instigated violence and chaos in the country. In addition, “elephant” could be referring to the government political party UNP whose symbol is once again an elephant. Furthermore, the lines, "Of nesting paradise flycatchers And hordes of teal in bigger batches Than (they said) the time before …” (lines 3-5) could perhaps be referring to the increase in supporters in the radical groups of the time.

Moreover, he does indeed make references to the violent and chaotic socio-political context of the time. For instance,

“The subtle shades of class or race

That doom the quarry to the chase

But Man, quite unlike beasts, in lots

Of instances CAN CHANGE HIS SPOTS.

Oh, man's adept at camouflage

Far better than the whole menage

At moulting and at sloughing skin

Or just discreetly blending in”   (lines 21-28)

This refers to the way in which race and ethnic divisions were exploited by the government and other groups to promote and justify the use of violence and their separationist agendas. (Mattews, 1989) Moreover, this idea of “camouflage”, “CAN CHANGE HIS SPOTS” and “blending in” could be referring to the false political alliances and promises that were common during the time (Kearney, 1985). In addition, lines such as “So let us exercise what arts We have and join the savage herd” (lines 32-33) could on the one hand be referring to the complicit and supporters of violence of the time and on the other hand to the identity crisis people faced when they were forced to pick factions to maintain and create one’s own identity (will be discussed later).

Furthermore, the ever-present idea of hunting in certain ways parallels the violent hunting and other forms of suppression instigated by the government and other extremist groups. Hence it can be argued that Angela de Silva’s poem “Birds Beasts and Relatives” does indeed incorporate the sociopolitical context of the time.

# data[].attributes.body
Amnesty International. (2022, August 31). Sri Lanka: End government crackdown on peaceful protesters. Retrieved September 18, 2022, from https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa37/5928/2022/en/

Bernaisch, T. (2015). The lexis and lexicogrammar of Sri lankan English. John Benjamins.

de Zoysa, A. (2017). Linguistic analysis of “Viridu". University of Kelaniya. Retrieved September 17, 2022, from http://repository.kln.ac.lk/bitstream/handle/123456789/18354/55.pdf

Fernando, L. (2021, March 22). Richard De Zoysa: ‘A Life Brutally Taken Away 31 Years Ago’. Retrieved from Colombo Telegraph: https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/richard-de-zoysa-a-life-brutally-taken-away-31-years-ago/

Goonetilleke, A. D. C. R. (2007). Sri lankan English literature and the Sri Lankan people: 1917-2003. Vijitha Yapa.

Gunesekera, M. (2010). The postcolonial identity of Sri lankan English. Vijitha Yapa Publications.

Jackson, M., &amp; Jayathilake, C. (2019). In Coloniality, ontology, and the question of the posthuman. essay, ROUTLEDGE.

Jeyaraj, D. (2018, January 13). Lasantha Wickrematunga Assassins Must Be Prosecuted Without Delay. Retrieved from Daily Mirror: https://www.dailymirror.lk/article/Lasantha-Wickrematunga-Assassins-Must-Be-Prosecuted-Without-Delay-143893.html

Jeyaraj, D. (2019, January 5). Remembering Lasantha Wickrematunge on the 10th anniversary of his assassination. Retrieved from DailyFT: https://www.ft.lk/Columnists/Remembering-Lasantha-Wickrematunge-on-the-10th-anniversary-of-his-assassination/4-670149

Kearney, R. N. (1985). Sri Lanka in 1984: The Politics of Communal Violence. Asian Survey, 25(2), 257–263. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644310

Malinda Seneviratne. (2022). Retrieved from Words Without Borders: https://wordswithoutborders.org/contributors/view/malinda-seneviratne/

Matthews, B. (1989). Sri Lanka in 1988: Seeds of the Accord. Asian Survey, 29(2), 229–235. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644584

Nanay, B. (2018). Zoomorphism. Erkenntnis, 86(1), 171–186. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10670-018-0099-0

Natarajan, S. (2012). Media freedom in post war Sri Lanka and its impact on the reconciliation process. Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford.

Oxford Languages. (n.d.). The home of Language Data. Oxford Languages. Retrieved September 20, 2022, from https://languages.oup.com/

Ramakrishna, K. (2019). The Easter Sunday Attacks: Struggle for the Soul of Sri Lankan Muslims. RSIS Commentary.

Reamer, F. G. (2015). Eye on Ethics: Omission and Commission in Social Work Ethics. Social Work Today. Retrieved September 18, 2022, from https://www.socialworktoday.com/news/eoe_020615.shtml

Siddiqui, J., & Nozell, M. (2021, April 29). Two Years After Easter Attacks, Sri Lanka’s Muslims Face Backlash. Retrieved from United States Institute of Peace: https://www.usip.org/publications/2021/04/two-years-after-easter-attacks-sri-lankas-muslims-face-backlash

Ugolini, P. (2016). Satire. Encyclopedia of Renaissance Philosophy, 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02848-4_878-1

Uyangoda, J. (2010). Sri Lanka in 2009: From Civil War to Political Uncertainties. Asian Survey, 50 (1), 104-111.

Watkins, J. D. (2005, July). The State, Conflict and the Individual: The Effect of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) Insurrections in Sri Lankan on the Mental Welfare of a Population. Medicine, Conflict and Survival, 21(3), 216–229. https://doi.org/10.1080/13623690500166044

Wickrematunge, R. (2013). And Then They Came For Me: The Lasantha Wickrematunge Story. Bloomington: AuthorHouse.

# data[].attributes.headline
Sri Lanka in 2009: From civil war to political uncertainties 

# data[].attributes.subject
Sri Lanka in 2009: From civil war to political uncertainties 

# data[].attributes.body
The poem was written by Seneviratne in September 2009, which can be described as the post-war phase in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan civil war and state strategies related to it has acted as a vital factor which caused the divide between different communities in the country for decades. The end of the war was a period where the nationalistic ideals in Sri Lanka were fostered through the promotion of a Sinhala Buddhist identity within the majority Sinhalese, along with the war victory and defeat of terrorism. The state and the authorities in power also entered an uncertain phase during this time, due to the allegations forwarded by the Western nations against the Sri Lankan government concerning the human rights violations and war crimes. Against this backdrop, in late 2009 president Rajapaksa was preparing to hold presidential elections and his intention was to get re-elected to a second term “with a massive majority while the memory of his government’s victory over the LTTE remained fresh in the minds of the electorate” (Uyangoda, 2010, p. 110). Therefore, all forms of dissent and alternate ideologies which oppose that of the government were necessarily curbed and sanctioned during this period. This includes the denial of the freedom of the press and freedom of expression on the part of activists, journalists as well as common citizens.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources.

# data[].attributes.body
Firsly looking into the specific individual that the poem centers on; Lasantha Wickrematunge was an investigative journalist and the editor of one of Sri Lanka’s pioneering newspapers, The Sunday Leader. Through his journalistic work, he has continuously addressed the corruption and misuse of power by leading politicians of the time and he was often critical of “the way in which the war was waged against the Tamil Tigers” (Natarajan, 2012, p. 23). This was perceived as a serious threat to the authority and hegemony of the then government, who did not usually tolerate dissent. Lasantha was killed on 8th January 2009 by an unidentified set of assailants. He was not entirely unaware of the fate that awaited him either, as he had written a rather prophetic article regarding his death weeks before he was killed.

He wrote;

“when finally I am killed, it will be the government that kills me”

“No other profession calls on its practitioners to lay down their lives for their art save the armed forces - and, in Sri Lanka, journalism. In the course of the last few years, the independent media have increasingly come under attack. Electronic and print institutions have been burned, bombed, sealed and coerced. Countless journalists have been harassed, threatened and killed. It has been my honour to belong to all those categories, and now especially the last” (Wickrematunge, 2013)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
News1st Lasantha Wickrematunge: Remembering a fearless journalist

# data[].attributes.body
Politically instigated violence, censorship and barriers to freedom of speech are aspects that were characteristic of the ongoing civil war era as well. The Sri Lankan government has a history of using violence to suppress the media and there are numerous incidents and reports of journalists being abducted, imprisoned and murdered for expressing opposing viewpoints. According to Amnesty International, Sri Lanka rested at the bottom of the “press freedom indices” by 2010 (Natarajan, 2012). Certain unorthodox measures such as “officially sanctioned unofficial executions” were also carried out against those who expressed contrary opinions, by the “death squads” possibly working under the then defense ministry (Jeyaraj, 2018)

These structures such as emergency regulations, acts and press censorship were clearly state apparatuses used by the government in order to create a centering of power around the state.

# data[].attributes.headline
The socio-political concerns as depicted in the poem

# data[].attributes.subject
The socio-political concerns as depicted in the poem

# data[].attributes.body
Having examined the socio-political context of Sri Lanka during the time of the publication of this poem, let us now look into its manifestation through the concerns expressed in the poem through a close reading of it.

The title of the poem, “For Lasantha and Others” is itself related to this context. It is quite specific as well as a relatable representation of all the victims of the cruel tyranny mentioned above. Therefore, this goes beyond a mere individual tribute to a journalist and encompasses the injustice which fell upon many other journalists of the time, both Sinhalese and Tamil. From our reading, a few amongst them would include personalities such as Prageeth Eknaligoda, Poddala Jayantha and the Tamil reporter Subramaniyam Sugitharajah (Jeyaraj, 2019).

The first stanza starts with the lines;

“Murder is a moment to point fingers
Murder is a moment to crawl into shells” (line 1-2)

This depicts periods of violence and anarchy as moments where we should reflect upon the existing systems and structures of society that create such anarchy. However, murder could also be an instrument of intimidation on the part of the perpetrators, which compels the possible victims to “crawl into shells” (line 2) or hide away. This effective use of metaphor could be read in light of a government which uses murder as a tool to control the liberty of the masses, in order to warn and silence them. It is a form of biopolitics. However, Lasantha himself stated before he was killed that death should not be “a defeat of freedom” but rather it should be “an inspiration for those who survive to step up their efforts” (Wickrematunge, 2013).

The notion of the dangers related to “standing up” and “speaking out” (line 6-7) which are depicted in the poem is also related to the socio-political context. The fundamental human right that a person has, to express their opinions and viewpoints was curbed by the censorship and politically instigated violence which existed at the time. Therefore, “speaking out” is “nothing auspicious” or successful. It would have made one a victim of the authoritarian rule.

The second stanza brings in the specific reference to Lasantha Wickrematunge in the poem. Within the poem, Lasantha acts as a “symbol of free speech” (Natarajan, 2012, p. 24) due to his outspoken nature despite the threat that it posed to him. It depicts him as unique and brave in that manner. Despite the threats that he received throughout his career, he still continued to speak out against the injustice and suppression which was carried out by the government in power in an “unbowed and unafraid” manner, following the motto of The Sunday Leader. This is depicted through the line, “but he wrote his politics regardless” (line 13). Moreover, through the line “He was flawed as the next person / but was more a citizen than many of us” (line 18-19). Seneviratne depicts the ideal definition of a “citizen” as someone who is willing to make sacrifices against oppressive leadership and preserve humanity.

Finally, the poet evokes a self-reflection in the readers through the last two lines of the poem:

“Who are we, who am I in these times

Of omission and commission?”  (line 29-30)

The government’s dichotomous policy of using the civil war to suppress freedom of speech and citizens’ liberty is reflected through the reference to “omission and commission”. During the time, those who were critical of the government were “branded” as supporters of the terrorists and this created political tension.

Using a rhetorical question, the poet questions the identity of those who stay complicit in the face of violence and injustice. This could be relevant to the personal and social dilemma that might have affected journalists and others who were torn between speaking out for justice and remaining silent for their own safety. It could also be an allusion to the self-censorship of the journalists which followed the murder of Lasantha. As Sonali Wickremetunge (Lasantha’s wife) has said, Lasantha’s death “broke the backbone of the media” (Natarajan, 2012, p. 25), as an increasing number of journalists and activists began to remain more cautious, taking murder as a warning.

Therefore, the poem "For Lasantha and Others" efficiently depicts prominent issues related to the socio-political climate of the time.

# data[].attributes.body
Malinda Seneviratne’s poem “For Lasantha and Others” discusses issues that greatly resonate today. That is, even though it is 2022, years after the publication of his publications, most of the claims he makes, such as the issues of political suppression and censorship, and complicity remain true and valid to this day.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
It has been 12 years since the end of the Tamil Genocide in Sri Lanka, but to date the Sri Lankan government has been running a dictatorial regime with no fr...

# data[].attributes.headline
Sri Lanka: End government crackdown on peaceful protesters

# data[].attributes.subject
Sri Lanka: End government crackdown on peaceful protesters

# data[].attributes.body
First and foremost, when we focus on the idea of political suppression and censorship, emphasised by “Lasantha” - ‘a symbol of free speech’ (Natarajan, 2012), and “Murder is a moment to point fingers Murder is a moment to crawl into shells” (lines 1-2), it is indeed relatable today. That is when we consider the “Aragalaya” and the government's response to it, it is clear that one of the main weapons employed was censorship and suppression. As such, censorship happened in two salient ways: first, suppression of journalists by violent means and second, blocking the access to social media (Amnesty International, 2022). In doing so, the government attempted to silence and revoke the freedom of speech. Moreover, political suppression was strongly present and it was carried out in many ways – one of which is the attack on peaceful protesters at Galle Face Colombo (Amnesty International, 2022). Such attacks were directed with the aim of controlling and silencing the voice of the people and it is presented in the poem as well. Thus, the idea of political suppression and censorship is an extremely relatable scenario today.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
We, the undersigned organizations, condemn the Sri Lankan authorities' violent crackdown and increasing reprisals against peaceful protesters in Sri Lanka. This includes arrests, intimidation and the brutal attack on the protest camp in Colombo on 22 July 2022. The Sri Lankan authorities must ensure that security forces do not use excessive force and will respect the rights of peaceful protesters at the 'Gotagogama' site, which authorities have ordered to be vacated by 5:00 pm on 5 August 2022.

View Report in English

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Sri Lanka: End government crackdown on peaceful protesters - Amnesty International

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
We, the undersigned organizations, condemn the Sri Lankan authorities' violent crackdown and increasing reprisals against peaceful protesters in Sri Lanka. This includes arrests, intimidation and the brutal attack on the protest camp in Colombo on 22 July 2022. The Sri Lankan authorities must ensure that security forces do not use excessive force and will respect [...]

# data[].attributes.body
Moreover, another issue that is grappled in the poem is the complicity of people and their desire to remain silent –

“For I prefer word to silence in the matter of political engagement

There is a finger that is itching to point,

let us point it at ourselves

at least in the manner of a question.” (lines 24-30)

Here, Seneviratne questions people's complicity in the face of violence and injustice and this question remains valid even today. That is, during the “Aragalaya”, many people remained silent and did not in fact speak against the government. In doing so, they were complicit in the violence and injustice that was inflicted upon people. This would then, as Seneviratne states, question where these people’s loyalties/allegiance lie and what is their identity. Whether they are in support of the government or the people. Furthermore, the idea of “Who are we, who am I in these times of omission and commission?” (lines 31-32) further questions people's actions of failing to do something right and doing the wrong thing (Reamer, 2015). This act of scrutiny is once again relevant in today’s context as more righteousness of some decisions made by certain individuals remains questionable as well. Thus, it is clear that issues brought up in the poem have a lasting resonance even today.

# data[].attributes.body
Use of Sri Lankan English

Archaism markers: discretely – “with regard to South Asian Englishes, it has been claimed that they typically (continue to) use a stock of words which is either restricted to more formal contexts or considered to be rather archaic in the present-day usage of the erstwhile input variety, namely BrE” (Bernaisch, 2015 p. 83).

They are referred to as formality markers in SLE to distinguish it from BrE archaism markers (Bernaisch, 2015).

Avoidance of contractions in SLE writing : “I cannot get more pleasure now” (9) as opposed to I can’t  - tendency to be formal – diglossic to prevent risk of being impolite.

Usage of  Latinate/ big words – this reveals the insecurity of a postcolonial country.

Use of double comparatives: “Far better than the whole ménage” (26) – to indicate emphasis.

(Gunesekera, 2010)

# data[].attributes.body
The government creates arbitrary segregations of Sri Lankans based on gender, race, ethnicity, and LANGUAGE.

Q: How does it relate to language though?

The state segregates people and creates an aversion towards English by restricting it to the privileged in the community. E.g. not providing better access for rural area schools to teach English and other syllabus reforms and acts where they remove English from the syllabus but English remains a vital language in the main sectors, i.e. supreme courts, private sectors, etc. This thereby creates a negative attitude towards English in those who don’t have access to it and then thereby creates conflict between the ones who do not have access and the privileged (or those who do have access)(Gunesekera, 2010) .

Q: How does the poem relate to his personal identity?

The poem is quite obviously a critique of individual identity as the poet highlights how mankind "adept at camouflage" (25). What this insinuates is that people constantly shift their identities, beliefs, notions etc. in order to 'blend' into society with the rest of the people. In fact, the individual identity of a person could come at risk due to the attempt to form a national identity; especially during a time of crisis much like the poem is set in.

Q: How does the poem and the language relate to National Identity?

While the poem is overtly a critique on man overall, it can also be extended to a critique on the state.

In Richard de Zoysa's "Birds, Beasts and Relatives" we see this very prominently as the poet highlights the binary and arbitrary distinctions between people through the aforementioned techniques such as zoomorphism, satire etc. They all extend to show how these segregations are unnatural constructions. From the line "chauvinistic sense of smell" (18), to "concrete jungles" (29) - we realise that all the segregations in the country which have caused conflict are unnatural and language is one of them. This was touched in the socio-political context, but, to reiterate, there is a division of people based on the language they speak (i.e Sinhala, Tamil, English, etc.).
This is also speculated to touch on the violence inflicted by the JVP on both Tamils and Sinhalese. The JVP too were "moulting and sloughing" (27) their skin in order to fit their agenda. While they initially claimed to understand both communities and had Marxist ideologies, the sociopolitical section highlighted that this was indeed false.

While the use of SLE (as highlighted above) vividly describes the setting and sets the poem in an extremely Sri Lankan context; the use of SLE and not a 'standardized' English is also interesting. According to Goonetilleka, if people were to actually embrace SLE rather than shy away from it (due to it being nonstandard), it could contribute in creating a national identity for Sri Lanka (2010). At present each community speaks their own language and uses 'English' as the link language between them. However, the Sinhalese majority have negative feelings toward the language after the colonization by the British. As a resolution to this, the author suggests that maybe we should 'reclaim' the identity. We should not use BrE but SLE as it is influenced by both languages in Sri Lanka (Tamil and Sinhala).  This would then be a fine use of SLE as a link language and not a weapon.

# data[].attributes.body
The use of Sri Lankan English lexical items and sentence patterns in the poem essentially evokes a Sri Lankan identity. The following are some features of SLE that is noticeable in the poem:

Formality markers : no use of contractions “There is a finger that is itching to point,” (26), itching to point is also rather formal.

Use of ‘big words’ – allegiances, commission etc.  (Gunesekera, 2010).

The phrase: "point fingers" and "finger that is itching to point" (26) derives from Sinhala idiomatic expressions. Therefore this can be interpreted as a direct translation from Sinhala.

"Standing up" and "Speaking out" are Particle Verbs in Sri Lankan English (Bernaisch, 2015). This is evocative of the colloquial use of SLE and the poem feels rather like a conversation or a direct address, which is significant to the creation of a Sri Lankan identity.

The prevalence of short sentences / phrases and the lack of subjects in the sentences is also characteristic of SLE, which is a result of language contact between the native languages Sinhala and Tamil. Example: "hard to agree with too" (12)

# data[].attributes.body
Q: How does the poem relate to National identity and Individual Identity?

As mentioned in the section of linguistic creation and identity in "Birds, Beasts and Relatives", Seneviratne's poem too does highlight these baseless segregations as well as the issue of identity. His, in fact, is a critique of both state and individuals. The lines "Murder is a moment to point fingers
Murder is a moment to crawl into shells" (1-2) powerfully underscore how everyone plays the blame game. This is all due to the segregation between communities and a lack of understanding as to who the main catalysts of these conflicts are (the state for one). In order to understand why the state is one of the main catalysts, we will have to look at the concept of biopolitics. Biopolitics are essentially state-manufactured apparatuses that control the masses individually and collectively. (e.g. curfews, certain laws, and Acts like Abortion laws ,etc. which examples were mentioned of in the 'sociopolitical context section) (Jackson & Jayathilake, 2019). In this sense, the Sri Lankan government uses laws and in fact syllabus reforms to segregate the state and maintain its own identity of being 'nationalistic'. For instance, they made English merely a 'link language' and at another point completely removed it from the syllabus. By doing this, they showed that they were 'for the Sinhalese majority', but, if that was their intention, they would have also not made it essential to be fluent in English to be in supreme courts and other important places which solely rely on English.

This is once more, as mentioned earlier, arbitrary segregation based on language in some if not most instances. Seneviratne further confronts himself and the readers by asking the question of

"Who are we, who am I in these times
of omission and commission?" (29-30)

In this line, Seneviratne questions us both as a group and as an individual. In times where the state is complicit as well as influencing ethnic conflicts, where do we stand?

This raises the issue of a national identity vs. an individual identity. Scholars and researchers from all fields note that identity is extremely hard to define. Furthermore, it does not constitute one component but many, and, to add to that, they are not always compatible with each other. In fact, identities are constantly changing and often contradict each other (Wardhaugh & Fuller, 2015). This line masterfully captures the full picture as the poet understands that the national identity of Sri Lanka and individual identity is extremely hard to form due to the state-sponsored violence and thereby the segregation of people (because with the conflicts a person's identity becomes muddied as they do not know which side to align themselves with). It is the agenda of "you are either for us or against us". This is seen in a very astute observation made by Gunesekara wherein she notes that when asked for nationality, Sri Lankans put themselves as Tamil, Sinhalese, or Burgher instead of 'Sri Lankan' (2010).

This causes a fragmentation of the identity in both the national and individual sense because the two are trying to negotiate with each other but also in instances can be contradictory. This contradiction, struggle, and fragmentation is the cause of Sri Lanka to be at unrest.

# data[].attributes.body
The poem ‘Birds, Beasts and Relatives’ by Richard de Zoysa deals with issues and concerns which are relatable to a Sri Lankan context. Firstly, the setting of the poem which evokes the Yala sanctuary is familiar to Sri Lankans.

The latter image of violence and chaos that follows resonates with the years of conflict in different forms which manifested within the society as well: “…join the savage herd / Cry out for blood and spread the word” (line 33-34). These issues are not only relevant to the time period in which Richard wrote the poem, but also manifests itself in the form of segregation and identity crisis which follows certain governmental regulations in the present society as well (Ramakrishna, 2019), where minority communities are targeted and hunted down through authoritarian policies.

Moreover, the reference to segregation of people based on constructs such as race, class and ethnicity is still relevant today.

“The subtle shades of class or race
That doom the quarry to the chase” (line 21-22)

For instance, the Easter attacks which occurred in 2019 resulted in backlash against the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. The state has also implemented certain regulations which question the maintenance of the human rights of minority communities. For example, the regulations which were imposed after these attacks under the Prevention of Terrorism Act banned the face coverings worn by some Muslim women and this has resulted in a barrier to access certain spaces by these women (Siddiqui & Nozell, 2021). The burqa is not only a symbol of abiding by their faith but also a means for some Muslim women to pursue work and education outside of their home. Denying this right relates to the operation of biopolitics by the state, which are mechanisms that restrict the bodily liberty of citizens.

The deceptive and corrupt nature of mankind is a universal theme and it is relatable to the Sri Lankan context especially at present:

“Oh, man’s adept at camouflage
Far better than the whole menage” (line 25-26)

The present economic crisis created a disillusionment with regards to the camouflaging nature of political leaders and authorities in power.

Therefore, this poem is relatable to Sri Lankan citizens and their context.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
A mass funeral on Tuesday, April 23, 2019, at St. Sebastian's Church in Negombo, Sri Lanka. (Adam Dean/The New York Times)

In recent weeks, Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa's government has announced two worrying Prevention of Terrorism Act regulations - No. 01 and No. 02 of 2021 - that human rights groups say will allow it to more easily target religious minorities. These regulations come alongside proposals to ban face coverings worn by some Muslim women; shut down thousands of Islamic schools, or madrassas; and prohibit burials of Muslims who have died from COVID-19.

All of these developments raise alarms that the Rajapaksa government is targeting the rights of the country's minority Muslim population to practice their religion freely and peacefully, amplifying preexisting tensions even as the country's post-civil war reconciliation plan remains in limbo.

Easter Sunday Attacks

In the years following the more-than-two-decade-long civil war, which ended in 2009 with the defeat of the Tamil Tiger rebels by the Sri Lankan military, discrimination and even periodic attacks against minority communities - including Tamil Christians, Tamil Hindus, and Moorish and Malay Muslims - have been perpetrated by Sinhalese Buddhists, the country's religious and ethnic majority, sometimes under the guise of religious nationalism. Yet Sri Lanka had been buoyed by a fragile peace, including with an effort to implement a reconciliation plan - albeit a faltering one - and efforts to support local and inclusive commitments to peace.

On April 21, 2019, nine bombers, inspired by the Islamic State group's ideology, targeted churches and luxury hotels in the Sri Lankan capital Colombo, the eastern city of Batticaloa and the western city of Negombo. While the assailants belonged to the fringes of society, Sri Lanka's peaceful Muslim population has faced a significant backlash following the attacks. Politicians and Sinhalese nationalists have used the Easter Sunday attacks to justify their actions against Muslims. Businesses owned by Muslims were reportedly targeted in the aftermath through disinformation campaigns.

Meanwhile, the Christian community is perturbed by the absence of justice. On the second anniversary of the attacks, Archbishop of Colombo Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, the head of Sri Lanka's Roman Catholic Church, criticized the government for its lack of progress in the investigation of the attacks.

The Easter Sunday attacks, followed by the Sri Lanka People's Front's presidential and parliamentary election victories in 2019 and 2020, respectively, highlighted fissures between majority and minority communities in the country. In 2019, Muslims feared Rajapaksa's association with Sinhalese Buddhist hardliners - a fear further warranted by associations with the roles of Rajapaksa and his brother, Mahinda, during country's civil war. Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa served as president and defense secretary, respectively, during the civil war, and were responsible for crushing the Tamil Tigers and displacing the Muslim population. Ahead of the elections, Muslims were intimidated and attacked.

Muslims Face Backlash

The COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent local and national government responses have deepened fissures along religious and ethnic lines. Christians and Muslims have been blamed for spreading the coronavirus that causes COVID-19.

Early in the pandemic, Sri Lanka's Ministry of Health forbade the burial of COVID-19 victims and instead forced cremation, prohibiting traditional Muslim or Christian burial rights despite World Health Organization guidance and multi-faith advocacy to the contrary. The government justified the ban claiming the burial of bodies would contaminate the groundwater and lead to the spread of the coronavirus. The government has since eased the ban; it has, instead, picked a remote island for Muslims and Christians to bury their dead instead of in religious burial grounds.

The government has further targeted Muslims through two regulations announced in March and April that focus on the "rehabilitation" of those "holding violent extremist religious ideology" as vaguely defined including those who cause " religious, racial, or communal disharmony " and ban 11 "extremist organizations," respectively.

Regulation 01, on "rehabilitation," allows for the detention - without trial - of anyone who is understood to wish ill upon others on racial or religious basis and instigates "communal disharmony." The vague language means the regulation's enforcement is likely to be inconsistent and questionable.

Regulation 02, which includes nine "local religious and social organizations" in addition to the Islamic State group and al-Qaida, states that anyone connected to those groups could face up to two decades in prison.

Furthermore, a "burqa ban" proposed in March by the Minister for Public Security Sarath Weerasekera, restricts the rights of Muslim women to veil their faces, proposing to make it illegal for Muslim women to wear niqab, or face covering. A similar restriction was put in place immediately following the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks but then lifted.

Debates around religious attire and symbols - particularly around Muslim women's rights to choose to cover - are ongoing around the world. Religious freedom proponents argue that all people have the freedom of religious practice and belief or none. Any restriction thereof is a violation of religious freedom.

The proposed "burqa ban" raises human rights concerns and risks further ostracizing a minority community that is already suffering disproportionately. The government's call to close some thousand madrassas across the country for allegedly not complying with national curricula, only furthers that concern.

Continued efforts by the government to marginalize an already beleaguered community can lead to dehumanization and push certain groups, especially young people, toward a radical path. It will only lead to a vicious cycle of further crackdowns and a greater likelihood of violence. And yet, anecdotes from religious peacebuilders offer a reason to be hopeful.

A Ray of Hope

A commemoration last week of the second anniversary of the Easter Sunday attacks included religious leaders representing Catholic, Hindu, Buddhist and Muslim faiths, symbolizing interreligious solidarity during a particularly fraught period in Sri Lanka. Organizations like the Centre for Peacebuilding and Reconciliation, a USIP partner, convene interfaith groups of women, men, and youth to ensure communication and coordination between religious communities across the country. Inter- and intra-religious efforts are with urgency helping to curb hate speech and establish trust and solidarity between ethno-religious groups.

Furthermore, there is hope that war crimes will be investigated. The international community is noticing the deterioration of religious minorities' rights in Sri Lanka. In March, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) voted to investigate war crimes during Sri Lanka's civil war in a symbolic blow to the Rajapaksa government.

Recommendations

International policymakers and practitioners should continue to call for equal rights for all, regardless of religious beliefs. Specifically:

International governments and human rights organizations should continue to advocate for equal rights for people of all faiths and none in Sri Lanka.

Civil society organizations, that are continuing to build bridges across religious and ethnic lines, can be recognized and, where helpful, supported. Peacebuilding practitioners can amplify and support local efforts aimed at fostering social cohesion. The international donor community can and should play a key role in supporting civil society organizations in these efforts.

As the UNHRC moves forward with a new resolution to investigate war crimes during the civil war, policymakers can continue to encourage international pressure to check the Sri Lankan government's restrictive policies to prevent further oppression of religious and ethnic minorities and to encourage a more peaceful, resilient civil society.

Broader efforts at reconciliation are needed in the country as ethnic cleavages still remain. Learning from past efforts will provide a road map for post-Easter bombing and post-pandemic reconciliation processes.

As the United States focuses on the Indo-Pacific and China's increased influence in Sri Lanka, it needs to further support Sri Lanka's beleaguered civil society to be able to stand up to the government's increasing suppression of minorities.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Two Years After Easter Attacks, Sri Lanka's Muslims Face Backlash

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Two years after the Easter Sunday attacks that left 269 dead and injured more than 500, Sri Lanka's Christian community is still waiting for justice while its Muslim community is reeling from the backlash that followed the bombings. Recent government restrictions targeting Muslims have exacerbated religious tensions in the South Asian nation and risk alienating large portions of the community.

# data[].attributes.body
Similarity to satire in tone and Intentions

Juvenalian satire but also Horatian: a direct attack, aggressive, universal. – directs critique at the government but then points the finger at the people itself – “Who are we, who am I in these times of omission and commission?” (29 -30) This relates to the concept of national identity.

Colloquial Tone

The colloquial nature in which this is written emphasizes the critique leveled at the government. It speaks directly to the people, unlike de Zoysa's poem. It does not hesitate to call out the atrocities directly and expose the government; which makes it truly a tribute to Lasantha, who worked towards that same goal. Therefore, it is easily understandable to the general public and thereby easily accessible.