# data[].attributes.headline
Speech from government official on the discrimination of the Rohingya (Counter Argument - Primary, actual speech from Burmese leader)

# data[].attributes.subject
Speech from government official on the discrimination of the Rohingya (Counter Argument - Primary, actual speech from Burmese leader)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Aung San Suu Kyi has defended Myanmar's military against genocide allegations at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), amid accusations of mass killings, rape and expulsion of the mostly Muslim Rohingya minority.

In her opening statement in front of judges in The Hague on Wednesday, the former human rights icon rejected the case at the United Nations' highest court - which was filed by the Gambia with the support of the 57-member Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) - alleging Myanmar violated the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

Keep reading

The hearing concludes on Thursday, but a final judgement could take several years.
Here is her speech in full:
"Thank you, Mr President and members of the court. It is an honour to appear as Agent of the Union of the Republic of Myanmar in these proceedings, in my capacity as Union Minister of Foreign Affairs.

"For materially less resourceful countries like Myanmar, the World Court is a vital refuge of international justice. We look to the Court to establish conditions conducive to respect for obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law, one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations Charter.

"In the present case, Mr President, the Court has been asked to apply the 1948 Genocide Convention, one of the most fundamental multilateral treaties of our time. Invoking the 1948 Genocide Convention is a matter of utmost gravity. This is the treaty that we made following the systematic killing of more than six million European Jews, and that my country wholeheartedly signed as early as December 30, 1949, and ratified on March 14, 1956. Genocide is the crime that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda applied in response to the mass-killing of perhaps 70 percent of the Tutsis in Rwanda. It is the crime that was not applied by the Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to the displacement of approximately one million residents of Kosovo in 1999. Neither was it applied by that Tribunal nor by this Court when deciding upon the exodus of the Serb population from Croatia in 1995.

"In both situations, international justice resisted the temptation to use this strongest of legal classifications because the requisite specific intent to physically destroy the targeted group in whole or in part was not present.

"Regrettably, The Gambia has placed before the Court an incomplete and misleading factual picture of the situation in Rakhine State in Myanmar. Yet, it is of the utmost importance that the Court assess the situation obtaining on the ground in Rakhine dispassionately and accurately. The situation in Rakhine is complex and not easy to fathom.

"But one thing surely touches all of us equally: the sufferings of the many innocent people whose lives were torn apart as a consequence of the armed conflicts of 2016 and 2017, in particular, those who have had to flee their homes and are now living in camps in Cox's Bazar.

"Mr President and members of the court, the troubles of Rakhine State and its population, whatever their background, go back into past centuries and have been particularly severe over the last few years. Currently, an internal armed conflict is going on there - between the Arakan Army, an organised Buddhist armed group with more than 5,000 fighters, and the regular Myanmar Defence Services. None of the speakers yesterday made any reference to this.

"The Arakan Army seeks autonomy or independence for Rakhine - or Arakan as it was called - finding inspiration in the memory of the historic Kingdom of Arakan. This conflict has led to the displacement of thousands of civilians in Rakhine. Standard security restrictions - such as curfew and checkpoints - are in place at present in the conflict zone and affect the situation of civilians there, regardless of their background.

"Mr President, on October 9, 2016, approximately 400 fighters of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army - known as ARSA - launched simultaneous attacks on three police posts in Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships in northern Rakhine, near the border with Bangladesh. ARSA claimed responsibility for these attacks, which led to the death of nine police officers, more than 100 dead or missing civilians, and the theft of 68 guns and more than 10,000 rounds of ammunition.

"This was the start of an internal armed conflict between ARSA and Myanmar's Defence Services which lasted until late 2017. The selective factual propositions contained in The Gambia's Application actually concern this conflict.

"In the months following the October 9, 2016 attacks, ARSA grew in strength in the Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships in northern Rakhine. It resorted to threats and intimidation against local villagers in order to gain support and allegiance, executing suspected informers. According to, among others, the International Crisis Group, ARSA received weapons - and explosives - training from Afghan and Pakistani militants.

"In the early morning of August 25, 2017, several thousand ARSA fighters launched coordinated attacks on more than 30 police posts and villages, and an army base in northern Rakhine. Most of the attacks took place on the narrow Maungdaw plain, which is framed by densely forested hills to the east, and the border with Bangladesh to the west. Indications are that ARSA's objective was to seize Maungdaw township.

"It may aid the Court to briefly consider the historical significance of Maungdaw. When Britain made Burma a colonial entity separate from British India in 1937, the border between Burma and India was drawn along the river Naf, where we find today's border between Bangladesh and Myanmar. The historical Kingdom of Arakan had extended much further to the north than the river Naf, including most of what is today Chittagong District in Bangladesh.

"Members of some Rakhine communities, therefore, felt that the border drawn by the British was too far south; others, that it was too far north. Myanmar has never challenged this border since independence in 1948.

"Britain did not lose control over what is today Maungdaw township during World War II. From September 1942, a number of local Muslim families offered fighters to the British irregular V-Force set up to collect intelligence and to initially absorb any Japanese advance. Many Muslims gave their lives in combat against the Japanese in Rakhine.

"The sacrifices made by Muslim fighters motivated a call for the creation of an autonomous Muslim space in northern Rakhine, centred on Maungdaw. Whether or not this was encouraged by British officers, Britain rejected this call as soon as it had reoccupied Burma, before independence in 1948. The Muslim-Buddhist intercommunal violence of 1942 recurred in 1948 and several times after that. This cycle of violence has negatively affected life in northern Rakhine, making it the second poorest state in Myanmar.

"Mr President and members of the court, may I go back to the situation in Rakhine on the morning of August 25, 2017. More than thirty police stations and villages, and one military base, had been attacked before sunrise in a highly coordinated fashion, by an organised armed group operating along a densely forested hill-range that provides ample opportunity to hide. Many of the ARSA fighters had been recruited from local villages in the weeks and months preceding the attack.

"Myanmar's Defence Services responded to the attacks of ARSA fighters by the use of ground forces. There were armed incidents in more than 60 locations. The main clashes occurred in 12 places: In Min Gyi (Tola Toli) village, Chut Pyin village, Maung Nu village, Gutar Pyin village, Alai Than Kyaw village, Myin Lut village, Inn Din village, Chein Kharli (Koetan Kauk) village, Myo Thugyi ward, Kyauk Pandu village, wards of Maungdaw Town, and southern Maungdaw.

"Mr President, allow me to clarify the use of the term 'clearance operation' - 'nae myay shin lin yeh' in Myanmar [language]. Its meaning has been distorted. As early as the 1950s, this term has been used during military operations against the Burma Communist Party in Bago Range. Since then, the military has used this expression in counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism operations after attacks by insurgents or terrorists. In the Myanmar language, 'nae myay shin lin yeh' - literally 'clearing of locality' - simply means to clear an area of insurgents or terrorists.

"It is still not easy to establish clear patterns of events in these 12 locations. Many ARSA fighters died. There may have been several hundred casualties in some of the 12 locations. There was some inter-communal violence. Buddhist and Hindu minority communities also feared for their security after the original ARSA attacks and many fled from their homes.

"It may be worth noting that the use of air power in military operations was avoided as far as possible to minimise the risk of collateral damage. However, in one incident, in order to be able to extract a unit surrounded by hundreds of ARSA fighters, the use of a helicopter was required. There was shooting from the helicopter which resulted in fatalities, which may have included noncombatants.

"Mr President, it cannot be ruled out that disproportionate force was used by members of the Defence Services in some cases in disregard of international humanitarian law, or that they did not distinguish clearly enough between ARSA fighters and civilians. There may also have been failures to prevent civilians from looting or destroying property after fighting or in abandoned villages. But these are determinations to be made in the due course of the criminal justice process, not by any individual in the Myanmar Government.

"Please bear in mind this complex situation and the challenge to sovereignty and security in our country when you are assessing the intent of those who attempted to deal with the rebellion. Surely, under the circumstances, genocidal intent cannot be the only hypothesis.

"Under its 2008 Constitution, Myanmar has a military justice system. Criminal cases against soldiers or officers for possible war crimes committed in Rakhine must be investigated and prosecuted by that system. On November 25, 2019, the Office of the Judge Advocate General announced the start of a court-martial for allegations linked to the Gutar Pyin village incident, one of the 12 main incidents referred to earlier. The Office also let it be known that there will be additional courts-martial if further incriminating evidence is brought by the Independent Commission of Enquiry. The ICOE is an independent special investigation procedure established for Rakhine allegations by the President of Myanmar, chaired by a former Deputy Foreign Minister from the Philippines, with three other members, including a former Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations from Japan.

"On November 26, 2019, this Commission announced that it had taken about 1500 witness statements from all affected groups in Rakhine and that it has interviewed 29 military personnel who were deployed to the affected townships in northern Rakhine during the military operations from August 25, 2017, to September 5, 2017, as well as 20 police personnel who were stationed at the police posts that were attacked on August 25, 2017. There is currently no other fact-finding body in the world that has garnered relevant first-hand information on what occurred in Rakhine in 2017 to the same extent as the Independent Commission of Enquiry and the Office of the Judge Advocate General in Myanmar.

"This fact reinforces my sense that I should refrain from any action or statement that could undermine the integrity of these ongoing criminal justice processes in Myanmar. They must be allowed to run their course. It is never easy for armed forces to recognise self-interest in accountability for their members, and to implement a will to accountability through actual investigations and prosecutions. I respectfully invite the members of the court to consider for a moment the record of other countries. This is a common challenge, even in resource-rich countries.

"Recent cases in the news headlines illustrate that even when military justice works, there can be reversals. This can also happen in Myanmar. As part of the overall efforts of the Myanmar Government to provide justice, a court-martial found that 10 Muslim men had been summarily executed in Inn Din village, one of the 12 locations of serious incidents referred to earlier. It sentenced four officers and three soldiers each to ten years in prison with hard labour. After serving a part of their sentences, they were given a military pardon. Many of us in Myanmar were unhappy with this pardon.

"Other cases are undertaken without controversy. In the Mansi case, for example, a court-martial sat close to the location in Kachin State where three internally displaced civilians were killed. It sentenced six soldiers, each to 10 years in prison, in January 2018. Relatives of the victims and local civil society representatives were invited to the sentencing.

"The Office of the Judge Advocate General in Myanmar is by our standards well-resourced, with more than 90 staff and a presence in all regional commands throughout the country. I am encouraged by the Gutar Pyin court-martial, and I expect the Office to continue its investigations and prosecutions based on reliable evidence collected in Rakhine and from persons who witnessed what happened there.

"Can there be genocidal intent on the part of a state that actively investigates, prosecutes and punishes soldiers and officers who are accused of wrongdoing? Although the focus here is on members of the military, I can assure you that appropriate action will also be taken against civilian offenders, in line with due process. There will be no tolerance of human rights violations in the Rakhine, or elsewhere in Myanmar.

"Mr President, there are those who wish to externalise accountability for alleged war crimes committed in Rakhine, almost automatically, without proper reflection. Some of the United Nations human rights mandates relied upon in the Application presented by The Gambia have even suggested that there cannot be accountability through Myanmar's military justice system. This not only contradicts Article 20(b) of the Constitution of Myanmar, it undercuts painstaking domestic efforts relevant to the establishing of cooperation between the military and the civilian government in Myanmar, in the context of a Constitution that needs to be amended to complete the process of democratisation. That process is now underway at the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the Union Parliament.

"The emerging system of international criminal justice rests on the principle of complementarity. Accountability through domestic criminal justice is the norm. Only if domestic accountability fails, may international justice come into play. It would be inconsistent with complementarity to require that domestic criminal justice should proceed much faster than international criminal justice. A rush to externalise accountability may undermine professionals in domestic criminal justice agencies. What does the appearance of competition between domestic and international accountability do to the public's trust in the intentions of impatient international actors?

"No stone should be left unturned to make domestic accountability work. It would not be helpful for the international legal order if the impression takes hold that only resource-rich countries can conduct adequate domestic investigations and prosecutions, and that the domestic justice of countries still striving to cope with the burden of unhappy legacies and present challenges is not good enough. The Gambia will also understand this challenge with which they too are confronted.

"Mr President and members of the court, these reflections are relevant to the present hearing because the Applicant has brought a case based on the Genocide Convention. We are, however, dealing with an internal armed conflict, started by coordinated and comprehensive attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, to which Myanmar's Defence Services responded. Tragically, this armed conflict led to the exodus of several hundred thousand Muslims from the three northernmost townships of Rakhine into Bangladesh - just as the armed conflict in Croatia with which the Court had to deal led to the massive exodus of, first, ethnic Croats and later, ethnic Serbs.

"As I have already stated, if war crimes have been committed by members of Myanmar's Defence Services, they will be prosecuted through our military justice system, in accordance with Myanmar's Constitution. It is a matter for the competent criminal justice authorities to assess whether, for example, there has been inadequate distinction between civilians and ARSA fighters, disproportionate use of force, violations of human rights, failure to prevent plundering or property destruction, or acts of forcible displacement of civilians. Such conduct, if proven, could be relevant under international humanitarian law or human rights conventions, but not under the 1948 Genocide Convention for reasons Professor William Schabas will elaborate in a moment.

"Mr President, allow me to share one further reflection in this Great Hall of Justice. International law may well be our only global value system, and international justice a practice that affirms our common values. Leaders of States and relevant inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations should also be cognisant of their responsibility to express and affirm fundamental values. Feeding the flames of an extreme polarisation in the context of Rakhine, for example, can harm the values of peace and harmony in Myanmar. Aggravating the wounds of conflict can undermine unity in Rakhine. Hate narratives are not simply confined to hate speech - language that contributes to extreme polarisation also amounts to hate narratives.

"Several international actors face a challenge here. But Myanmar could also have done more since the 1980s to emphasise the shared heritage and deeper layers of unity among the diverse peoples of our country. Cycles of inter-communal violence in Rakhine going back to the 1940s should be countered not just by practical measures aimed at sustainable development and rule of law, but also by nourishing a spiritual mindset of unity. It is a moral responsibility of leaders to guard the aspirations of people for harmony and peace.

"U Thant, the third United Nations Secretary-General, had understood this. He wrote in his memoirs View From the UN published in 1974: 'I even believe that the mark of the truly educated and imaginative person facing the twenty-first century is that he feels himself to be a planetary citizen' (p. 454). Encouraging this added layer of identity - a sense of planetary citizenship - is of fundamental importance for peaceful relations between nations as well as ethnic and religious groups.

"A commitment to broadening the mindset must go hand in hand with practical steps to improve lives. Even before the events of 2016-2017, Muslim, Buddhist and other communities in Rakhine faced what the Kofi Annan Advisory Commission described as complex challenges of low development and poverty rooted in enduring social conflict between the communities. The Myanmar government is committed to addressing these challenges. Together with our partners, we are now striving to ensure that all communities enjoy the same fundamental rights. To expedite citizenship verification and application, a mobile team is already in operation.

"All children born in Rakhine, regardless of religious background, are issued with birth certificates. Arrangements have been made to enable more Muslim youth to attend classes at universities across Myanmar. With the support of international and local partners, scholarships will also be made available to students from all communities living in Rakhine. The government has started a social cohesion model project in Maungdaw township, to promote social harmony among all communities. Inter-faith fora have been encouraged.

"These are some of the steps taken to improve livelihoods, security, access to education and health, citizenship, and social cohesion for all communities in Rakhine. Three IDP camps have already been closed, and an IDP-camp closure strategy has been adopted. Myanmar is also committed to voluntary, safe and dignified repatriation of displaced persons from Rakhine under the framework agreement reached between Bangladesh and Myanmar.

"Mr President, how can there be an ongoing genocide or genocidal intent when these concrete steps are being taken in Rakhine?

"To conclude, Mr President and members of the court, Rakhine today suffers an internal armed conflict between the Buddhist Arakan Army and Myanmar's Defence Services. Muslims are not a party to this conflict, but may, like other civilians in the conflict area, be affected by security measures that are in place. We pray the Court to refrain from taking any action that might aggravate the ongoing armed conflict and peace and security in Rakhine. Right now, in northern Rakhine, an army base near Paletwa is under attack by a group of more than 400 Arakan Army fighters, and some 200 insurgents have surrounded a military column near Ann City in Rakhine.

"Since Myanmar gained independence in 1948, our people have not known the security of sustainable development that is the fruit of peace and prosperity. Our greatest challenge is to address the roots of distrust and fear, prejudice and hate, that undermine the foundations of our Union. We shall adhere steadfastly to our commitment to non-violence, human rights, national reconciliation and rule of law, as we go forward to build the Democratic Federal Union to which our people have aspired for generations past.

"We look to justice as a champion of the reconciliation and harmony that will assure the security and rights of all peoples.

"Mr President and members of the court, I thank you for your kind attention and ask that you now call upon Professor William Schabas to continue the Myanmar submissions."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Transcript: Aung San Suu Kyi's speech at the ICJ in full

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
In a speech that lasted about 30 minutes, Myanmar leader defended her country's military against genocide allegations.

# data[].attributes.headline
Counter Argument (government of Myanmar)

# data[].attributes.subject
Counter Argument (government of Myanmar)

# data[].attributes.body
While the killings of the Rohingya do seem to be planned out and purposeful, the government’s definition of genocide does not necessarily follow the lines or what is happening in Myanmar. These killings may be a crime due to the large amount of innocent and free citizens being killed, but it does not constitute as genocide.

# data[].attributes.headline
Pro 1 (Rohingya people, Allied Governments, more…)

# data[].attributes.subject
Pro 1 (Rohingya people, Allied Governments, more…)

# data[].attributes.body
There is proven evidence to show that the government is to blame for the killings (government is lying).

# data[].attributes.headline
To what extent is the government of Myanmar committing genocide against the Rohingyan people?

# data[].attributes.subject
To what extent is the government of Myanmar committing genocide against the Rohingyan people?

# data[].attributes.headline
Article and Quote about Rohingya guerrilla fighters (Counter - Secondary, uses quote but takes evidence from other sources.)

# data[].attributes.subject
Article and Quote about Rohingya guerrilla fighters (Counter - Secondary, uses quote but takes evidence from other sources.)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Myanmar: New evidence reveals Rohingya armed group massacred scores in Rakhine State

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
On a recent investigation in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, Amnesty International uncovered evidence of appalling massacres of almost 100 Hindus carried out by a Rohingya armed group.

# data[].attributes.headline
BBC Article on the horrors of the war crimes occurring in Myanmar

# data[].attributes.subject
BBC Article on the horrors of the war crimes occurring in Myanmar

# data[].attributes.body
This article from the BBC gives multiple statistics such as the one below explaining what is happening and how bad these actions are from the government and military of Myanmar. There is hundreds of deaths, thousands of misplaced, property destroyed, and much more. It uses real life experiences, quotes from the people, and statistics from other sources to complete their article.

Rohingyas arriving in Bangladesh said they fled after troops, backed by local Buddhist mobs, responded by burning their villages and attacking and killing civilians.

At least 6,700 Rohingya, including at least 730 children under the age of five, were killed in the month after the violence broke out, according to medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF).

Amnesty International says the Myanmar military also raped and abused Rohingya women and girls.

# data[].attributes.headline
Defending of the killings and genocide allegations

# data[].attributes.subject
Defending of the killings and genocide allegations

# data[].attributes.body
Aung San Suu Kyi has defended Myanmar’s military against genocide allegations at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), amid accusations of mass killings, rape and expulsion of the mostly Muslim Rohingya minority.

“In both situations, international justice resisted the temptation to use this strongest of legal classifications because the requisite specific intent to physically destroy the targeted group in whole or in part was not present. Regrettably, The Gambia has placed before the Court an incomplete and misleading factual picture of the situation in Rakhine State in Myanmar. Yet, it is of the utmost importance that the Court assess the situation obtaining on the ground in Rakhine dispassionately and accurately. The situation in Rakhine is complex and not easy to fathom.“

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/12/12/transcript-aung-san-suu-kyis-speech-at-the-icj-in-full

# data[].attributes.headline
Article on why the government is to blame for the Rohingya oppression (Pro 1 -  Secondary, uses quotes, evidence, and statistics from other sources to credit their claim)

# data[].attributes.subject
Article on why the government is to blame for the Rohingya oppression (Pro 1 -  Secondary, uses quotes, evidence, and statistics from other sources to credit their claim)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Introduction

Discriminatory policies of Myanmar's government since the late 1970s have compelled hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingya to flee their homes in the predominantly Buddhist country. Most have crossed by land into Bangladesh, while others have taken to the sea to reach Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand.

Beginning in 2017, renewed violence, including reported rape, murder, and arson, triggered an exodus of Rohingya, as Myanmar's security forces claimed they were carrying out a campaign to reinstate stability in the country's western region. The United Nations has said that those forces showed "genocidal intent," and international pressure on the country's elected leaders to end the repression continues to rise.

Who are the Rohingya?

The Rohingya are an ethnic Muslim minority who practice a Sufi-inflected variation of Sunni Islam. There are an estimated 3.5 million Rohingya dispersed worldwide. Before August 2017, the majority of the estimated one million Rohingya in Myanmar resided in Rakhine State, where they accounted for nearly a third of the population. They differ from Myanmar's dominant Buddhist groups ethnically, linguistically, and religiously.

The Rohingya trace their origins in the region to the fifteenth century, when thousands of Muslims came to the former Arakan Kingdom. Many others arrived during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when Rakhine was governed by colonial rule as part of British India. Since independence in 1948, successive governments in Burma, renamed Myanmar in 1989, have refuted the Rohingya's historical claims and denied the group recognition as one of the country's 135 official ethnic groups. The Rohingya are considered illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, even though many trace their roots in Myanmar back centuries.

Neither the central government nor Rakhine's dominant ethnic Buddhist group, known as the Rakhine, recognize the label "Rohingya," a self-identifying term that surfaced in the 1950s, which experts say provides the group with a collective political identity. Though the etymological root of the word is disputed, the most widely accepted theory is that Rohang derives from the word "Arakan" in the Rohingya dialect and ga or gya means "from." By identifying as Rohingya, the ethnic Muslim group asserts its ties to land that was once under the control of the Arakan Kingdom, according to Chris Lewa, director of the Arakan Project, a Thailand-based advocacy group.

What is the legal status of the Rohingya?

The government refuses to grant the Rohingya citizenship, and as a result most of the group's members have no legal documentation, effectively making them stateless. Myanmar's 1948 citizenship law was already exclusionary, and the military junta, which seized power in 1962, introduced another law twenty years later that stripped the Rohingya of access to full citizenship. Until recently, the Rohingya had been able to register as temporary residents with identification cards, known as white cards, which the junta began issuing to many Muslims, both Rohingya and non-Rohingya, in the 1990s. The white cards conferred limited rights but were not recognized as proof of citizenship.

In 2014 the government held a UN-backed national census, its first in thirty years. The Muslim minority group was initially permitted to identify as Rohingya, but after Buddhist nationalists threatened to boycott the census, the government decided Rohingya could only register if they identified as Bengali instead.

Similarly, under pressure from Buddhist nationalists protesting the Rohingya's right to vote in a 2015 constitutional referendum, President Thein Sein canceled the temporary identity cards in February 2015, effectively revoking their newly gained right to vote. (White card holders were allowed to vote in Myanmar's 2008 constitutional referendum and 2010 general elections.) In the 2015 elections, which were widely hailed by international monitors as free and fair, no parliamentary candidate was of the Muslim faith.

In recent years, the government has forced Rohingya to start carrying national verification cards that effectively identify them as foreigners and do not grant them citizenship, according to a report by the advocacy group Fortify Rights. Myanmar officials have said the cards are an initial step toward citizenship, but critics argue that they deny Rohingya their identity and could make it easier for the government to further repress their rights.

Why are the Rohingya fleeing Myanmar?

The Myanmar government has effectively institutionalized discrimination against the ethnic group through restrictions on marriage, family planning, employment, education, religious choice, and freedom of movement. For example, Rohingya couples in the northern towns of Maungdaw and Buthidaung are only allowed to have two children [PDF]. Rohingya must also seek permission to marry, which may require them to bribe authorities and provide photographs of the bride without a headscarf and the groom with a clean-shaven face, practices that conflict with Muslim customs. To move to a new home or travel outside their townships, Rohingya must gain government approval.

Moreover, Rakhine State is Myanmar's least developed state, with a poverty rate of 78 percent, compared to the 37.5 percent national average, according to World Bank estimates. Widespread poverty, poor infrastructure, and a lack of employment opportunities in Rakhine have exacerbated the cleavage between Buddhists and Muslim Rohingya. This tension is deepened by religious differences that have at times erupted into conflict.

What's caused the recent exodus?

Clashes in Rakhine broke out in August 2017, after a militant group known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) claimed responsibility for attacks on police and army posts. The government declared ARSA a terrorist organization and the military mounted a brutal campaign that destroyed hundreds of Rohingya villages and forced nearly seven hundred thousand Rohingya to leave Myanmar. At least 6,700 Rohingya were killed in the first month of attacks, between August 25 and September 24, 2017, according to the international medical charity Doctors Without Borders. Myanmar's security forces also allegedly opened fire on fleeing civilians and planted land mines near border crossings used by Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has described the violence as ethnic cleansing and the humanitarian situation as catastrophic. Rights groups and other UN leaders suspect acts of genocide have taken place, and in September 2018, a UN fact-finding panel released a report [PDF] that claimed the Myanmar government had "genocidal intent" against the Rohingya. The chair of the UN panel said it found clear patterns of abuse by the military, including systematic targeting of civilians, committing sexual violence, promoting discriminatory rhetoric against minorities, and creating a climate of impunity for security forces.

Since early 2018, Myanmar authorities have also reportedly cleared abandoned Rohingya villages [PDF] and farmlands to build homes, security bases, and infrastructure. The government says this development is in preparation for the repatriation of refugees, but rights activists have expressed concern these moves could be intended to accommodate populations besides the Rohingya in Rakhine.

Furthermore, some have raised doubts that the government's tactics have been in response to ARSA attacks, with reports showing that the military began implementing its policies nearly a year before ARSA struck. Sectarian violence is not new to Rakhine State: security campaigns in the past five years, notably in 2012 and 2016, also resulted in the flight of tens of thousands of Rohingya from their homes.

Where are the Rohingya migrating?

Bangladesh: Most Rohingya have sought refuge in nearby Bangladesh, which has limited resources and land to host refugees. More than nine hundred thousand Rohingya refugees are in the country, according to the UN refugee agency. Many live in crowded camps in Cox's Bazar district, now home to the world's largest refugee camp. Nearly four hundred thousand children in the camps lack access to education, since teachers are banned from using both Bangladeshi and Myanmar curricula in the camps and Rohingya children are barred from enrolling in schools outside the camps. At the same time, the risk of disease outbreak in camps is high, with health organizations warning of possible outbreaks of measles, tetanus, diphtheria, and acute jaundice syndrome. More than 60 percent of the available water supply in refugee camps is contaminated, increasing the risk of spread of communicable and water-borne diseases. Some refugees have turned to smugglers, paying for transport out of Bangladesh and Myanmar and risking exploitation, including sexual enslavement.

Malaysia: As of October 2019, nearly one hundred thousand Rohingya were in Malaysia, according to the United Nations. Rohingya who arrive safely in Malaysia have no legal status and are unable to work, leaving their families cut off from access to education and health care.

India: Eighteen thousand Rohingya refugees have registered with the UN refugee agency, though Indian officials estimate there are forty thousand Rohingya throughout the country. The Hindu nationalist government considers Rohingya to be illegal immigrants and has worked to repatriate them. Since late 2018, India has reportedly sent dozens of refugees back to Myanmar, moves criticized by the United Nations and human rights groups.

Thailand: The country is a hub for regional human smuggling and serves as a common transit point for Rohingya. Migrants often arrive by boat from Bangladesh or Myanmar before continuing to Indonesia or Malaysia. The military-led Thai government cracked down on smuggling rings after the discovery of mass graves in alleged camps where gangs held hostages. But some experts say that while punishing traffickers disrupts the networks, it does not dismantle them.

Indonesia: The Rohingya have also sought refuge in Indonesia, although the number of refugees from Myanmar there remains relatively small because they are treated as illegal immigrants. Indonesia has rescued migrant boats off its shores and dispatched humanitarian aid and supplies to Bangladesh's camps.

Has civilian leadership changed the Myanmar government's policies?

In 2016, Myanmar's first democratically elected government in a generation came to power, but critics say it has done nothing to help Rohingya and other Muslims for fear of alienating Buddhist nationalists and threatening the power-sharing agreement the civilian government maintains with the military.

Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's de facto leader, has denied that ethnic cleansing is taking place and dismissed international criticism of her handling of the crisis, accusing critics of fueling resentment between Buddhists and Muslims in the country. In September 2017, Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, said her government had "already started defending all the people in Rakhine in the best way possible." Later that year, the Myanmar government denied access to the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar and suspended cooperation for the remainder of her term. At the International Court of Justice in December 2019, Suu Kyi continued to reject charges of genocide, and said that "if war crimes have been committed by members of Myanmar's defense services, they will be prosecuted through our military justice system."

The UN fact-finding panel reported in September 2019 that the situation in Myanmar has not improved [PDF] and that the risk of genocide continues for the six hundred thousand Rohingya still in Rakhine. The panel had recommended a year earlier that Myanmar army leaders be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to be prosecuted for genocide [PDF].

How is the region responding?

Protesters have at times gathered in cities in Pakistan, India, Thailand, Indonesia, and Bangladesh to denounce the killing and persecution of Rohingya. Bangladesh's foreign minister condemned the violence in Rakhine as "genocide" in September 2017 and Indonesia and Malaysia called on the Myanmar authorities to halt their campaign and bring an end to the violence.

"As grim as the situation is for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh...their prospects back in Myanmar are even worse."

Joshua Kurlantzick,

Authorities in Bangladesh and Myanmar have held discussions aimed at repatriating Rohingya refugees, but the efforts have so far foundered. In late 2019, the countries agreed to repatriate several thousand refugees, but none in the designated group was willing to return to Myanmar. Leaders of the Rohingya community said they will not return until their citizenship rights are guaranteed. Meanwhile, the United Nations has criticized the repatriation plans, saying that conditions in Myanmar are still unsafe for Rohingya. "As grim as the situation is for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh . . . their prospects back in Myanmar are even worse," writes CFR's Joshua Kurlantzick. Experts say the Bangladeshi government must decide whether to continue its struggle to provide shelter for so many refugees or to expel them and draw the ire of Western governments and aid organizations.

Other governments in Southeast Asia generally lack established legal frameworks to protect refugees' rights, and the ten members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have not coordinated a response to the deepening crisis. Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand-all ASEAN members-have yet to ratify the UN refugee convention or its protocol. ASEAN itself has been mostly silent on the plight of the Rohingya and on the growing numbers of asylum seekers in member countries, largely because of its members' commitment to the principle of noninterference in each other's internal affairs. "They aren't going to take collective action on Myanmar, with Myanmar as one of its members," says Kurlantzick.

How has the rest of the world responded?

In November 2019, Gambia, on behalf of the fifty-seven-nation Organization of Islamic Cooperation, filed the first international lawsuit [PDF] against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice, accusing the country of violating the UN Genocide Convention. The court unanimously ruled in January 2020 that Myanmar must take emergency measures [PDF] to protect Rohingya from violence and preserve evidence of possible genocide. A final ruling in the case could take years. Separately, the ICC authorized an investigation into alleged atrocities in November 2019.

The UN fact-finding mission recommended that the Security Council impose an arms embargo and other sanctions on Myanmar and top military officials. But some Security Council members, including Russia and China, have resisted increasing pressure on Myanmar's government because they say it is trying to restore stability. Additionally, a report commissioned by Secretary-General Guterres documented " systemic failure " [PDF] by UN agencies in 2010-2018 to curb violence in Myanmar.

In December 2016, U.S. President Barack Obama lifted sanctions against Myanmar, saying it had made strides in improving human rights. The move came amid a crackdown on Rohingya and was criticized by some as premature. A year later, under President Donald J. Trump, new U.S. sanctions were imposed on a Myanmar general for his alleged role in the military's attacks in Rakhine. The Trump administration continued to widen its sanctions regime on Myanmar military commanders in 2018 and 2019, as evidence of atrocities by the military has grown. Australia, Canada, and the European Union have also imposed sanctions on military leaders.

Meanwhile, many countries, including the United States, Canada, Norway, and South Korea, as well as international donors, have upped their humanitarian assistance. Advocacy groups including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the Arakan Project, and Fortify Rights continue to appeal for international pressure on Myanmar's government. For example, in November 2018, Amnesty International stripped Suu Kyi of the Ambassador of Conscience Award it had conferred on her during her fifteen-year house arrest.

Still, resentment of the minority group has run deep for generations. Without overhauling " a culture of pervasive prejudice " and ensuring that Rohingya are treated as human beings, the situation in Rakhine State is unlikely to improve, says journalist and author Francis Wade.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
What Forces Are Fueling Myanmar's Rohingya Crisis?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority group, have fled persecution in Myanmar's Rakhine State, fueling a historic migration crisis.

# data[].attributes.headline
Article on basic facts and important timeline (pro 2 - secondary)

# data[].attributes.subject
Article on basic facts and important timeline (pro 2 - secondary)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
It has been named one of the fastest-growing refugee crises in the world - and yet not everyone is aware of what, exactly, is happening to the Rohingya people.

See what has led to the buildup and staggering growth of the Rohingya refugee crisis in Bangladesh and how Mercy Corps is working with local partners to provide solutions and safe spaces for those in critical need.

What is the Rohingya crisis?

The Rohingya refugee crisis is a human rights and humanitarian disaster that has, in one year alone, rapidly grown in numbers, yet declined in access and resources. More than 1.3 million refugees - targets of violent attacks in Rakhine State in Myanmar - and host community members have been affected.

Many of the Rohingya people fled to Bangladesh and set up camps in the city of Cox's Bazar. Unfortunately, the two largest camp settlements quickly overfilled, and many refugees are attempting to set up camp in the surrounding areas. There are now more than 30 unregistered settlements.

Overcrowded camps are not the only poor conditions the refugees are facing. Nearly a quarter of all Rohingya refugee children living in camps (between 6 months and 5 years old) are malnourished. Lack of clean water, unsafe environments for girls and women and the inability for children and young people to seek emotional support for their experiences are all negatively affecting the displaced Rohingya people.

There is also concern about the monsoon season that goes from June to October, which could wipe out land, contaminate water in and wreak havoc on many - if not all - camps around Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh.

Who are the Rohingya?

The Rohingya are a Muslim minority of 1.3 million, formerly living in the Rakhine State within Myanmar. They are stateless and often looked down upon by many people in Myanmar. The Rohingya people are not considered citizens, have not been able to take part in census polls and are not included in the 135 official ethnic groups that comprise the foundation of the country.

What is the Rohingyas' history?

The Rohingya people have been involved in multiple civil disputes for decades, leading to numerous instances of fleeing refugees.

People from Bengal (now Bangladesh) have traded with Myanmar (Rakhine State) for hundreds of years. These traders settled and established themselves in the country. During the British colonial period in the 1800s, many people from India and Bangladesh were brought to Myanmar to work in the British led administration, doubling the Muslim community in 50 years. This decision was resented by the local Myanmar people and forms one of the root causes of the animosity.

World War II exacerbated this animosity. The Muslims supported the British while many Buddhists supported the Japanese. After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, the Muslims fought for equal rights but were defeated, further solidifying the divide in their community.

One of the earliest cases of Rohingya refugees moving into Bangladesh dates back to 1978. Another migration occurred in the early 1990s. In each of these two instances, more than 200,000 Rohingya people fled Myanmar and Rakhine State.

The official status of "refugee" is something the Rohingya people have struggled with for years now. Before 1992, those who moved into Bangladesh focused in the southeastern area of Cox's Bazar, near the Myanmar border. Two official refugee camps had been established to support the influx of people - Kutupalong and Nayapara. However, with the rising number of Rohingya moving into Bangladesh after 1992, they're no longer officially recognized by the country's government. They are instead viewed as unregistered refugees and left to set up their own makeshift camps on the perimeter of the two camps already established.

Where is the Rohingya crisis happening?

The majority of the current refugee crisis exists in Bangladesh, specifically surrounding the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar. Kutupalong and Nayapara started as the two registered refugee camps. After 1992, when more and more Rohingya families began fleeing into Bangladesh, smaller fields were built surrounding the official hubs, causing even more overcrowding and limited availability of resources. There are now an estimated 919,000 refugees living in Cox's Bazar.

Kutupalong is the largest refugee camp area to date. The Rohingya are flooding into Cox's Bazar in search of shelter, food, safe drinking water and often healthcare. Those who arrive have few, if any, belongings, and are searching for aid and resources that are steadily declining in availability. Even though the population of the Kutupalong registered refugee camp has been declining in recent years, the number of refugees hoping to find shelter in the unofficial and unregistered settlements has jumped significantly.

It's important to note why the refugees are fleeing their homes and residences in Myanmar. Years of violence, discrimination and prejudice have launched some uprisings on the part of the Rohingya.

Many Rohingya villages have been targeted and destroyed by fire in the Rakhine State, forcibly displacing the Rohingya population. The Rohingya refugee crisis began in their homeland, much of which has been demolished and continues to burn and fade away.

What is the Rohingya refugee crisis timeline?

With a number of factors contributing to the increased tensions and spikes of Rohingya seeking refuge, the individual events of the Rohingya refugee crisis can sometimes become blurred. Here is a brief timeline to highlight the key events, attacks and conflicts that elevated the critical and emergency alert status of the Rohingya refugee crisis:

1962: Military rule becomes the norm and law throughout Myanmar. As a result, the Muslim population in Rakhine State is overpowered by militants and a Buddhist majority. Refugees begin fleeing to Bangladesh as multiple government campaigns forcibly displace Myanmar Nationals.

1982: An official Myanmar announcement declares 135 nationally recognized ethnic groups. The Rohingya are not included, leaving them stateless and without citizenship.

June and October 2012: Targeted religious violence in Rakhine State noticeably affects large groups of Rohingya. More than 200 people are killed, and another 150,000 rendered homeless.

2014: The first official census in decades is conducted - and the Rohingya are forbidden to participate.

November 2015: Democratic elections are held for the first time since the easing of military rule. The Rohingya are excluded from participating as both candidates and voters.

October 9, 2016: Armed conflicts in Rakhine State cause 87,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh.

August 25, 2017: Violence again erupts and a series of attacks, with deaths on both sides, catalyzes the current movement of Rohingya people into camps within Cox's Bazar.

October 23, 2017: More than 600,000 Rohingya people have fled Rakhine State since their communities were destroyed August.

April 2018: An estimated 781,000 refugees have set up camp in nine settlements within Cox's Bazar.

There are still many Rohingya in Rakhine State, living in internal displacement camps and throughout the region. However, almost 1 million refugees have fled to Bangladesh over the years, with the majority of those arriving since the violent clashes in August 2017. It's easy, when presented with these numbers, to understand the issue of overcrowding and minimal accessible resources for all of the Rohingya now in Cox's Bazar.

What's behind the violence against the Rohingya?

The main reason for clashes and violent attacks occurring between the Myanmar government and the Rohingya people lies solely in their differing religious and ethnic identities. Dating back to the 1800s, the British colonized the area of Myanmar. Under British rule, Rakhine saw an expansion of the Muslim community, doubling in a span of 50 years.

World War II cleaved a massive divide within the population in Rakhine State. While the Muslims favored the British and allied troops, many of the Buddhists within Rakhine supported the Japanese. After the war, in 1948, Myanmar won independence from British rule. Soon after, the Muslim population began a rebellion in Rakhine State seeking equal rights and autonomy. The government in Myanmar defeated the uprising, cementing the divide and negative prejudice against the Rohingya people.

After these defeats, tensions amplified, forcibly displacing the remaining population of the Rohingya people.

Myanmar is a country in flux and is still grappling with its vision and identity. For some, that vision does not include the Rohingya at all.

Where are Rohingya refugees fleeing?

The Rohingya have fled to a variety of countries. While Bangladesh has undoubtedly seen the highest number of refugees, the Rohingya have spread out across Asia by water, risking death, hunger and disease along the way. In 1978, the first flight of refugees began, leading many to cross waters by boat to southeast Asia and beyond. The Rohingya reside in the following countries:

What can be done to help the Rohingya?

At Mercy Corps, we are working with local partners in Bangladesh to secure clean water, food, shelter and increased supplies to improve the lives of the thousands of refugees crowding the camps and settlements in Cox's Bazar. The area's combined population of Bangladeshis and Rohingya is now more than 2 million - and it continues to grow.

We've also installed solar lights within the many camps in Cox's Bazar. Many young girls and women have reported feeling unsafe walking around at night. With lights that charge by day and stay lit at night, young girls and women will feel a little more secure walking through a place that's not their home but is their place of refuge.

We're currently expanding our work with other NGO partners to create resources for the children and young people in the camps. Ripped from their homes amidst rampant violence and threats, they have no resources to process and work through the horrors they've witnessed and survived. With support and emotional assistance, we hope to deliver some stability and create safe spaces.

The current monsoon season is sure to threaten the coast of Bangladesh, endangering the lives of many Rohingya refugees. Through local partners, we're providing humanitarian assistance to make life more comfortable in the camps and also the hosting community.

In Myanmar, we believe in helping all people of Rakhine, regardless of ethnic or religious background. However, the Government of Myanmar and the international community must find a way to address the root causes of exclusion of the Rohingya people. Without political dialogue, this crisis will not go away any time soon.

Support Rohingya families in crisis.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The Rohingya refugee crisis is one of the world's fastest growing refugee crises. Here's what you need to know about this disaster - and what you can do to help.

# data[].attributes.headline
UN expert interviews and speaks on the Rohingya genocide/crisis (Pro 1 - Primary, speaks himself and interviews people IRL, then writes on it)

# data[].attributes.subject
UN expert interviews and speaks on the Rohingya genocide/crisis (Pro 1 - Primary, speaks himself and interviews people IRL, then writes on it)

# data[].attributes.headline
Article on evidence to prove the Burmese government is to blame for the killings, it is a genocide (pro 2 - secondary)

# data[].attributes.subject
Article on evidence to prove the Burmese government is to blame for the killings, it is a genocide (pro 2 - secondary)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
WASHINGTON, DC - The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum said today that there is compelling evidence that the Burmese military committed ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, and genocide against the Rohingya, a Muslim minority population of Burma.

Read this statement in Burmese.

The Museum came to this conclusion based on: a careful analysis in consultation with an advisory group of atrocity experts; its own on-the-ground, original research that resulted in a joint report in 2017 with Fortify Rights; and information recently released in the Department of State's documentation report and the United Nations Fact Finding Mission.

"The Burmese military's campaign against the Rohingya, especially the attacks of August 2017, have been deliberate, systematic, and widespread," said Lee Feinstein, a member of the Museum's governing Council and the Chairman of its Committee on Conscience, which advises the genocide prevention work of the Museum. "For the sake of the remnant community of Rohingya still in Burma and those threatened with being returned, we hope this announcement prods action."

For decades, the Burmese government has persecuted the Rohingya, stripping them of citizenship and subjecting them to waves of mass violence. In March 2015, the Museum issued a report warning that preconditions of genocide against the Rohingya were clearly evident. Other organizations also issued warnings that went unheeded. The Burmese government has consistently denied any wrongdoing.

In August 2017, attacks on the Rohingya community by the Burmese military and others included mass killing, rape, torture, arson, arbitrary arrest and detention, and forced displacement of more than 700,000 people. The 2017 report issued by the Museum and Fortify Rights, "They Tried to Kill Us All," documented these atrocities.

"Our analysis concludes there is compelling evidence that Burmese authorities have intentionally sought to destroy the Rohingya people because of their ethnic and religious identity," said Naomi Kikoler, Deputy Director of the Museum's Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide. "The Rohingya victims we work with feel abandoned. The world has turned a blind eye to their persecution - just as it did for victims of the Holocaust."

The Museum's reporting shows that other religious and ethnic communities in Burma - including the Kachin and Shan - are also at risk of mass atrocities at the hands of the Burmese military.

Kikoler said that in order to respond to crimes of this magnitude, the Burmese government needs to be pressed by other states to undertake genuine efforts to prevent further atrocities; protect all vulnerable communities including the Rohingya who remain in the country; cooperate with international investigations and assistance programs; hold perpetrators accountable in a credible and independent court; and undertake significant reforms to end discrimination against the Rohingya and restore their citizenship.

A living memorial to the Holocaust, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum inspires leaders and citizens worldwide to confront hatred, prevent genocide, and promote human dignity.

The Museum's Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide works to make the prevention of genocide and related crimes against humanity a national and international priority. The Museum's far-reaching educational programs and global impact are made possible by generous donors. For more information, visit ushmm.org.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Museum Finds Compelling Evidence Genocide was Committed Against the Rohingya - United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Muslim minority has faced decades of persecution by Burmese government. Museum calls on Burmese government to protect all vulnerable populations in the country and hold the perpetrators accountable.

# data[].attributes.headline
Myanmar’s Rohingya Genocide book by Ronan Lee (pro 1 - Primary, uses interviews, quotes, and real life stories)

# data[].attributes.subject
Myanmar’s Rohingya Genocide book by Ronan Lee (pro 1 - Primary, uses interviews, quotes, and real life stories)

# data[].attributes.body
https://ronanlee.com/myanmars-rohingya-genocide-identity-history-and-hate-speech/

This is the author’s website where I found his book. I found out what the book was about from multiple reviews on Amazon as well as my dad, who’s read his book multiple times. I also read the excerpt on the back, which I found online.

https://www.amazon.com/Myanmars-Rohingya-Genocide-Identity-History/dp/0755602463

This is where to buy the book and where to see a couple more reviews.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
"25 years after the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, will the international community really allow this to happen again? With Ronan Lee's profound new offering, we can no longer claim ignorance about the horrific plight of the Rohingya people." - Lieutenant-General (ret) The Honourable Romeo Dallaire

"Ronan Lee's book is one of the most important studies of the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya in Myanmar to date. It seeks to understand the Rohingya situation in its proper historical context and contemporary political situation, offering a fair, reliable, insightful analysis that identifies the many factors that will keep contributing to this crisis. The biggest contribution, however, is the examination of the genocide from the perspectives of different individuals involved in the crisis, which reveals just how complicated and difficult a resolution will be. This book is highly recommended to anyone seeking to understand the crisis, and importantly, those in governments and NGOs who can adapt practice on the basis of insights a careful reading of this volume offers." - Professor Michael W. Charney, SOAS, UK

"Deftly knitting together historical and legal analysis with a wealth of interviews, he traces the toxic interplay of race, identity, and politics that has plagued Myanmar since its independence." - Sebastian Strangio, author of In the Dragon's Shadow: Southeast Asia in the Chinese Century (2020)

Genocide brought the Rohingya people to global attention. Decades of appalling human rights abuses and a shockingly brutal military crackdown forced Rohingya into the world's largest refugee camp adjacent to the Bangladesh-Myanmar frontier.

Myanmar's civilian leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi appears to be presiding over atrocity crimes and human rights violations on an enormous scale yet defends her country and its military against genocide accusations.

This unique study combines Rohingya testimony with extensive historical research to outline and assess the full scale of the disaster faced by this mostly Muslim community.

Casting new light on Rohingya identity, history and culture, this will be an essential contribution to the study of the Rohingya people and to the study of the early stages of genocide.

Ronan Lee is a Ronan Lee is a Doctoral Prize Fellow at Loughborough University London's Institute for Media and Creative Industries, UK. His research focusses on the Rohingya, genocide, hate speech, migration, and Asian politics. Ronan has been a Visiting Scholar at the International State Crime Initiative, School of Law, Queen Mary University of London, and was a Queensland State Member of Parliament (2001-2009), serving on the frontbench as a Parliamentary Secretary (2006-2008) in portfolios including Justice, Main Roads and Local Government, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships. He has also worked as a senior government advisor, and as an election strategist and campaign manager. Ronan was awarded the Early Career Emerging Scholar Prize 2021 by the International Association of Genocide Scholars.

If you're interested in hosting an online book event please email Ronan at r.lee@lboro.ac.uk
BUY THE BOOK

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
"25 years after the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, will the international community really allow this to happen again? With Ronan Lee's profound new offering, we can no longer claim ignorance about the horrific plight of the Rohingya people." - Lieutenant-General (ret) The Honourable Romeo Dallaire "Ronan Lee's book is one of the most important studies...

# data[].attributes.body
The government of Myanmar finds technicalities and loopholes from the definition of genocide in order to back up their claim that this is not genocide.

# data[].attributes.headline
Pro 2 Argument (human rights activists, politicians, scholars/professors)

# data[].attributes.subject
Pro 2 Argument (human rights activists, politicians, scholars/professors)

# data[].attributes.body
The Burmese Government is committing acts of outright violent persecution of the Rohingyan people.

# data[].attributes.headline
Article on the experiences of the people and general knowledge on the facts

# data[].attributes.subject
Article on the experiences of the people and general knowledge on the facts

# data[].attributes.body
This article dives deeper into the facts and lets the reader get informed on general knowledge that needs to be known in order to be properly informed on the crisis. Later in the article, it shows a timeline of the discrimination against the Rohingyan people. This timeline is a very affective way to debunk the claim that this was not an orchestrated attack. There is consistent oppression of the Rohingya, many displaced and forced to move out, and many instances of illegal activity within the Myanmar government.

The Rohingya refugee crisis is a human rights and humanitarian disaster that has, in one year alone, rapidly grown in numbers, yet declined in access and resources. More than 1.3 million refugees — targets of violent attacks in Rakhine State in Myanmar — and host community members have been affected.

June and October 2012: Targeted religious violence in Rakhine State noticeably affects large groups of Rohingya. More than 200 people are killed, and another 150,000 rendered homeless.

2014: The first official census in decades is conducted — and the Rohingya are forbidden to participate.

November 2015: Democratic elections are held for the first time since the easing of military rule. The Rohingya are excluded from participating as both candidates and voters.

October 9, 2016: Armed conflicts in Rakhine State cause 87,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh.

August 25, 2017: Violence again erupts and a series of attacks, with deaths on both sides, catalyzes the current movement of Rohingya people into camps within Cox's Bazar.

October 23, 2017: More than 600,000 Rohingya people have fled Rakhine State since their communities were destroyed August.

April 2018: An estimated 781,000 refugees have set up camp in nine settlements within Cox's Bazar.

# data[].attributes.headline
Book from Ronan Lee - Myanmar’s Rohingya Genocide (Identity, History, and Hate Speech)

# data[].attributes.subject
Book from Ronan Lee - Myanmar’s Rohingya Genocide (Identity, History, and Hate Speech)

# data[].attributes.body
Lee writes on the horrors and human rights violations that are going on within Myanmar right now. He uses thousands of hours of interviews and testimonies to back up his claim. He also attempts to educate readers on the culture and traditions of the Rohingya. Basically who they are, what they do, and why they’ve been attacked on such a violent and large scale.

“Ronan Lee's book is one of the most important studies of the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya in Myanmar to date. It seeks to understand the Rohingya situation in its proper historical context and contemporary political situation, offering a fair, reliable, insightful analysis that identifies the many factors that will keep contributing to this crisis. The biggest contribution, however, is the examination of the genocide from the perspectives of different individuals involved in the crisis, which reveals just how complicated and difficult a resolution will be. This book is highly recommended to anyone seeking to understand the crisis, and importantly, those in governments and NGOs who can adapt practice on the basis of insights a careful reading of this volume offers.” ―Professor Michael W. Charney, SOAS, UK (A quick review on the book from a high ranking history professor.)

# data[].attributes.headline
Article from US Holocaust Memorial Museum breaking down the statistics and facts from the Burmese government

# data[].attributes.subject
Article from US Holocaust Memorial Museum breaking down the statistics and facts from the Burmese government

# data[].attributes.body
This small excerpt from the article highlights how the Rohingya were specifically targeted by Burmese (Myanmar) government. Over 700,000 people were displaced and many more killed, raped, and more. In the article, it uses more statistics and facts to back up their claim, and also used Aung San Suu Kyi’s (government leader) words against her. She claims that this is not a genocide despite these statistics, furthering the people’s anger, claiming she’s a liar and that she’s highly manipulative.

In August 2017, attacks on the Rohingya community by the Burmese military and others included mass killing, rape, torture, arson, arbitrary arrest and detention, and forced displacement of more than 700,000 people. The 2017 report issued by the Museum and Fortify Rights, “They Tried to Kill Us All,”documented these atrocities.

“Our analysis concludes there is compelling evidence that Burmese authorities have intentionally sought to destroy the Rohingya people because of their ethnic and religious identity,” said Naomi Kikoler, Deputy Director of the Museum’s Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide. “The Rohingya victims we work with feel abandoned. The world has turned a blind eye to their persecution – just as it did for victims of the Holocaust.”

# data[].attributes.headline
Burma/Burmese (Myanmar government + people)

# data[].attributes.subject
Burma/Burmese (Myanmar government + people)

# data[].attributes.headline
Article on government oppression of the Rohingya stemming from the government

# data[].attributes.subject
Article on government oppression of the Rohingya stemming from the government

# data[].attributes.body
This article writes on the Burmese government and how the discrimination towards the Rohingya is clear. They make genuine moves to remove them from the country in an act of “genocidal intent”. They also refuse to acknowledge them as citizens, despite many of the Rohingya being born and living in Myanmar for their whole lives. The article claims that this is very clear and visible oppression of a singular ethnic population and that it is not a simple misunderstanding or coincidence.

The government refuses to grant the Rohingya citizenship, and as a result most of the group’s members have no legal documentation, effectively making them stateless. Myanmar’s 1948 citizenship law was already exclusionary, and the military junta, which seized power in 1962, introduced another law twenty years later that stripped the Rohingya of access to full citizenship. Until recently, the Rohingya had been able to register as temporary residents with identification cards, known as white cards, which the junta began issuing to many Muslims, both Rohingya and non-Rohingya, in the 1990s. The white cards conferred limited rights but were not recognized as proof of citizenship.

In 2014 the government held a UN-backed national census, its first in thirty years. The Muslim minority group was initially permitted to identify as Rohingya, but after Buddhist nationalists threatened to boycott the census, the government decided Rohingya could only register if they identified as Bengali instead.

# data[].attributes.headline
UN expert goes to Myanmar to visit and interview those who have suffered in refugee camps and in labor camps

# data[].attributes.subject
UN expert goes to Myanmar to visit and interview those who have suffered in refugee camps and in labor camps

# data[].attributes.body
This article highlights the trauma that the Rohingya people go through. It also points out that the Rohingya are the only people who suffer from this discrimination, the only people who are forced to leave, the only people who are killed, raped, assaulted, and have their property stolen. It demonstrates the strict agenda that the Burmese military and government have against the Rohingya. It claims that this crisis is strictly due to the politicians and higher up powers doing nothing to stop this.

“I visited what is and what remains to this day, effectively a concentration camp or ghetto, where over 120,000 Rohingya are confined in Sittwe. I remember a man telling me that if the world would not help to free them from the camps, then to please bomb them as death would be preferable to the horrible conditions that he and his family were forced to endure,” the expert said.

More than 1 million Rohingya survivors live in Bangladesh, in camps in Cox’s Bazaar and Bhasan Char. They are unable to return home, confined in cramped conditions often lacking security and cannot pursue their livelihoods, the expert said.

“The Rohingya in Bangladesh continue to live with the trauma of what they witnessed by the deaths of their loved ones, by the loss of their community, their homes, by the attempted destruction of their very identity,” Andrews said.

# data[].attributes.headline
Article on the killings of Hindu people by a Rohingyan guerrilla group

# data[].attributes.subject
Article on the killings of Hindu people by a Rohingyan guerrilla group

# data[].attributes.body
This article highlights the possible reasons for the most recent hate directed towards the Rohingya people. It shows that there is a population that is fighting and actively engaging in violence and retaliation. Something that could be argued is; that since this Rohingya group is fighting against them, that the Myanmar government is not to blame and that they are simply protecting their citizens. This article also shows how the Rohingya people are pushing back against the government, in a very violent and passionate way. Overall, this crisis comes down to two parties, the Burmese government and the Rohingya Muslim population. They both need to come to an agreement and compromise together, not just one party or the other.

A Rohingya armed group brandishing guns and swords is responsible for at least one, and potentially a second, massacre of up to 99 Hindu women, men, and children as well as additional unlawful killings and abductions of Hindu villagers in August 2017, Amnesty International revealed today after carrying out a detailed investigation inside Myanmar’s Rakhine State.
Based on dozens of interviews conducted there and across the border in Bangladesh, as well as photographic evidence analyzed by forensic pathologists, the organization revealed how Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) fighters sowed fear among Hindus and other ethnic communities with these brutal attacks.
“Our latest investigation on the ground sheds much-needed light on the largely under-reported human rights abuses by ARSA during northern Rakhine State’s unspeakably dark recent history,” said Tirana Hassan, Crisis Response Director at Amnesty International.