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Influence of Billionaires and corporations #1

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Influence of Billionaires and corporations #1

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Dark Money

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Influence of billionaires on politics and society # 3 

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Influence of billionaires on politics and society # 3 

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Official Movie Trailer- Parasite- 2019 Film 

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Official Movie Trailer- Parasite- 2019 Film 

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Official Movie Trailer- Sorry We Missed You- 2019 Film 

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Official Movie Trailer- Sorry We Missed You- 2019 Film 

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SORRY WE MISSED YOU - Official Trailer [HD]

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Official Movie Trailer- The Pursuit of Happiness- 2006 Film 

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Official Movie Trailer- The Pursuit of Happiness- 2006 Film 

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Official Movie Trailer- The Big Short- 2015 Film 

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Official Movie Trailer- The Big Short- 2015 Film 

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The Big Short Trailer (2015) ‐ Paramount Pictures

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Official Movie Trailer- Slumdog Millionaire- 2008 Film 

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Official Movie Trailer- Slumdog Millionaire- 2008 Film 

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WQED Specials | A Broken System: Health Care Inequity | Season 2021 | Episode 6

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Health disparities in Pittsburgh’s marginalized communities are widespread and troubling.

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"How Insecurity Became the New Inequality"- Exacerbated by Economic Inequality 

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"How Insecurity Became the New Inequality"- Exacerbated by Economic Inequality 

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In a mere week, Trump's second presidential term has already been accompanied by a cascade of startling and unnerving political and natural events: from the U.S. leaving the World Health Organization and the Paris Climate Accords, to the nighttime firings of inspectors general to the pardons of the Jan. 6 rioters; from the nightclubs and home raids of immigrants in a number of cities to the wildfires roaring through swathes of Los Angeles. Each new occurrence, in turn, fills many with a greater and greater sense of insecurity.

This is our new normal-uncertainty all the time, at every moment, in all places. I call it "terra infirma," an inversion of "terra firma," or solid ground. The ground beneath our feet is perpetually shifting. And it's hard to keep our balance.

As the director of the Economic Hardship Reporting Project, this constant uncertainty has an effect on how I think about my work, as well. I've started to consider insecurity as the new inequality. The problem isn't just the massive gap between "haves" and "have-nots," though that does keep widening. For those who lack the resources to absorb each new blow, the constant instability hits hardest of all-but in truth, this insecurity affects almost everyone except the wealthiest.

Author and activist Astra Taylor's book Age of Insecurity has shaped and inspired my understanding of how "insecurity" manifests in the economy and society right now. Taylor argues that a wide variety of crises, from rising inequality to eroding mental health, have insecurity at their root. In the last decade or so, social researchers have identified proliferating categories of uncertainty. These include not only the political insecurity we are experiencing right now but also more bespoke varieties, like " transportation insecurity" (the difficulty of reaching destinations because of damaged buses and trains), and " informational insecurity" (due to content that has been muddled and sullied by deepfakes, disinformation, and paranoia). There are also the politicians who obsess over "illegal immigrants" supposedly taking jobs or tariffs, ensuring voters feel a certain degree of insecurity. These politicians then offer themselves up as the voice of common sense, the irony being, of course, that their falsely secure rhetoric just augments our perception of chaos.

Insecurity, in fact, has become an indicator by which a number of scholars now assess societal well-being. Groups like the National True Cost of Living Coalition are calling for a new measurement of Americans' financial well-being. Instead of viewing these people through the scrim of poverty, the Coalition instead considers their "economic security," they explain, "by looking beyond the most basic of needs to understand what it truly costs to live." There's also the Economic Policy Uncertainty Index. One of its creators, economist Nicholas Bloom, has referred to key political events as "uncertainty shocks" that create economic disorder, including Brexit in 2016 and the first Trump presidential election. "Insecurity" is not just the societal diagnosis of liberals and progressives. GOP pollster Patrick Ruffini has argued that a "security gap" explains the 2024 election results, where the least secure groups "swung right..."

For too long, stability has been framed as a psychological characteristic, a mental steadiness cultivated from within. By the same token, instability has been viewed as a psychological failing that comes from low self-esteem, a history of abuse, or a failure to "work on oneself."

But in the time of terra infirma, a certain degree of anxiety about insecurity is not a moral failing-it's an honest and insightful reaction to what's happening around us. What we think of as psychological insecurity-or being a "classic neurotic"-is a state of mind that reflects actual conditions.

Insecurity is the key lens through which Terry Friedline, scholar and the author of Banking on a Revolution, looks when she studies the financial struggles of people on the economic edge. To me, it explains why Trump was elected by people who were not at the bottom of the economy but felt like they were just holding on to social solidity by their fingernails, much like those described in author and political activist Barbara Ehrenreich's Fear of Falling. (I wrote the introduction for the new edition.) Their feelings of insecurity grew more acute in the late stages of the COVID-19 pandemic when the government withdrew some crucial support it had put in place. For instance, the 2021 American Rescue Plan's expanded child tax credit reduced child poverty tremendously. It ended, however, in 2022. More broadly, Build Back Better forwarded a range of social welfare provisions that were intended as permanent: This more perpetual and humane social welfare policy vanished in the mist.

Read More: Bootstrapping Has Always Been A Myth. The New American Dream Proves It

As a result, insecurity was suddenly normalized. When people emerged from the pandemic fog, they found that paying bills on credit and not having enough to eat had become an everyday experience. The abrupt precarity was felt hardest by the poorest Americans, but they were not alone. "Insecurity is felt pretty far up the income ladder," says Friedline, referring to a growing class of people whom I have called the Middle Precariat, like those with advanced degrees who teach college students as adjuncts and still subsist close to the poverty line, or high school teachers who can't pay their rent on their salaries and have to drive rideshares on the side to make ends meet. Those making $35,000 a year in San Francisco, for instance, can't meet their basic survival needs, but in the same area, even a family living on $200,000 may also find itself precarious, pouring resources into health insurance or scrambling to afford tuition.

Part of what has caused economic insecurity is that we've come to rely more on credit and debt in the last few decades, a phenomenon taking place at all income levels except for the super-rich. In Friedline's view-and my own-this particular flavor of economic insecurity has caused some voter alienation from traditional politics. If you are weighed down by your bad credit score-with the generalized credit score, as Friedline points out, being a relatively new measurement-how can you focus on marching, or organizing, or even voting?

In a world of terra infirma, the shakiest ground of all may be our broken and rigged healthcare system. The U.S. spends twice as much on healthcare per capita as other countries, and Americans still constantly worry about affording treatment, accessing doctors in a timely fashion, or being able to get a clear diagnosis. As Kate Nicholson, the Executive Director and Founder of the National Pain Advocacy Center, told me, many of the people she works with are fed up with medical insecurity, stemming, say, from procedures routinely denied by insurance companies at the 11th hour, even after the doctors and nurses have scrubbed and are ready to operate. It was something I experienced myself when I was diagnosed with Long COVID last year. Even with health insurance, I had to wait months to see doctors who might have the expertise to figure out what was happening. It took five months to get even a quasi-accurate diagnosis. In that time, I paid out of pocket for complex tests not covered by insurance.

Read More: The Relentless Cost of Chronic Diseases

Medical insecurity often has truly terrible outcomes. Nicholson mentioned one of her colleagues, Tinu Abayomi-Paul, whose insurance stopped paying for her chemotherapy, and who had recently died. "Medical insecurity is not just something that causes anxiety-it can result in death," says Nicholson.

So, what can we do?

To combat this shaky malaise, we first have to break out of our neurotic isolation. We must seek the glimmer of the Soviet era's "kitchen table" culture, what the anthropologist Victor Turner called "communitas." In this moment of rupture and uncertainty, this sort of solidarity can be an unexpected salve.

Once we realize our predicament is not our fault, we must organize to change the systems that make us insecure. One solution is alternative institutions in finance, including public banking. But we also need better regulation of the draconian health insurance plans that create medical insecurity and the mainstream banking system, so that both may behave in more moral ways. (All this regulation of course rests on us electing better and more effective politicians who recognize how many of us suffer from insecurity.)

We also need to look down and recognize that we're all standing on terra infirma. (Anyone without the means to build a bunker to wait out the inevitable shocks, that is.) With that recognition, we must each develop a clearer understanding of how those in power deliberately exploit our individual and societal uncertainty-and what we can do about it.
This story was co-published and supported by the journalism non-profit the Economic Hardship Reporting Project.

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How Insecurity Became the New Inequality

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"The ground beneath our feet is perpetually shifting. And it's hard to keep our balance," writes Alissa Quart.

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Boeing Aircraft Assembly Workers' Strike, 2024:

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Boeing Aircraft Assembly Workers' Strike, 2024:

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Inequality For All- unequal distribution of income and equality 

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Inequality For All- unequal distribution of income and equality 

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Starbucks Workers' Strike (December 2024):

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Starbucks Workers' Strike (December 2024):

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University of California Academic Workers' Strike (November 2022):

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University of California Academic Workers' Strike (November 2022):

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"The Bosses of the Senate" by Joseph Keppler, 1889 

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"The Bosses of the Senate" by Joseph Keppler, 1889 

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"Protectors of Our Industry" by Bernhard Gillam, 1883

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"Protectors of Our Industry" by Bernhard Gillam, 1883

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These are the neighborhoods that attract America's Richest 

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These are the neighborhoods that attract America's Richest 

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This photo captures the striking disparity between the wealthy/affluent and the impoverished/poor. In the immediate front, we see track-style housing units displayed with a rogue trash bin on the sidewalk, symbolizing low-income conditions, poverty, and financial struggle. Meanwhile, at the back of the photo, we see sprawling skyscrapers inhabited by the wealthy and elite representing privilege and prosperity. This is captivating imagery as the juxtaposition of the skyscrapers is literally "looking down on" the low-income housing, signifying class superiority, systemic advantages, and structural inequality.

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"They Got You Fighting a Culture War to Stop You from Fighting a Class War"

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"They Got You Fighting a Culture War to Stop You from Fighting a Class War"

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Oxfam is a global movement of people fighting inequality to end poverty and injustice. Together we offer lifesaving support in times of crisis and advocate for economic justice, gender equality, and climate action.

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Your online portal to data, analysis, and commentary on income and wealth inequality.

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Investigative Journalism and News in the Public Interest

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ProPublica is an independent, non-profit newsroom that produces investigative journalism in the public interest.

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ActionAid is a global movement of people fighting for women's rights, social justice and an end to poverty.

This, our international website, is a hub for all of our activities, opinions, stories and insights.

We'd love you to stay and have a look around. You can also go to any of our other country websites.

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ActionAid is a global movement of people fighting for women's rights, social justice and an end to poverty. This, our international website, is a hub for all of our activities, opinions, stories and insights. We'd love you to stay and have a look around. You can also go to any of our other country websites.

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Home - Public Policy Institute of California

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The Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan think tank. We are dedicated to informing and improving public policy in California through independent, objective, nonpartisan research.

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Influence of billionaires and corporations on politics and society #2

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Influence of billionaires and corporations on politics and society #2

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he cries of "Shame! Shame! Shame!" rang throughout the marbled walls of the Wisconsin state assembly chamber. Disgusted Democratic politicians, some of whom had been up for over 60 hours by this point, punctuated their chants by throwing papers - and even drinks - at their Republican counterparts. Police officers had to be summoned to physically restrain one Democratic representative yelling "Cowards!" across the aisle.

The source of this confrontation, in the early hours of February 2011, was an unprecedented push by Wisconsin Republicans, led by the state's newly elected Republican governor, Scott Walker, to slash the union rights held by most public workers. Walker argued that budget woes in the state necessitated the shift, and barrelled forward to eliminate the rights of virtually all public-sector workers to collectively bargain with government and to allow government employees to opt out of paying dues to their unions.

At first blush this might seem like a years-old local issue in a US state that rarely lights up the international headlines. Yet events in Wisconsin are crucial to understanding how a little-known, billionaire-funded organization, called Americans for Prosperity (AFP), has tilted American politics to the right. It is intertwined with, and rivals in size, the Republican party itself.

Where did Walker's ultra-conservative labor agenda come from? As a candidate, Walker barely mentioned collective bargaining or union busting. And we know this plan did not come from voters. Before the legislation popped up on the agenda, Wisconsinites generally supported collective bargaining. Nationally, only about 40% of American adults favor curbs to public sector bargaining rights, and in Wisconsin, this minority level of support was about the same.

Instead, to understand what happened in Wisconsin - and what is happening in states across the country - we need to look to the underappreciated organization that is at the center of the political network created and directed by the billionaire conservative industrialists, Charles and David Koch.

We are a group of Columbia and Harvard-based researchers who for the past five years have been investigating precisely how the Koch brothers work to influence US politics and the role played by AFP. In recent years, AFP has quietly pushed behind the scenes for many of the most important conservative victories across the nation, including the anti-union bills that passed in former union strongholds such as Wisconsin, Michigan, and Ohio.

AFP's laser-like focus on anti-union legislation is in part driven by the Kochs' libertarian embrace of free markets and limited government. But it also reflects strategic calculations. AFP has recognized that to make lasting change in US politics, the Koch network would need to permanently weaken the organizations that support liberal candidates and causes - and above all, the labor movement. Reflecting on why conservatives failed to build power in earlier decades, AFP's national president, Tim Phillips, explained that the Democrats "had the public employee unions ... which have only gotten stronger, have only gotten better-funded, have only gotten better organized". To succeed in electing conservative candidates and promoting right-leaning policy, then, AFP would need to hobble unions, especially those in the public-sector that were powerful state-level allies of Democrats.

The members of AFP who helped brainstorm Walker's efforts knew that the legislation would impact union membership - and go far beyond it. Since the passage of the anti-union bill, public union membership rates in Wisconsin have plummeted by more than half, falling from around 50% in 2011 to around 19% by 2017. With fewer members and revenue, the political clout of the labor unions has fallen sharply. Campaign contributions by teachers' unions to state and local races have fallen by nearly 70%.

The consequence: a profound and long-term decline in Democrats' chance of securing office in the state. As one Democratic operative explained to the New York Times: "Maybe we can win high-profile races because Wisconsin still leans slightly Democratic, but at the level where Walker has produced the most profound change, it may prove very difficult to turn that around. That's where we pay the price."

In presidential elections, Democrats lose around three percentage points after the passage of anti-union legislation, and turnout dips by around two points. So while there are many factors that might explain Donald Trump's surprise win in Wisconsin in 2016 by a mere 23,000 votes, a weaker labor movement less able to turn out Democratic voters might have been one important contributor to Trump's victory.

Looking back at the transformation of Wisconsin since Walker's election, Phillips notes proudly that AFP's organization in the state now has more grassroots activists than the Wisconsin teachers' union has members.

"That's how you change a state," Phillips bragged.

More than money

In America, wealthy people have always thrown their weight around to influence elections and policy. But what is newer and more portentous in the early 21st century, especially at the state level, is the rise of organized big donor collectives through which hundreds of billionaires and millionaires invest in organization-building to remake the very terrain on which US elections and government activities play out. Organized political mega-donors can get much more leverage through persistent organizations than from scattered, one-time contributions to particular politicians.

Wisconsin is very much a case in point, because this state has for years been in the organization-building sights of the massive Koch political network, at the core of which are regular gatherings of hundreds of conservative wealth holders who channel donations year after year to political organizations closely coordinated by Charles and David Koch and their top lieutenants.

The two brothers have vast resources to invest in politics, commanding over $50bn each from their ownership of Koch Industries. That company, which the brothers inherited from their father, has grown under their leadership to become one of the largest privately held conglomerates in the United States, with activities spread across dozens of industries, including chemical manufacturing, energy production, paper production, and ranching.

Taken together, AFP's grassroots volunteers and staffing rival those of the Republican party itself

Although Charles and David have been committed libertarians for most of their lives, since the 1980s they have steadily ramped up their political involvement and by now have constructed a vast network of organizations that pool hundreds of millions of dollars from their own pockets and other wealthy donors each year in support of conservative idea generation, leadership training, election campaigning and policy advocacy. Yet for all the groups the Kochs have created and funded, there is just one group that sits at the center of their network: Americans for Prosperity.

Expanding across US states since 2004, AFP installs paid staff at the national, regional, and state levels, and gives them the money and resources needed to influence elections and deploy lobbyists and volunteers in major policy campaigns. Wisconsin was organized early on by Americans for Prosperity, starting in 2005, and ever since AFP-Wisconsin has pushed free-market policies, above all efforts to undercut the state's previously formidable public-sector labor unions. By 2010 AFP's Wisconsin organization had two staffers and at least 50,000 activists on its volunteer rolls; by now AFP-Wisconsin claims some 125,000 grassroots activists (equaling around 2% of the state's population) orchestrated by at least three paid staffers. The organization also has established up to eight local field offices spread across the state.

In constructing AFP, the Kochs have created a vehicle that is perfectly positioned to reshape American politics. AFP focuses on both elections and policy battles at all levels of government, from city councils to Congress and the White House. Although its activities are mostly centrally directed from its headquarters in Virginia, AFP has active local, state and regional offices that reflect the federated nature of US politics. And even though grassroots participants do not have much say in the direction of the group, AFP has nearly 3 million citizen activists signed up to mobilize for candidates and policy causes. Activists participate in rallies or protests and contact elected officials at the direction of more than 500 paid staffers nationwide.

Taken together, AFP's grassroots volunteers and staffing rival those of the Republican party itself. However, AFP is not a free-standing political party - but instead is an extra-party organization that parallels and leverages Republican candidates and office-holders. By providing resources to support GOP candidates and officials, and exerting leverage on them once elected, AFP has been able to pull the Republican party to the far right on economic, tax and regulatory issues.

What happened in Wisconsin?

A close examination of AFP's early chapter buildup in Wisconsin lets us see exactly how AFP has achieved such clout - and also helps us make sense of Scott Walker's early and sustained attacks on public-sector labor unions. Our research has uncovered several important aspects ofAFP's roll-out and impact in Wisconsin.

First, AFP-Wisconsin (AFP-WI) successfully moved from the fringe to the center of the state GOP establishment by hiring leaders who were tied into Republican leadership. AFP-WI also built on partnerships with existing conservative groups in the state to build up its grassroots membership base. The chapter started as a small, one-man operation and the first director, Mark Block, was a controversial political consultant and former legislative assistant to a Wisconsin congressman, Bill Steiger. Block had previously been sanctioned by the state for illegal campaign tactics and was a well-known "dirty tricks" operative. Yet he enjoyed strong connections to other conservative grassroots organizations in the state, which helped AFP-WI gain early members and visibility.

When the Tea Party burst on the scene in 2009, AFP-WI was heavily involved in promoting Tea Party events and activism. AFP-WI hosted a tax day Tea Party rally in 2009, and made a point to include Tea party speakers at AFP events and sign up Tea Party participants as AFP grassroots activists. Yet it would be a mistake to think of the Tea Party as being simply an astroturf operation from the Kochs - AFP built on but did not create Wisconsin's Tea Parties.

What we would like to see is to take the unions out at the knees, so they don't have the resources to fight

AFP staffer

After Block's departure in 2010, AFP further built credibility in Wisconsin by hiring members of the state GOP establishment, especially staffers who worked for key legislative leaders and thus knew the ins and outs of the policymaking process. They give AFP leverage over the GOP, allowing party staffers to move seamlessly back and forth between powerful party posts and well-paid Koch positions.

Lastly, AFP-WI also sought to incubate promising political talent by bolstering up-and-coming conservative stars. That reflects a more general strategy on the part of AFP and the Koch network to cultivate friendly GOP politicians over the long run. One politico that AFP-WI singled out for attention and recognition early on was a very conservative local government leader: Scott Walker. Walker was given prominent roles in several of AFP-WI's signature events, including their "Defending the American Dream" summit in 2008, and was featured in AFP's 2006 bus tour across the state, the "Ending Earmarks Express".

Together, these opportunities gave the otherwise relatively unknown politician statewide visibility and helped him forge contacts with a broad array of wealthy donors, conservative activists and trade associations. They also helped to solidify Walker's eventual strategy of prioritizing the union offensive when elected to office. After years of preparation, the Koch network then backed Walker's bid for governor in 2010, even as AFP-WI also focused on helping Republicans win majorities in both chambers of the state legislature. The stage was set for Walker, then, to carry out the anti-union priorities that he had been worked with AFP on for years at that point - with Walker knowing full well that AFP-WI would have his back. As AFP's Phillips recounted, his group had been working furiously "behind the scenes to try to encourage a union showdown" once Walker was elected.

After the legislature introduced Act 10, AFP organized rallies and bussed in volunteers from across the state in support of the effort. And after the bill became law, AFP-WI became the legislation's best cheerleader, loudly advertising its supposed benefits and defending legislators who supported it.

It is not just union policy where Walker and the state Republicans have worked hand-in-glove with AFP. Ongoing research we are conducting on AFP-WI indicates that much of the Wisconsin Republican party's agenda reflects AFP priorities.Take welfare reform: Walker developed and signed into law a plan that hewed closely to AFP priorities, like instituting work requirements for food support and public housing benefits and creating health savings accounts for Medicaid recipients. A similar story unfolded with a measure long-championed by AFP to limit the ability of state agencies to pass new regulations; Wisconsin implemented a version of the bill that AFP developed for the federal government. Shifting the political terrain

The transformation of Wisconsin from the birthplace of public-sector unionization to a conservative stronghold with a battered labor movement is remarkable on its own terms. But even more remarkable is how the same story is playing out across dozens of other states. To be sure, AFP has not enjoyed the same success in every state as in Wisconsin and has endured some high-profile losses, too - most notably the re-election of Barack Obama to the White House in 2012.

But all told the Koch network has racked up important victories across many policy areas, like stymieing the implementation of the Affordable Care Act (and especially the expansion of Medicaid to poor uninsured adults) in states like Missouri and Tennessee, rolling back state efforts to address climate change (for instance, in Kansas and West Virginia), and passing massive tax cuts for wealthy individuals and companies (as in Kansas and Oklahoma).

Undoubtedly, however, AFP's biggest accomplishment has been the passage of new anti-labor bills, like Act 10, that will permanently weaken unions and the left's political power. "We fight these battles on taxes and regulations, but really what we would like to see is to take the unions out at the knees, so they don't have the resources to fight these battles," one top AFP staffer has explained about his group's thinking.

With key anti-labor victories in states like Wisconsin, it makes sense why the Kochs are able to look past their squabbles with a unruly Trump presidency. Regardless of what happens in Washington, AFP and the Koch network has already succeeded in shifting the political terrain of Wisconsin - and the nation from the states on up.

Alexander Hertel-Fernandez is an assistant professor of public affairs at
Columbia University and the author of Politics at Work (2018, Oxford
University Press). Caroline Tervo is the coordinator of the research project on the shifting US political terrain at Harvard University. Theda Skocpol is the Victor S Thomas professor of government and sociology at Harvard University and the co-author most recently of The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism, with Vanessa Williamson (2011, Oxford University Press).

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How the Koch brothers built the most powerful rightwing group you've never heard of

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he cries of "Shame! Shame! Shame!" rang throughout the marbled walls of the Wisconsin state assembly chamber. Disgusted Democratic politicians, some of whom had been up for over 60 hours by this point, punctuated their chants by throwing papers - and even drinks - at their Republican counterparts.

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The Decline of Upward Mobility in One Chart

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Each generation of Americans has historically earned more than their parents, but declining upward mobility is putting this growth at risk.