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A Guide for Child Welfare Professionals

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100+ Ways to Celebrate Black History Month in 2026

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What is Black History Month and how is Black History Month Celebrated? Black History Month was created to remember, commemorate, and celebrate the achievements of African American. Dating back in 1915 (after the Thirteenth Amendment abolished slavery in America), it was previously known as Negro History Week. The movement was created by the Harvard-trained historian Carter G. Woodson and the prominent minister Jesse E. Moorland. Back then Negro History Week was celebrated by organizing local gatherings and history clubs to host performances and lectures.

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New Data: Federal SNAP Cuts Threaten AAPI and Immigrant Families Food Access Across NYC

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On January 9th, CPC released an analysis on the impact of federal budget cuts on food security for AAPI and Immigrant communities in New York City. The analysis shows that the federal budget passed in July 2025 is already having devastating effects on Asian American Pacific Islander (AAPI) and immigrant families citywide. These federal decisions are overwhelming food pantries and community providers, even as grocery prices remain high and demand for emergency food continues to surge. We urge state leaders to advance the Protect, Invest, and Expand Food Security Package in this year’s legislative and budget negotiations.

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22 reactions | A day in the life of Ms. Hope at iHOPE 💙 Watch as she brings energy, heart, and dedication to every part of the day! We are proud to celebrate the educators who bring our mission to life—one smile, one skill, one breakthrough at a time. #YAI #iHOPE #DayInTheLife #DITL #Education | YAI

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A day in the life of Ms. Hope at iHOPE 💙 Watch as she brings energy, heart, and dedication to every part of the day! We are proud to celebrate the educators who bring our mission to life—one smile,…

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Radio City welcomes first Rockette with a visible disability

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Sydney Mesher’s road to Radio City included four auditions, three summer training intensives and recovery from a broken foot.

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His Job Is to Make the Subway Accessible. His Own Life Fuels His Work

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His Job Is to Make the Subway Accessible. His Own Life Fuels His Work

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What New York laws protect me?

New York has a number of laws that protect transgender, gender nonconforming, nonbinary, and intersex (TGNCNBI) people at school, work, in health care settings, and more.

General protections

New York prohibits places of public accommodation (including businesses and health care providers) and government agencies from discriminating against people on the basis of sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity or expression-which includes a person's actual or perceived gender-related identity, appearance, behavior, expression, or other gender-related characteristics, regardless of sex assigned at birth. This includes, but is not limited to, being transgender. These laws also bar discrimination based on your relationship to someone who is LGBTQ+.
New York Executive Law §§ 292, 296 (the NY Human Rights Law); New York Civil Rights Law § 40-c; New York State Constitution, Art. 1, § 11 (the Equal Rights Amendment); 9 NYCRR § 466.13(d); Guidance on Gender Identity Discrimination Protections
Schools

It is illegal for educational institutions-including public schools, public colleges and universities, and non-religious private schools-to discriminate against you because of your sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity or expression. Students have the right to go by their chosen name and pronouns, express their gender, participate in sports and other activities aligned with their gender, use restrooms aligned with their gender, and update the name and gender on their records.

New York's Attorney General and State Education Department have affirmed that schools must continue to comply with state law protections for transgender students, including the right to use facilities (such as restrooms and locker rooms) and to join sports teams that align with their gender identity.

New York also requires public schools to take affirmative steps to prevent bullying based on sexual orientation or gender identity, and school staff must intervene if they witness bullying.
New York Executive Law §§ 292, 296; New York Education Law § 3201-a; 8 NYCRR § 100.2. More information.; February 2025 Joint Statement of OAG and NYSED; New York Education Law article 2 (the Dignity for All Students Act); 8 NYCRR §§100.2(c), (l), (jj), (kk)
Health care

New York supports access to gender-affirming medical care for both adults and young people. Our antidiscrimination laws mean that non-religious health care providers and employers cannot exclude gender-affirming care. New York's Attorney General and New York's Department of Health have affirmed that health care providers must continue to follow New York law regarding access to gender-affirming care.

New York defines gender-affirming care as "any type of care provided to an individual to affirm their gender identity or gender expression; provided that surgical interventions on minors with variations in their sex characteristics that are not sought and initiated by the individual patient are not gender-affirming care."

New York law also prohibits insurance providers from discriminating against you based on sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, and transgender status. Private and public insurers subject to state law cannot exclude coverage for medically necessary gender-affirming care.

New York has also taken a number of steps to protect families accessing gender-affirming care in our state. There are protections in place to help prevent gender-affirming health care providers, patients, and those who support them from being prosecuted by other states. These laws also protect providers from licensure and malpractice consequences in New York State.
AG's February 3 Letter; Department of Health's February 18 Letter; 11 NYCRR §§ 52.72, 52.75. More information; New York Civil Procedure Law § 140.10; New York Executive Law § 837-x; New York Executive Law §§ 292, 296; New York Civil Rights Law § 40-c; 9 NYCRR § 466.13(d). See here for more information. New York Civil Practice Law & Rules §§ 3119, 3102; New York Insurance Law § 3436-a; New York Education Law §§ 6505-d, 6531-b; New York Public Health Law § 230; New York Executive Law §§ 292, 296; New York Civil Rights Law § 40-c; 9 NYCRR § 466.13(d). See here for more information. New York Civil Rights Law § 70-b; New York Criminal Procedure Law § 570.19; New York Family Court Act § 659; New York Civil Rights Law §§ 67, 67-B; New York Public Health Law §§ 4132, 4138. More information. New York Public Health Law § 2803-c-2; New York Public Health Law § 2504(1); New York Civil Rights Law § 40-c; New York State Constitution, Art. 1, § 11 (the Equal Rights Amendment). New York Education Law § 6531-b.
New York prohibits discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals in long-term care facilities.

New York allows homeless and runaway youth to consent to their own health care, including gender-affirming care - as long as they have capacity to consent, meaning that they understand the risks and benefits of the proposed treatment and its alternatives. In order to be able to consent to their own care, runaway youth must also be receiving services at an approved runaway and homeless youth crisis services program or a transitional independent living support program.

Employment

New York prohibits discrimination and harassment in the workplace on the basis of sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity or expression. Employers must honor the chosen names and pronouns of transgender workers' and allow them to use gendered restrooms of their choice.

Housing

New York prohibits discrimination in public and private housing based on sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity or expression.

Identification and birth certificates

You have the right to identification that is consistent with your gender identity. To amend or correct a gender marker, you can fill out a form to get an updated New York-issued driver's license, state identification card, and birth certificate.

Child custody

New York prohibits discriminating against LGBTQIA+ parents when determining custody of children.

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Your Rights in New York After Trump's Anti-Trans Executive Orders - NYCLU

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New York has a number of laws that protect transgender, gender nonconforming, nonbinary, and intersex (TGNCNBI) people at school, work, in health care settings, and more.

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HMI: the nation's oldest and largest organization serving LGBTQIA+ youth

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Office of the New York City Comptroller Brad Lander

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Ali Forney Center

Our mission is to protect LGBTQ youths from the harms of homelessness and empower them with the tools needed to live independently. AFC assists 2,000 youths annually through a 24-hour Drop-In Center which provides 70,000 meals annually, medical and mental health services through an on-site clinic, and scattered-site housing program.

Bisexual Book Awards

The Bisexual Book Awards has 12 categories where books, authors and publishers can shine. Authors of any orientation and gender identity can enter their bi+-themed book. It's our goal to shine a spotlight on books with bisexual/pansexual+ themes or characters and to encourage the writing & publishing of bi-themed books.

Center for Constitutional Rights

The Center for Constitutional Rights works to advance and defend the constitutional and human rights of social justice movements and communities under threat, including LGBTQIA+ community and communities of color, and helps them build power, through litigation, advocacy, and narrative shifting.

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Affirmation: LGBTQ Mormons, Families & Friends

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Comptroller Brad Lander is New York City's Chief Financial Officer. An independently elected official, he safeguards the City's fiscal health, roots out waste, fraud and abuse in local government, and ensures that municipal agencies serve the needs of all New Yorkers.

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The Trevor Project Shares Post-Election Day Crisis Contact Volume Data

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Your Support Saves LGBTQ+Youth’s Lives Every DayDonateThe Trevor Project, the leading suicide prevention and crisis intervention organization for LGBTQ+ young […]

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What Medicaid and SNAP cuts mean for LGBTQ+ people

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When the U.S. Supreme Court begins its new term in October, all eyes will be on the blockbuster cases waiting in the wings. On October 7, the justices will hear Chiles v. Salazar, a case that could decide whether states can continue protecting LGBTQ+ youth from so-called "conversion therapy" or whether those protections collapse nationwide.

Keep up with the latest in LGBTQ+ news and politics. Sign up for The Advocate's email newsletter.

At stake is more than the future of a single Colorado law. Twenty-four states and the District of Columbia have enacted similar bans on licensed mental health providers, subjecting minors to practices aimed at changing their sexual orientation or gender identity. If the justices strike Colorado's law, those protections could unravel.

"This case is a real test of whether there will always be a double standard for our community," Shannon Minter, legal director of the National Center for LGBTQ Rights, told The Advocate in an interview. "These laws are ordinary regulations of mental-health treatments that protect kids from ineffective and harmful practices. It would be tragic if they were struck down just because, in this case, they happen to protect LGBT young people."

What is the Chiles v. Salazar

The petitioner is Kaley Chiles, a licensed counselor in Colorado who wants to continue offering conversion therapy to minors. She argues that the state's 2019 ban violates her First Amendment rights, framing therapy as a form of speech that the government cannot regulate.

Related: Fighting for LGBTQ+ youth: The cases challenging conversion therapy bans

The respondent is Patty Salazar, executive director of the Colorado Department of Regulatory Agencies. Her department oversees professional licensing, and she is defending the law on behalf of the state.

Colorado's statute is narrow: it prohibits licensed professionals from claiming to change or attempting to change a minor's sexual orientation or gender identity. It does not apply to clergy or religious counselors, and it does not restrict supportive therapy that helps young people explore their identities.

Lower courts upheld Colorado's law, joining a chorus of rulings across the country that recognized conversion therapy bans as constitutional regulations of professional conduct. But in 2023, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit created a split, striking down local bans in Florida. That divergence set the stage for Supreme Court review.

Survivors say "It's still happening"

For survivors, the case is personal. A 2023 report by The Trevor Project, It's Still Happening, documented how conversion therapy persists despite professional condemnation. More than 80 percent of LGBTQ+ adults surveyed who experienced conversion efforts said it caused lasting harm, from depression and anxiety to estrangement from family and faith.

Former participants described trauma, shame, and suicidality.

Related: Transgender attorney who argued before Supreme Court explains why it was 'my nightmare'

The Trevor Project and the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention submitted their own amicus brief, citing research showing LGBTQ+ youth subjected to conversion efforts are more than twice as likely to attempt suicide as their peers. The groups warned the court that striking down Colorado's law would greenlight a practice every primary medical and mental health association has deemed fraudulent and dangerous.

Here's what's at stake

If the Court strikes Colorado's law, the impact would be immediate. States from California to New York could see their bans fall. Parents desperate for answers might once again be funneled to providers offering false promises of "cures." Survivors worry it would also send a cultural message that the nation's highest court has blessed a practice they know to be abuse.

On the other hand, if the Court affirms Colorado's authority, it could solidify the legality of conversion therapy bans nationwide and shore up states' ability to regulate professional treatment even in a polarized political climate.

For LGBTQ+ advocates, the case is not an abstract clash over free speech but a life-and-death struggle. "It's vitally important to keep these laws banning this dangerous, discredited practice because there's a direct association with LGBTQ+ youth being exposed to conversion [therapy] more than doubling the risk of attempting suicide," Mark Henson, vice president at The Trevor Project, told The Advocate in an interview. "Further, those who have experienced conversion therapy are two and a half times as likely to report multiple suicide attempts in the prior year."

Related: Justice Sonia Sotomayor slams gender-affirming care ruling as 'state-sanctioned discrimination'

Henson stressed that the practice "drives a wedge between youth and their families. It drives a wedge between young people and their faith communities. There are long-lasting, devastating effects."

Colorado's ban, he said, was "very well crafted" and reflects the consensus of medical and mental health organizations that "condemn this so-called therapy." The law, he added, is part of states' longstanding authority to ensure professional licensing standards. "It's enabling states to ban snake oil salesmen effectively, since states do have this license requirement. Professional organizations should be doing things that help people instead of hurt people," Henson said.

He also noted that the issue crosses partisan lines. "Since 2012, there have been over a thousand times when Republicans have voted for or helped enact conversion therapy bans," he said. "Republicans are on the record banning this and standing up for LGBTQ+ youth and standing up for medical professions and the standards to eliminate this dangerous, discredited practice."

Rare chorus of allies

What sets Chiles v. Salazar apart from past battles is the unusual range of amici weighing in to support Colorado. Alongside LGBTQ+ advocacy groups are unexpected allies: conservative Catholic therapists, evangelical educators, and even former leaders of the "ex-gay" movement.

One brief, authored by Colorado therapist Julia Sadusky, a devout Catholic whose practice focuses on youth from conservative religious families, could prove especially influential.

Catholic educators warned the Court that conversion therapy fractures families and drives young people away from their faith. Another brief came from conservative gay Christians, some of whom endured conversion programs themselves, testifying that the practice increases despair rather than fostering belonging.

Related: Supreme Court rules states can ban gender-affirming care for youth in U.S. v. Skrmetti

Even leaders of the former "ex-gay" movement told the justices that their own ministries had done profound harm.

Minter called these filings "so powerful" in his interview with The Advocate. "It's intellectually honest and deeply moving to see conservative voices saying, 'This isn't therapy. This isn't faith. This is abuse.' I hope the Court listens."

The constitutional question at the center of the case

At the heart of the case is whether Colorado's ban regulates professional conduct or suppresses speech. Chiles's lawyers, backed by the Alliance Defending Freedom, a right-wing group opposed to LGBTQ+ rights, argue that therapy is speech, and any restriction is viewpoint discrimination.

Colorado counters that conversion therapy is a treatment, not a protected opinion. States, it says, have broad authority to regulate medicine and mental health to protect the public. In fact, in the last term, the U.S. Supreme Court in upheld a Tennessee law banning gender-affirming care for minors using this logic.

The Constitutional Accountability Center, a progressive law firm and think tank, filed an amicus brief highlighting that distinction. "Advice and treatment provided by professionals have long been treated differently than private speech," CAC wrote. "The First Amendment does not allow courts to override the judgment of the Colorado legislature that the treatment Chiles wishes to provide is outside the bounds of professional norms and threatens to harm Colorado's children."

A broader attack on LGBTQ+ rights

For advocates, Chiles v. Salazar cannot be separated from the broader political moment aimed at erasing gains the LGBTQ+ community has made in recent years. The Trump administration has backed anti-LGBTQ+ litigation, and the Department of Health and Human Services even rebranded "conversion therapy" as "exploratory therapy." Simultaneously, Trump has pressed cases seeking to exclude transgender students from sports and restrict gender-affirming care.

"The very fact that Alliance Defending Freedom is behind this case should tell us it is intimately connected to the broader attacks," Minter said. "They want to turn back the clock to a time when being gay or transgender was morally condemned and legally unprotected."

The fear is that a ruling against Colorado would not only invalidate bans in nearly half the country but also embolden new efforts to recast anti-LGBTQ+ discrimination as constitutionally protected "speech."

Mardi Moore, the CEO of Rocky Mountain Equality, told The Advocate that Colorado's political climate makes it a testing ground for national conservative attacks. She said Colorado has become a magnet for litigation. "The alliance defending freedom and others have taken Colorado to the Supreme Court, again, to be heard next year on our conversion therapy law," she explained. Once-sleeping giants like Focus on the Family have "reactivated in areas like Colorado Springs," making the state "a breeding ground" for measures that target LGBTQ rights, from sports bans to restrictions on gender-affirming care, she said.

What's next?

Oral arguments on October 7 are likely to highlight whether the justices view therapy as speech or conduct.

Minter, who has litigated LGBTQ+ cases for decades, admitted the stakes are "nerve-wracking." "If the Court misunderstands these laws and strikes them down, it would be devastating," he said. "But after seeing the breadth of amicus briefs, especially from unexpected allies, I feel encouraged. If the Court does its job and reads them carefully, we have a very significant chance of winning."

The Court's decision is expected by June 2026.

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How the Supreme Court's conversion therapy case could reshape LGBTQ+ protections across America

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Here's what to know about the case as oral arguments tee off the high court's next term.

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When the U.S. Supreme Court begins its new term in October, all eyes will be on the blockbuster cases waiting in the wings. On October 7, the justices will hear Chiles v. Salazar, a case that could decide whether states can continue protecting LGBTQ+ youth from so-called "conversion therapy" or whether those protections collapse nationwide.

Keep up with the latest in LGBTQ+ news and politics. Sign up for The Advocate's email newsletter.

At stake is more than the future of a single Colorado law. Twenty-four states and the District of Columbia have enacted similar bans on licensed mental health providers, subjecting minors to practices aimed at changing their sexual orientation or gender identity. If the justices strike Colorado's law, those protections could unravel.

"This case is a real test of whether there will always be a double standard for our community," Shannon Minter, legal director of the National Center for LGBTQ Rights, told The Advocate in an interview. "These laws are ordinary regulations of mental-health treatments that protect kids from ineffective and harmful practices. It would be tragic if they were struck down just because, in this case, they happen to protect LGBT young people."

What is the Chiles v. Salazar

The petitioner is Kaley Chiles, a licensed counselor in Colorado who wants to continue offering conversion therapy to minors. She argues that the state's 2019 ban violates her First Amendment rights, framing therapy as a form of speech that the government cannot regulate.

Related: Fighting for LGBTQ+ youth: The cases challenging conversion therapy bans

The respondent is Patty Salazar, executive director of the Colorado Department of Regulatory Agencies. Her department oversees professional licensing, and she is defending the law on behalf of the state.

Colorado's statute is narrow: it prohibits licensed professionals from claiming to change or attempting to change a minor's sexual orientation or gender identity. It does not apply to clergy or religious counselors, and it does not restrict supportive therapy that helps young people explore their identities.

Lower courts upheld Colorado's law, joining a chorus of rulings across the country that recognized conversion therapy bans as constitutional regulations of professional conduct. But in 2023, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit created a split, striking down local bans in Florida. That divergence set the stage for Supreme Court review.

Survivors say "It's still happening"

For survivors, the case is personal. A 2023 report by The Trevor Project, It's Still Happening, documented how conversion therapy persists despite professional condemnation. More than 80 percent of LGBTQ+ adults surveyed who experienced conversion efforts said it caused lasting harm, from depression and anxiety to estrangement from family and faith.

Former participants described trauma, shame, and suicidality.

Related: Transgender attorney who argued before Supreme Court explains why it was 'my nightmare'

The Trevor Project and the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention submitted their own amicus brief, citing research showing LGBTQ+ youth subjected to conversion efforts are more than twice as likely to attempt suicide as their peers. The groups warned the court that striking down Colorado's law would greenlight a practice every primary medical and mental health association has deemed fraudulent and dangerous.

Here's what's at stake

If the Court strikes Colorado's law, the impact would be immediate. States from California to New York could see their bans fall. Parents desperate for answers might once again be funneled to providers offering false promises of "cures." Survivors worry it would also send a cultural message that the nation's highest court has blessed a practice they know to be abuse.

On the other hand, if the Court affirms Colorado's authority, it could solidify the legality of conversion therapy bans nationwide and shore up states' ability to regulate professional treatment even in a polarized political climate.

For LGBTQ+ advocates, the case is not an abstract clash over free speech but a life-and-death struggle. "It's vitally important to keep these laws banning this dangerous, discredited practice because there's a direct association with LGBTQ+ youth being exposed to conversion [therapy] more than doubling the risk of attempting suicide," Mark Henson, vice president at The Trevor Project, told The Advocate in an interview. "Further, those who have experienced conversion therapy are two and a half times as likely to report multiple suicide attempts in the prior year."

Related: Justice Sonia Sotomayor slams gender-affirming care ruling as 'state-sanctioned discrimination'

Henson stressed that the practice "drives a wedge between youth and their families. It drives a wedge between young people and their faith communities. There are long-lasting, devastating effects."

Colorado's ban, he said, was "very well crafted" and reflects the consensus of medical and mental health organizations that "condemn this so-called therapy." The law, he added, is part of states' longstanding authority to ensure professional licensing standards. "It's enabling states to ban snake oil salesmen effectively, since states do have this license requirement. Professional organizations should be doing things that help people instead of hurt people," Henson said.

He also noted that the issue crosses partisan lines. "Since 2012, there have been over a thousand times when Republicans have voted for or helped enact conversion therapy bans," he said. "Republicans are on the record banning this and standing up for LGBTQ+ youth and standing up for medical professions and the standards to eliminate this dangerous, discredited practice."

Rare chorus of allies

What sets Chiles v. Salazar apart from past battles is the unusual range of amici weighing in to support Colorado. Alongside LGBTQ+ advocacy groups are unexpected allies: conservative Catholic therapists, evangelical educators, and even former leaders of the "ex-gay" movement.

One brief, authored by Colorado therapist Julia Sadusky, a devout Catholic whose practice focuses on youth from conservative religious families, could prove especially influential.

Catholic educators warned the Court that conversion therapy fractures families and drives young people away from their faith. Another brief came from conservative gay Christians, some of whom endured conversion programs themselves, testifying that the practice increases despair rather than fostering belonging.

Related: Supreme Court rules states can ban gender-affirming care for youth in U.S. v. Skrmetti

Even leaders of the former "ex-gay" movement told the justices that their own ministries had done profound harm.

Minter called these filings "so powerful" in his interview with The Advocate. "It's intellectually honest and deeply moving to see conservative voices saying, 'This isn't therapy. This isn't faith. This is abuse.' I hope the Court listens."

The constitutional question at the center of the case

At the heart of the case is whether Colorado's ban regulates professional conduct or suppresses speech. Chiles's lawyers, backed by the Alliance Defending Freedom, a right-wing group opposed to LGBTQ+ rights, argue that therapy is speech, and any restriction is viewpoint discrimination.

Colorado counters that conversion therapy is a treatment, not a protected opinion. States, it says, have broad authority to regulate medicine and mental health to protect the public. In fact, in the last term, the U.S. Supreme Court in upheld a Tennessee law banning gender-affirming care for minors using this logic.

The Constitutional Accountability Center, a progressive law firm and think tank, filed an amicus brief highlighting that distinction. "Advice and treatment provided by professionals have long been treated differently than private speech," CAC wrote. "The First Amendment does not allow courts to override the judgment of the Colorado legislature that the treatment Chiles wishes to provide is outside the bounds of professional norms and threatens to harm Colorado's children."

A broader attack on LGBTQ+ rights

For advocates, Chiles v. Salazar cannot be separated from the broader political moment aimed at erasing gains the LGBTQ+ community has made in recent years. The Trump administration has backed anti-LGBTQ+ litigation, and the Department of Health and Human Services even rebranded "conversion therapy" as "exploratory therapy." Simultaneously, Trump has pressed cases seeking to exclude transgender students from sports and restrict gender-affirming care.

"The very fact that Alliance Defending Freedom is behind this case should tell us it is intimately connected to the broader attacks," Minter said. "They want to turn back the clock to a time when being gay or transgender was morally condemned and legally unprotected."

The fear is that a ruling against Colorado would not only invalidate bans in nearly half the country but also embolden new efforts to recast anti-LGBTQ+ discrimination as constitutionally protected "speech."

Mardi Moore, the CEO of Rocky Mountain Equality, told The Advocate that Colorado's political climate makes it a testing ground for national conservative attacks. She said Colorado has become a magnet for litigation. "The alliance defending freedom and others have taken Colorado to the Supreme Court, again, to be heard next year on our conversion therapy law," she explained. Once-sleeping giants like Focus on the Family have "reactivated in areas like Colorado Springs," making the state "a breeding ground" for measures that target LGBTQ rights, from sports bans to restrictions on gender-affirming care, she said.

What's next?

Oral arguments on October 7 are likely to highlight whether the justices view therapy as speech or conduct.

Minter, who has litigated LGBTQ+ cases for decades, admitted the stakes are "nerve-wracking." "If the Court misunderstands these laws and strikes them down, it would be devastating," he said. "But after seeing the breadth of amicus briefs, especially from unexpected allies, I feel encouraged. If the Court does its job and reads them carefully, we have a very significant chance of winning."

The Court's decision is expected by June 2026.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
How the Supreme Court's conversion therapy case could reshape LGBTQ+ protections across America

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Here's what to know about the case as oral arguments tee off the high court's next term.

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(Employee Resource!) Affirming Mental Health Providers

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(Employee Resource!) Affirming Mental Health Providers

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A nationwide network of "Kink, Poly, Trans, LGBQ Providers". Some accept Cigna.

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Alt Lifestyle Affirmative Health Care Providers

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Supreme Court rules states can ban gender-affirming care for youth in U.S. v. Skrmetti

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The case challenged a Tennessee law banning gender-affirming care for trans youth in the state.

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LGBTQAI+ Survey Data and ACS Action Plan Slide Deck

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LGBTQAI+ Survey Data and ACS Action Plan Slide Deck

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GFP Gender 101 Worksheet - Glossary of Terms

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GFP Gender 101 Worksheet - Glossary of Terms

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Jonathan Joss: King of the Hill’s John Redcorn actor shot dead

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Jonathan Joss’s husband says it was a homophobic hate crime, but police say there’s no evidence of that.

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Remix made in 2020 to update the socially conscious classic

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Public Enemy - Fight The Power (2020 Remix) feat. Nas, Rapsody, Black Thought, Jahi, YG & QuestLove

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Foster Care's Invisible Youth (Full Episode)

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Foster Care's Invisible Youth (Full Episode)

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Characteristics of White Supremacy Culture

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Characteristics of White Supremacy Culture

# data[].attributes.body
from overcomingracism.org

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Characteristics of White Supremacy Culture

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday granted the Trump administration's request to immediately enforce its ban on transgender military service, allowing the Pentagon to begin discharging service members with a diagnosis or history of gender dysphoria and to deny enlistment to transgender Americans. The unsigned order, issued over the dissent of the court's three liberal justices, lifts a nationwide injunction and marks a major legal victory for President Trump-and a devastating blow to thousands of currently serving troops.

Keep up with the latest in LGBTQ+ news and politics. Sign up for The Advocate's email newsletter.

The ban, authorized under Executive Order 14183 and implemented by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, mandates the expulsion of all transgender service members regardless of performance or qualifications, and blocks any future enlistment. The order issued Tuesday stays a March 27 nationwide preliminary injunction in Commander Emily Shilling et al. v. United States, allowing the policy to take effect immediately while appeals continue in the Ninth Circuit and potentially at the Supreme Court.

Related: Transgender service members warn SCOTUS of 'Un-American' purge if Trump ban is reinstated

Plaintiffs include U.S. Navy Commander Emily "Hawking" Shilling, a decorated combat aviator and test pilot who has flown more than 60 missions in Iraq and Afghanistan. She became the first transgender aviator cleared for tactical jet operations and continues to serve with distinction. Her case has become a flashpoint in the broader legal battle, with civil rights groups arguing the administration's policy is rooted in political animus, not military readiness.

LGBTQ+ advocates condemned the ruling. In a joint statement, Lambda Legal and the Human Rights Campaign Foundation, which represent plaintiffs in the case, called the decision "a devastating blow to transgender servicemembers who have demonstrated their capabilities and commitment to our nation's defense." The groups argued the policy "has nothing to do with military readiness and everything to do with prejudice," adding that the ban "violates constitutional guarantees of equal protection and will ultimately be struck down."

The administration had sought an emergency stay from the Supreme Court after the Ninth Circuit denied a similar request on April 18. In their response brief last week, attorneys for the plaintiffs said the government's request was based on a "shocking proposition that transgender people do not exist," and argued the policy "fails under any level of review." The brief emphasized that the active-duty plaintiffs have over 115 years of combined military service and over 70 commendations.

Related: Decorated pilot's lawyers urge Supreme Court to uphold block on Trump's trans military ban

Advocates note that the 2025 ban goes even further than Trump's earlier policy from his first term-eliminating all exemptions for those already serving, providing no grandfathering clause, and requiring discharges within 60 days. The Biden administration reversed that earlier policy, known as the Mattis Plan, in 2021.

The Supreme Court's ruling comes amid mounting legal resistance to the ban, including separate cases in Talbott v. United States in Washington, D.C., and Ireland v. Hegseth in New Jersey, where courts have also expressed skepticism toward the administration's justification. U.S. District Judge Ana Reyes, who presides over the Talbott case, found the 2025 ban likely unconstitutional and "motivated by animus."
This story is developing.

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BREAKING: Supreme Court allows Trump administration to enforce transgender military ban

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The ruling is counter to what all lower courts have said about the issue.

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Nina Simone: Four Women (Live in Antibes, 1969)

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Whitehouse Proclamation: National Child Abuse Prevention Month, 2025

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Whitehouse Proclamation: National Child Abuse Prevention Month, 2025

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From the Proclamation

"...My Administration recognizes that the most powerful safeguard against child abuse is a stable family with loving parents, and that there is no substitute for a strong mother and father... "

"...Sadly, one of the most prevalent forms of child abuse facing our country today is the sinister threat of gender ideology..."

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National Child Abuse Prevention Month, 2025

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By the President of the United States of America A Proclamation America’s children are the foundation of our families, the heirs of our freedom, and the

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Cory Booker Reminds Democrats What Fighting Back Looks Like

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“I rise tonight because I believe, sincerely, that our country is in crisis,” Booker said in his history-making speech.

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A Voice of a New World | #Dallas Symphony Orchestra

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U.S. Marine Band forced to cancel concert with students of color after Trump DEI order

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After an executive order ending DEI initiatives, the U.S. Marine Band canceled a concert featuring young musicians of color. Veterans stepped in to mentor the aspiring musicians.

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Bowen Yang reveals Lady Gaga helped him after going to conversion therapy

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Nov 2024

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Gwynne Hogan, Rachel Holliday Smith, Rachel Kahn

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What Is a Sanctuary City and What Does That Mean for NYC Under Trump?

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Here’s a guide to the policies that together define a “sanctuary city” — and what that could mean during a potential mass deportation effort.

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Covering a number of vulnerable populations

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Everyone has basic rights under the U.S. Constitution and civil rights laws. Learn more here about what your rights are, how to exercise them, and what to do when your rights are violated.

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Know Your Rights | American Civil Liberties Union

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Everyone has basic rights under the U.S. Constitution and civil rights laws. Learn more here about what your rights are, how to exercise them, and what to do when your rights are violated.

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Requires child protective services to orally and in writing disclose certain information to parents and caretakers who are the subject of a child protective services investigation; requires such oral and written disclosure to contain certain information regarding the rights of the person under investigation.

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You don’t have authorization to view this page.

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Dr. Isha Metzger is a Licensed Clinical Psychologist, Director of The EMPOWER Lab, and Owner of Cultural Concepts Consulting, LLC.

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The largest doctors' union in the United Kingdom, the British Medical Association (BMA), voted in favor of a resolution to publicly critique the Cass Review used to crack down on gender affirming care for trans youth in the United Kingdom, calling its recommendations unsubstantiated. The organization also voted to oppose the implementation of the review's recommendations. This move comes after a court ruled that the government can ban the use of puberty blockers on an emergency basis, citing the review in its decision.

The British Medical Association (BMA) is an independent union representing 151,000 doctors in the United Kingdom. The group negotiates on behalf of all doctors in the UK and lobbies for best practices in medicine to the UK Parliament. The organization states that it "regularly represents the views of doctors and their patients in Parliament" and is also responsible for briefing other medical workers and members of parliament.

The resolution, voted on in July, is substantial. It states that gender identity services in the United Kingdom are "inadequate"-a claim well supported by extreme wait times of five years or more, which have been linked to suicides among some trans patients. It asserts that the Cass Review engaged in "unexplained study deviations" and "ambiguous eligibility criteria" while excluding evidence supporting transgender care. The resolution references a recent review published by the Integrity Project, currently hosted at Yale University, which condemns the Cass Review for its poor methodology and interpretation of research. Lastly, it establishes that the BMA will publicly critique the Cass Review, oppose its implementations, and lobby for continuity of care.

See the full resolution here:

'This meeting recognises that the provision of gender identity services in the United Kingdom is inadequate, and that transgender people should be treated with compassion and respect for their bodily autonomy. Following the publication of the Cass Review on Gender Identity Services for children and young people, this meeting is concerned about its impact on transgender healthcare provision because of its unsubstantiated recommendations driven by unexplained study protocol deviations, ambiguous eligibility criteria, and exclusion of trans-affirming evidence. Therefore, this meeting calls on the BMA to:

i. Publicly critique the Cass Review;
ii. Lobby and work with other relevant organisations and stakeholders to oppose the implementation of the recommendations made by the Cass Review;
iii. Lobby the Government and NHS in all four nations to ensure continuity in provision of transgender healthcare for patients younger than 18 years old;
iv. Lobby the Government and NHS in all four nations to ensure continuity in provision of transgender healthcare for patients aged 18 or older;
v. Publicly state support for transgender people, particularly transgender youth, and provision of prompt access to gender identity services and treatment at all ages;
vi. Condemn the increasing political transphobia which is ostracising transgender people and discriminating against them by blocking their access to healthcare'

The resolution comes after a court decision in the United Kingdom cited the Cass Review to rule that the government may ban puberty blockers via an emergency measure. In that decision, a judge stated that puberty blockers could cause "substantial, albeit unqualified" risks to young patients, using the Cass Review to justify the ban. This finding is not supported by science and has been found untrue in court hearings in the United States. For instance, in the Arkansas decision overturning a trans care ban, a judge ruled that "the adverse health effects of gender-affirming care are rare" and the risks are "comparable with many other medical treatments" routinely offered to youth.

The organization will now produce a fuller critique of the Cass Review through a "task and finish" group, which it expects to complete "towards the end of the year." This critique will pay particular attention to the methodological flaws in the review. In the meantime, the organization is expected to lobby strongly against the review's implementation in the United Kingdom. Its opposition could have international repercussions, including in the United States, where politicians have cited the Cass Review to claim that doctors now oppose transgender youth care.

"The task and finish group will make recommendations to improve the healthcare system that has, for too long, failed transgender patients. It will work with patients to ensure the evaluation invokes the old adage in medicine of 'no decision about me without me'. It is time that we truly listen to this group of important, valued, and unfortunately often victimised people and, together, build a system in which they are finally provided with the care they deserve."

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British Medical Association Calls Cass Review "Unsubstantiated," Passes Resolution Against Implementation

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The British Medical Association, the professional organization representing doctors in the United Kingdom, has called for a public critique of the review and to bar its implementation.

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President, on Wednesday, issued pardons to LGBTQ+ service members previously discharged for their sexual orientation or gender identity under discriminatory policies, including "don't ask, don't tell," marking a historic step in the protracted battle for equality within the U.S. armed forces.

Keep up with the latest in LGBTQ+ news and politics. Sign up for The Advocate's email newsletter.

"Today, I am righting a historic wrong by using my clemency authority to pardon many former service members who were convicted simply for being themselves," Biden said in a statement. "Our nation's service members stand on the frontlines of freedom and risk their lives in order to defend our country. Despite their courage and great sacrifice, thousands of LGBTQI+ service members were forced out of the military because of their sexual orientation or gender identity."

He added: "Some of these patriotic Americans were subject to court-martial, and have carried the burden of this great injustice for decades."

Biden's clemency for LGBTQ+ veterans corrects a dark era when the military prosecuted individuals under Article 125 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, which prohibited gay sex and was in place from 1951 until 2013. Officials estimate that approximately 100,000 service members have been expelled from the military because of their sexual orientation since World War II, including more than 13,000 under DADT between 1994 and 2011. The practical impact for those convicted under such discriminatory policies will allow veterans to access benefits they have long been denied.

During a detailed call with reporters on Tuesday evening, senior administration officials explained the anticipated scope of the pardon and the procedures for affected individuals to claim their rights. Administration officials said veterans impacted by this policy can apply for a certificate of pardon, which serves as proof that they meet the eligibility criteria outlined in the proclamation.

With this certificate, veterans can then petition for a change in their discharge status through the relevant military branch where they served. Successfully altering their discharge from something like "dishonorable" to "honorable" can unlock a range of veterans' previously inaccessible benefits due to their discharge status. These benefits include healthcare, pensions, and more, significantly impacting the lives of those who were unjustly discharged.

However, the issue of back pay remains complex and largely unaddressed in the immediate details provided by the officials. They did not specify commitments regarding back pay for the time veterans were unjustly separated from service, which suggests that further clarifications from the Department of Defense might be necessary.

The administration is also planning robust outreach efforts to ensure that all potentially eligible individuals know their rights under the new pardon. Officials said this includes an information campaign to disseminate details widely and collaboration with advocacy groups and veterans' organizations to reach a broad audience. Additionally, there is an emphasis on providing support through legal channels. The administration is considering ways to connect veterans with pro bono attorneys who can assist in navigating the application process for discharge upgrades and other legal matters related to the pardon.

To facilitate the application and review process, the administration is committed to making these procedures as accessible and efficient as possible. Officials said that part of that will be setting up clear guidelines on the Department of Defense website and streamlining procedures for reviewing and approving applications for discharge upgrades. Each military branch will play a critical role in this review process, and the administration has indicated that they are working to ensure these branches are adequately resourced to handle the potential influx of applications.

Separate reviews will be required in cases where individuals were convicted under other charges related to their sexual orientation or gender identity. The administration has made provisions for the Department of Justice to expedite these situations, acknowledging the complexity and variety of cases that might arise from past discriminatory practices.

This comprehensive approach not only addresses past injustices but also reinforces the ongoing commitment to ensure that all service members, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity, are respected and honored equally.

"This is about dignity, decency, and ensuring the culture of our Armed Forces reflects the values that make us an exceptional nation," Biden said.

This symbolically and substantively significant move has been met with overwhelming support from key figures and advocacy groups within the+ community.

President of the Human Rights Campaign Kelley Robinson commended the administration in a statement.

"We applaud President Biden for taking action today, and the Biden-Harris Administration's efforts to address this historic injustice that impacted thousands of LGBTQ+ people in the military for decades, with the effects still felt by many to this day. This move to rightfully restore reputations lost and gratitude owed to service members who were punished for who they loved is long overdue, and a significant step in the right direction," Robinson said.

GLAAD's president and CEO, Sarah Kate Ellis, wrote on social media, "Today's move by President Biden to pardon LGBTQ service members who were unfairly forced out of the military under the discriminatory 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' is his administration's 343rd pro-LGBTQ action. It is an important signal not only to the thousands of brave LGBTQ Americans who deserved better for defending our country but to all who understand that diversity, respect, and inclusion are American values."

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Joe Biden pardons all veterans convicted and discharged over their sexuality or gender identity

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"Today, I am righting a historic wrong by using my clemency authority to pardon many former service members who were convicted simply for being themselves," Biden said.

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On June 28th, 2020, The Reclaim Pride Coalition (RPC), a New York-based activist group which advocates for LGBTQ+ rights, will hold the Queer Liberation March for Trans and Queer Black Lives, in solidarity with the movements to defund, disarm, dismantle and abolish the NYPD, and police nationwide.

RPC is inspired by, and stands with, the historic, Black-led, young protest movement that has taken to the streets here in NYC, across the nation, and worldwide in the wake of the police and carceral state murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Tony McDade, Layleen Polanco and many others. In solidarity with Black Trans communities we mourn the violent deaths of Riah Milton, Dominique "Rem'mie" Fells, Nina Pop and countless others, and demand effective community interventions and responses to protect Black Trans lives.

As an immediate first step, RPC demands that Mayor de Blasio and the NYC City Council make significant cuts to the NYPD's 6 billion dollar budget. We are in solidarity with organizers like Mariame Kaba and other abolitionists in several US cities in calling for a fifty-percent reduction in the NYPD as well as a fifty percent reduction in police officers, with the funds going to Black led organizations and community support and services. Community organizations and leaders in communities of color have been demanding these changes for decades.

We join them in demanding a dismantling and reimagining of community safety that incorporates the tenets of Transformative Justice and Restorative Justice. We join them in resisting reformist solutions that will only further entrench the existing system that is rife with racial inequity and racist intent. Black America has already endured a lack of safe and sustainable housing, equal access to quality education, and healthcare equity; but now faces the exacerbation of all of these community stressors, due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Massive budget cuts to law enforcement are a necessary starting point that would free up funds for marginalized communities which are currently being denied funding for vital services like housing, healthcare, and education. These funds could help to mitigate the wave of homelessness that is imminent, given Governor Cuomo's refusal to cancel rent, which is already disproportionately impacting Black and Brown communities.

"Politicians of both parties have repeatedly suggested superficial reforms such as body cameras, "new" rules (like banning chokeholds), training, and diversity hires. But as we have repeatedly seen, these measures completely fail to reduce the murder and brutalization of Black people--police turn body cameras off, and ignore rules and trainings with the complete support of powerful police unions, and even having more Black and Brown officers on police forces has made little difference," said Francesca Barjon, an organizer with RPC. "It is time that we, as a society, recognize the essential nature of the police as an oppressive institution leveraged against the poor and marginalized from its earliest days of functioning as slave catchers in the South and crushing workers movements in the North to its current, heavily militarized, community occupying, and brutally violent form. This history of organized, state-sancioned oppression has long enveloped LGBTQ+ communities, especially Black and Brown transgender women. Police brutality against Black LGBTQ+ New Yorkers, particularly Black transgender women, has not improved since the 1969 Stonewall Uprising against the NYPD. It is time we stop trying to reform the police and realize that the policing system must be defunded and dismantled. It must be reimagined and redesigned to form a new system that does not oppress and violate the most vulnerable members of our society, but is instead rooted in community and justice."

While all Black people are at constant risk of police brutality and murder, we as queer and trans activisits recognize that Black Trans, Gender Non-Conforming, and Non Binary people, especially Black Trans Women, are faced with the intersection of vicious state and societal racism, transphobia, misogyny, and classism. This month marks the one year anniversary of the death of Layleen Xtravaganza Cubiletta Polanco, an Afro-Latinx Trans Woman, who was held at Rikers Island on minor charges after she was unable to post $500 for bail. Corrections officers failed to seek critically needed medical attention for her seizure condition for an hour and a half after Layleen suffered the seizure which led to her death.

"Last year Black Trans Media was at Reclaim Pride's inaugural march, where, on stage, I denounced the NYPD, as they have historically been a source of violence in our communities. As a Black Trans woman who grew up in BedStuy, Brooklyn I know first hand what police violence feels like and looks like everyday, and the terror they cause. We denounce the violence against Black LGBT people in our communities and the gentrification of the West Village, Harlem and other places that have historically been home to Black LGBT people. We march in honor of Black Trans and Queer folks who were killed in our city: Islan Nettles in Harlem; Marc Carson, shot in the village; Mx. Bostick, a Black trans masculine person in Chelsea; Yahira Nesby in Brooklyn; Layleen Polanco on Rikers Island; and Lexi Ms.Noxema, a Black trans woman killed uptown during the pandemic whose name has not been said in any local or national conversations. Shame on Mayor de Blasio, NYC Council, DHS, HASA, NYCHA , the MTA, the DOH, and the DOC for the neglect that has led to the discrimination, harm and deaths of LGBT people, especially LGBT people of color, in NYC. We demand immediate resources for Black TGNC people in NYC specifically safe and sustainable housing for black trans people. We also call for accountability from the organizations, agencies and systems that have not shown up for us - that have pushed and shut us out sometimes even using the police to silence us." - Olympia Sudan, Co-Director of Black Trans Media

As queer activists who have benefited for years from the activism and vision of such revolutionaries as Marsha P. Johnson, Sylvia Rivera, Miss Major, and countless others, we deeply feel the duty to help amplify and center the voices of the Black and Trans revolutionaries who are stepping up to provide leadership today. We know that queer and trans liberation is inextricably tied to racial justice; we march as a call to action in solidarity with Black LGBTQ+ People.

The June 28, 2020 Queer Libration March for Trans and Queer Black Live will not have a permit nor will RPC communicate with or negotiate with NYPD. RPC is in consultation with health experts and will have PPE and hand sanitizer on hand on the day of the March, as well as trained marshals who will encourage social distancing. The March will also be livestreamed for those unable, for health or other reasons, to attend.

Website: www.reclaimpridenyc.org Facebook: @QueerMarch Twitter: @QueerMarch Instagram: @QueerMarch

Reclaim Pride Coalition (RPC) is a New York City-based group comprised of LGBTQ+ activists in alliance with dozens of grassroots community groups, nationally and internationally. In June 2019, to mark the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall uprising, RPC mobilized more than 45,000 people to recreate the original 1970 Gay Pride march route uptown from Stonewall to Central Park. This March, the Queer Liberation March, was a people's protest march without corporate funding, corporate floats, or a police contingent.

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On June 28th, 2020, The Reclaim Pride Coalition (RPC), a New York-based activist group which advocates for LGBTQ+ rights, will hold the Queer Liberation March for Trans and Queer Black Lives, in solidarity with the movements to defund, disarm, dismantle and abolish the NYPD, and police nationwide.

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Facilitated by Elizabeth Padilla and Patricia Bryant-Reid.

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Facilitated by Nashavya Josiah & Amanda Tam.

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Facilitated by Karina Breton-Burgos.

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Facilitated by the Village. See Patricia for link.

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Staff with Personal Child Welfare Experience (not as a worker)

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Staff with Personal Child Welfare Experience (not as a worker)

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Facilitated by Annie Koontz and Katie Welling.

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Christian Cooper turns “Central Park Karen” incident into Emmy win.

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Cooper was birdwatching in Central Park in 2020 when a white woman falsely accused him of threatening her. His book chronicles life as a Black birder, gay activist and Marvel comics writer and editor.

TERRY GROSS, HOST:

This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. Remember the news story from 2020 about a birdwatcher in Central Park who told a woman she needed to leash her dog because she was in a part of the park designed to attract wildlife and an unleashed dog was a threat to the wildlife? She refused. He started videotaping the incident on his phone. The woman, who was white, called the police falsely claiming that an African American man was threatening her and her dog.

The man, Christian Cooper, has written a new memoir and is my guest. One chapter is devoted to the Central Park incident. The rest of the book is about growing up as an outsider and how he turned that to his advantage. Growing up in the '70s, he was a young Black birdwatcher in a world of white birdwatchers, a closeted gay boy and a Marvel comic book nerd before that was considered cool. While at Harvard, he came out and then became a gay activist. He was one of the first openly gay writers and editors at Marvel and created what he thinks was Marvel's first lesbian character and was in on the creation of Marvel's first openly gay male character.

Now Cooper hosts a new show for the National Geographic Channel called "Extraordinary Birder," and he serves on the board of New York City Audubon. His new memoir is called "Better Living Through Birding: Notes From A Black Man In The Natural World." As you can guess from the title, the book is also filled with his stories about birdwatching. Christian Cooper, welcome to FRESH AIR.

CHRISTIAN COOPER: Thanks for having me.

GROSS: The first chapter of your new book is titled "An Incident In Central Park." And I thought, yes, I know about that incident. And you write, I am - you're describing what's happening at the moment. You said I am a Black man running through New York's Central Park. And you describe how your heart is pounding, and you say, I know what this looks like.

And I'm thinking, I don't remember the part about you running in the Central Park incident, but then you explain you're really running because you got an alert on your phone about a rare bird sighting in the park and you don't want to miss it. So when you say, I know what this looks like, what did you think it looked like as you were running through Central Park to get a sight of this rare bird?

COOPER: A sloppy-looking Black man racing through the park. Because honestly, at that point in the migration I am a visual mess.

GROSS: (Laughter).

COOPER: My hair is likely uncut. I am almost certainly unshaven for several days. My clothes are from the bottom of the closet, something that I would never otherwise wear except that I haven't done laundry in three weeks. So I'm a mess, and it looks awful, and my shoes are, like - I deliberately wear the worst shoes I can get away with because I'm stomping around the park for hours, and if they get wet or muddy or whatever, I don't want to ruin good shoes. So I look awful.

GROSS: All right. So let's talk about the Central Park incident that you were involved in. It was Memorial Day 2020. The park was quiet because it was, like, the COVID era. Few people were birding during that period, apparently. And, you know, New York was a real COVID hotspot. There wasn't a vaccine. There wasn't treatment. And so I think you were masking outside as well as inside at the time. So you were in the part of Central Park known as the Ramble. What makes this part of the park special and different?

COOPER: The Ramble is designed to make you feel like you are in the Catskills in a wooded area that you would normally find maybe about two hours north of the city. But here you are smack in the middle of Manhattan and because of the dense forest, because of the extensive undergrowth, because the paths were deliberately laid out to be windy and twisty so that you don't have necessarily direct sight lines everywhere - which is why it's called the Ramble. So that's what makes the Ramble special.

And because it has these plantings and lots of waterways go through it, it is particularly attractive to birds because they can find cover, they can find food, they can bathe in the streams and drink from the streams. So it's really a haven for wildlife. And there are also raccoons that live in there. Lately, there's been a coyote hanging out in there. It is designed to replicate a wild space, and it's got all kinds of wild creatures living in there. So we birders adore it.

GROSS: But dogs have to be leashed there because of all the wildlife, because the dogs can attack the wildlife.

COOPER: The wildlife, the plantings - it's a sensitive area. I don't know if you've ever seen a dog run, but nothing grows there. And that's because, you know, the constant foot traffic from dogs tears up the turf. You know, and you can't blame dogs for that. Dogs are just being dogs. But in a city like New York, where there are so many people concentrated in one area and their pets concentrated in one area, it means that there's a concentration of dogs going through that, if they were off the leash, the habitat wouldn't stand a chance. And then on top of that, the wildlife wouldn't stand a chance.

GROSS: OK. So on that famous Memorial Day of 2020 - I should say infamous - first you saw a dog unleashed. Then you saw the woman who turned out to be Amy Cooper, no relation to you. So you told Amy Cooper, the woman, I should say, the white woman, whose dog was unleashed, and you told her the dog needs to be leashed. And you pointed to a sign saying that the dog needs to be leashed. Just to refresh everybody's memory, described the dialogue that you had with her.

COOPER: Sure. Basically, you know, heard it first.

GROSS: OK. OK.

COOPER: That was the first thing. Yeah, the sound came first. Knew there was an unleashed dog in the Ramble, saw it tearing through the very area I was hoping to find a particular bird, and then saw the owner walking along a path that intersected the path I was approaching on. So - and I knew there was a sign right where the two paths intersected. So I just waited where I was, which was about 20 feet away from the intersection, and waited for her to - until she was right by the sign, because it always helps to have the sign right there.

And I said, you know, excuse me, ma'am, but dogs in the Ramble have to be on the leash at all times, you know, in a voice that was loud enough to carry the distance between us. And she said, you know, oh, well, the dog runs are all closed, and he needs his exercise. And I said, I get that. But all you have to do is take your dog about 100 feet that way - and I gestured down the path in another direction - and I'm like, and you're outside the Ramble and you can let your dog run off the leash to your heart's content until 9 a.m. And she was like, that's too dangerous. Which makes absolutely no sense if you know anything about the Ramble.

So the bottom line was that she was just not having it. And she, you know, was going to do what she wanted to do, and that was that. So at that point, I was like, well, look. If you're going to do what you want to do, I'm going to do what I want to do, but you're not going to like it. And she looked at me and said, well, what's that? And so I called her dog.

And she said very confidently, he won't come to you. Well, I've been birding the park for 35 years, so I have been dealing with this problem for a long time. And so I carry dog treats because it's a great way to coax dogs out of sensitive areas. So I started to pull out the dog treats. That's all she had to see. And she zoomed from unconcerned to frantic in .5 seconds.

And that's where things started to spiral downward. She got nervous, grabbed her dog by the collar, and started hoisting it around by the collar, which made no sense. The logical response if you don't want your dog to eat treats is to put it on the leash. But I don't think she was thinking logically at that point.

GROSS: Then she started threatening to call the police. And you kept saying, yeah, please go ahead. Why did you say, please go ahead?

COOPER: Actually, there's an interesting moment before that, which is that because she had picked up the dog by the collar and was hauling it around by the collar, which was hurting the dog, which was not the idea here, instead of putting it on the leash, I was like, all right, well, that's not working. So I put away the dog treats, which I hadn't even tossed at that point. And I grabbed my cellphone, and I'm like, all right. Instead, I'm going to photograph her scofflaw behavior with my cellphone until that dog is on the leash.

And I started recording, and that's what set her off. She did not want to be recorded. It infuriated her for some reason. And so, I mean, you know, I imagine nobody wants to be recorded against their will, but I don't know if it was necessarily, again, a rational response. And that's the point at which she said, if you don't stop recording me, I'm going to call the police and tell them there's an African American man threatening my life.

GROSS: So before we get to the African American part of that, why did you start videotaping her? What were you going to do with the videotape?

COOPER: A lot of us birders, because the problem was so out of control, particularly that year - it was the worst I had ever seen it - we started recording with our iPhones because we figured, look. We've got to present this evidence to the Central Park Conservancy, to the Parks Department, to try to get some enforcement to show them how bad the problem has become. So that's what some of us had started doing. And it also creates a big incentive for the scofflaw dog owner to actually obey the rules 'cause most of them don't like to be video recorded while they're breaking the park regulations.

GROSS: And then she actually called the police and said, there is an African American man threatening me and my dog. So once she started using the word African American man, how did that change the situation in your mind?

COOPER: Well, it injected race into the situation for the first time. Up until then, it had been the second-oldest story in the Ramble, which is dog owner versus birdwatcher. But now, suddenly, it had a racial dimension because it took us to a place where a white woman is saying, a Black man is putting my life in danger. And that has led to so many dark places in our nation's history, you know, most famously, Emmett Till, the lynchings in the South, so many instances of a white woman making a damsel-in-distress call and the full weight of the authorities coming down on, sometimes, entire Black communities as a result.

So that gave me serious pause 'cause I'm not an idiot. I've spent my whole life living as a Black man in the United States, and I know what it can mean if a white woman accuses you of something like that. So her attempt at intimidation almost worked. Part of me was like, oh, shoot, if I stop recording, maybe this'll all go away. And that was the intent on her part. And that's when, I don't know, something inside me said, oh, hell no. I am not going to be complicit in my own dehumanization.

GROSS: So she did call the police. And she also leashed her dog. And then what happened?

COOPER: Well, that's it, is that - you know, calling the police was immaterial to me. You know, she had to do what she was going to do. And there was - you know, I was not going to cooperate with her by stopping recording or whatever. I was going to stick to what my plan was, which was to record until the dog was on the leash. And the second she put that dog on the leash, I said thank you and stopped recording 'cause I was done with her. She did not get to further disrupt my morning, and I went back to birding.

GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is Christian Cooper, and his new book is called "Better Living Through Birding: Notes From A Black Man In The Natural World." We'll be right back. This is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF BOMBINO'S "TEBSAKH DALET (A GREEN ACACIA)"

GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. Let's get back to my interview with Christian Cooper, a birdwatcher, host of the new National Geographic show "Extraordinary Birder." He's a former Marvel Comics writer who helped introduce the first gay character and wrote the first lesbian character. His new memoir, "Better Living Through Birding," is about birdwatching, being closeted, then coming out when he was at Harvard and being obsessed with Marvel Comics and then writing for Marvel. You probably know him from the 2020 incident in Central Park when he was birdwatching and asked a white woman to leash her dog, which was mandatory in that part of the park. She called the police and said an African American man is threatening her and her dog. And his video of the incident went viral.

The Manhattan DA wanted to press charges, which he did. It was Cyrus Vance Jr., who's also investigated Donald Trump. But anyhow, so he wanted to press charges. You declined to participate in that. Why? He was going to press - he pressed charges for, you know, like, falsely accusing you.

COOPER: Right. That was a very hard call for me because I got the principle involved and how important it was. But, on the other hand, you know, her life was in ruins. It was a shambles. If that has not served as a comment on what she did, if that does not serve as a deterrent to other people who might try and do the same thing, I don't know what will.

GROSS: Yeah. She lost her job. Her dog was taken away from her.

COOPER: Right. She was sort of, like, this national pariah. Her past indiscretions were splashed on all the front pages. It was just, you know - and then there were people who were, you know, sending death threats to her, which is, like - makes absolutely no sense. If you think that what she did put my life in danger, to then make death threats against her - that makes no sense at all.

So, you know, there was a lot going on. And I just thought, you know what? It's not proportional to what happened to me, 'cause a lot of people, you know, think, oh, what happened to you was terrible. And, you know, it was bad. But, you know, I ultimately was not thrown to the ground by the cops. I never even had to deal with the cops. I was never arrested. I was not shot dead on the spot. None of that happened. What upsets people is that it might have happened, and I get that. But none of that happened, and as a result, you know, my sense of justice, of proportionality kind of made me very hesitant to participate. Plus, on top of that, it was an election cycle. This was a very high-profile case. And I just had the feeling that it was too much a political motivation and not enough of a justice motivation.

GROSS: So...

COOPER: There were a lot of things involved. It was a very hard call. It was really right on the line for me, and ultimately, I was just like, I have to err on the side of mercy, forgiveness - I don't - whatever you want to call it. But that's what I did.

GROSS: So a twist in this story is, you know, when she called the police and said, an African American man is threatening me, you thought of Philando Castile and how he was shot by the police. The same day that this happened to you - later that day, George Floyd was killed by the police, and that set off, like, a whole movement. So what was your reaction when you found out about George Floyd?

COOPER: A sinking feeling that - here we go again. Because I'm old enough that I lived through Amadou Diallo, who was an African immigrant here in New York City who ended up shot dead as he sat on his own doorstep, doing nothing much at all, and guilty of no crime but shot dead by plainclothes police officers in a hail of bullets in the Bronx.

And I've lived through Patrick Dorismond, who was a Black man, a bouncer, and some undercover cops went up to him to try to see if he would sell them drugs. And he got incensed, outraged that they would approach him to try to get him to sell them drugs. And they ended up shooting him dead. And then Mayor Rudy Giuliani tried to paper over the death of this innocent guy by saying, oh, he was no altar boy. Well, actually, he had been an altar boy and, in fact, an altar boy in the very church that Giuliani had once attended.

So, you know, these things keep happening. The bias that infects our society, the bias that was on display that morning in Central Park and my encounter with Miss Cooper - it filters into policing, and then we end up dead time and time again.

GROSS: You think that, among other things, the Central Park incident helped bring more Black people into birding, because here you were, you know, a passionate African American birder. Why do you think birding had been such an almost exclusively white passion in the U.S.?

COOPER: That's a good question. I think there's a couple of reasons. One is that there is sort of a barrier to entry in that binoculars are a key component of the hobby. It doesn't mean that you can't bird without binoculars, but it's harder without binoculars. And binoculars can be a very pricey piece of equipment.

I will add that I have never bought a pair of binoculars in my life. Every pair of binoculars I've ever had have been hand-me-downs or a gift because they can be super-expensive. So I think that's a barrier to a lot of people.

Also, if you think about, you know, the socioeconomic structure of the United States - you know, because of a lot of legacy reasons, a lot of built-in structural reasons, Black people have a hard time clawing our way up the economic ladder. And if you're struggling, worrying about where the next meal is going to come from or how you're going to make the rent, it doesn't leave a lot of room to do a pastoral pastime like birding if you're working two jobs.

If you are trying to figure out how you're going to make the rent on - to keep a roof over your head, you're not going to have the second home in the country where you can develop an appreciation of nature. You're not going to be sending your kids, necessarily, to summer camp someplace in the Catskills, where they're going to develop a love of nature.

So I think a lot of those mean that Black people have not been involved in birding as much as we should because the birds belong to no one. And they for - they are for everyone to enjoy. And it is an incredibly healing thing to be out there in whatever habitat the birds are in, to connect with the wild and to just see these feathered wonders going about their business of life.

GROSS: Let's take another short break here, and there's plenty more to talk about. If you're just joining us, my guest is Christian Cooper. His new memoir is called "Better Living Through Birding: Notes From A Black Man In The Natural World." We'll be right back. I'm Terry Gross, and this is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF CHARLIE PARKER QUARTET'S "LAIRD BAIRD")

GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. Let's get back to my interview with Christian Cooper. His new memoir, called "Better Living Through Birding: Notes From A Black Man In The Natural World," is about growing up as a birdwatcher, as a closeted gay boy and a Marvel comics nerd - and then as an adult, writing for Marvel Comics, becoming a gay activist and now hosting a National Geographic show called "Extraordinary Birder." But a lot of people know him as the birdwatcher who asked a white woman in Central Park to follow the rules and leash her dog. And instead, she called the police and said an African American man is threatening me and my dog. He made a video of that. It was posted on Twitter and went viral.

So let's talk about your youth. What was it like for you being Black, a birder, a closeted gay boy and a comic book nerd? And this was - you were deep into Marvel comics. And this was way before Marvel was famous for its Marvel universe movie franchise. So Marvel was actually kind of having financial problems at the time, right? It wasn't that cool to be so deep into Marvel comics.

COOPER: I don't know if Marvel was having financial problems at that time, but they had not discovered the formula to fame and fortune that they have discovered now. So if you're asking me what that was like, having that pile-up of...

GROSS: Yes, exactly.

COOPER: ...Nerdy things all at once...

GROSS: How much on the outside did you feel?

COOPER: I was doomed.

(LAUGHTER)

COOPER: I mean, you know...

GROSS: That's concise (laughter).

COOPER: But you know what? What I like to remember is that I embraced it. It was who I was. And I was like - you know what? - I've got to go with this because it's what I love. It's what I enjoy. And that would be my advice to every person, every young person out there, is embrace whatever weirdness is yours, and go with it, because you will find a way to a wonderful life if you do in the future.

GROSS: One thing that happened when you were going through puberty is that you realized you were finding some of the superheroes very arousing. And let's face it, I mean, they're usually muscular. They're sometimes dressed in tights or (laughter) very revealing costumes.

COOPER: Well, and quite honestly, for me, it didn't even wait until puberty (laughter) for that realization.

GROSS: Right, OK. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. What did that say to you? And what was your reaction to realizing that you found the male superheroes, you know, sexually attractive?

COOPER: That I needed to keep it under lock and key because it was the '70s, and it was Long Island. And being gay was not a thing, at least not a thing if you wanted to live. So you know, there was no Ellen. There was no Anderson Cooper. None of that had happened yet. Stonewall had barely happened at that point. So I just had to keep it all locked up inside. And that was very difficult - very, very difficult.

GROSS: You write in your book that you felt as if you were locked inside a coffin under six feet of earth.

COOPER: Yeah.

GROSS: What did you do to try to cover up your actual feelings and appear as straight as possible?

COOPER: It was more a matter of I couldn't let anything slip. And don't laugh at me but again, I'm a nerd. And for me, my idol, probably largely because of that reason - the fact that I had to keep my gayness under lock and key - was Mr. Spock from "Star Trek" because he was intellectual, he was smart and he had that troublesome human half because he was half-human, half-Vulcan. And Vulcans are supposed to be completely rational and keep their emotions under complete lock and key.

And, God, if there was one thing I had to do, was keep my emotions under lock and key because if my emotions got out, I might betray myself, might betray the fact that I'm actually interested in this person romantically or that I'm gay in some other way. And so I had to have strict emotional control. So that was sort of the approach I took to things back then. It was, you know, outwardly, you know, affable, genial - inside feeling like I was buried alive, but keeping that that dichotomy under careful control.

GROSS: You write about how some African Americans who aren't LGBTQ dismiss the gay experience as being terribly oppressive because, unlike Black people, gays can blend in at will. They don't have...

COOPER: Yeah, that's a curse, not a blessing.

GROSS: Yeah.

COOPER: That is a curse.

GROSS: Can you talk about that and what your response to that is?

COOPER: Well, no, exactly that, which is that the fact that many - not all, but many - gay people can, you know, blend and pass and disappear into the norm so that we can get by is a horrible fate. It means something essential about yourself must be neutralized and hidden at all times and at all costs.

It drives me crazy when Black people dismiss the queer experience in that regard because we Black people should know there is a point where that experience intersects with the Black experience, and that's what - the experience of light-skinned Black people who were passing, who hid everything about their Blackness, disowned family members and everything that might reveal that they had African American heritage so that they could get by in society. That's a horrible way to have to live, and we know that. And so the fact that we should, you know, think that, oh, it's easier for gay people because they can do that - no, that's not easy. That's horrible.

GROSS: Let me reintroduce you again. If you're just joining us, my guest is Christian Cooper. And his new book is called "Better Living Through Birding: Notes From A Black Man In The Natural World." We'll be right back. This is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF GOLDENBOY SONG, "KITTENS OF LUST")

GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. Let's get back to my interview with Christian Cooper. His new memoir, "Better Living Through Birding," is about birdwatching, being closeted, then coming out when he was at Harvard, and being obsessed with Marvel comics and then writing for Marvel. You probably know him from the 2020 incident in Central Park when he was birdwatching and asked a white woman to leash her dog, which was mandatory in that part of the park. She called the police and said an African American man is threatening her and her dog. The video of that incident went viral.

You love Marvel comics. You were a Marvel Comic nerd growing up. And then you actually got to work at Marvel. What did Marvel mean in the culture at the time? Like, when did you first start working for Marvel? And you moved up in the ranks over the years.

COOPER: Yeah, I started working at Marvel in 1990. So I had just gone through reading Marvel comics for my whole life, but particularly intensely during my college years. Believe it or not, that's when - probably when my Marvel reading peaked before I actually started working there. And there had been some amazing storytelling in that era, principally in a comic book called X-Men, which really resonates, I think, for a lot of gay people because the X-Men are mutants. They look like everybody else, but they're born a little bit different. And that difference doesn't manifest until adolescence. And then, you know, it's sort of like, oh, what do I do with this new me that I have? And, boy, does that resonate with gay people. So I was a big X-Men fan.

GROSS: So one of the comics that you worked on was called "Alpha Flight." And you participated in the episode in which a Marvel superhero came out for the first time. Would you describe the character?

COOPER: Sure. We say issue in comics, not episode. But that's OK.

GROSS: Right. Of course (laughter).

COOPER: And the character is a speedster, so sort of like the Flash, who is probably a much more familiar character if you know anything about comics. In fact, there's a movie about the Flash that's about to come out. So the character is called Northstar. He is a mutant, so he was born with these powers that manifested at adolescence. And he can run super-fast. And I remember when I was reading "Alpha Flight" back in my college days. And I read one or two issues because it was a brand-new comic. And I was like, hm, Northstar is gay, because the seeds had been planted even way back then. So fast-forward many years and now I'm working at Marvel. And I happen to be working on "Alpha Flight." And we hire a new writer. And I say we - I was the assistant editor, which means head Xeroxer.

(LAUGHTER)

COOPER: But my boss had hired a new writer. And he, in his proposal for where he wanted to take the comic book, he was like, yeah, and I think we should bring Northstar out of the closet. And, you know, my boss, Bobbie Chase, has a gay brother. And, you know, she's a modern woman. She was like, yeah, that makes sense. And me, being gay myself, I'm like, yeah, that makes sense. And so we did it.

GROSS: So what was Marvel's reaction to the gay character, the character coming out of the closet?

COOPER: Oh, (laughter) it caused a bit of a stir because you have to understand - I don't know if Marvel is still structured this way but back then, each editorial office was its own little fiefdom with control over a particular stable of characters and a particular bunch of comic book series. So you know, Bobbie had become head of "Alpha Flight," of that comic book series. And within her office, she could pretty much do what she wanted with her characters and with her titles. So she decided she was going to do this with Northstar in conjunction with the writer. And then they went ahead and did it.

The higher-ups, when they found out about it (laughter), oh, blew a gasket or two. It was not a pretty sight. But it was too late. It had already gone to print. And, mind you, what's so hysterical about this, particularly in retrospect, is that it's not like anybody, like, takes their clothes off or has a kiss or gets it on. The only thing that happens in the issue is that in between punches, one of the things that Northstar says is, I am gay. That's it. And that just, you know, made the sky fall.

GROSS: That is really offensive.

(LAUGHTER)

COOPER: Yeah.

GROSS: So - OK, so here you are, a gay comic book writer sitting with execs from Marvel being told you cannot have gay characters, which is basically erasing you as a legitimate person (laughter).

COOPER: Yeah.

GROSS: So what was the experience like on your end?

COOPER: I was very glad to be in that room because they had to say it to my face. They had to say it to the face of an openly gay person who they worked with every day. And that was important. It didn't change the outcome. (Laughter) It was a really silly outcome because the issue made so much money for them in which Northstar came out, that issue of "Alpha Flight," that they scratched their heads and they said, oh, let's give Alpha - let's give Northstar his own limited series comic book to capitalize on this and make a lot of money. Oh, but nothing gay in there (laughter).

So of course, they come out with this. I think it was a four- or six-issue limited series. And of course, it flopped because it was ridiculous. Everyone - you know, they wouldn't touch the gay thing at all. And it's like, well, duh. So yeah, that was kind of bad. And it made things awkward for me and how I felt about Marvel because I loved Marvel. It was my dream job. And suddenly, I was at odds with Marvel for the first time. And, you know, that didn't last very long because I was just like, well - you know what? - I'll just have to be a little bit more under-the-table about what I do. And I was, and I did it.

GROSS: In one of the stories that you ended up writing, you know, one of the comic books that you were the writer on, you introduced what you think was the first lesbian character at Marvel. And this was for a horror comic that you were writing called "Darkhold: Pages From The Book Of Sins." So how were you able to do that? And how lesbian were you allowed to make her?

COOPER: (Laughter) Well, Bobbie was the editor of that comic, so Bobbie was not tying my hands. But there was the edict from on high. So I had to be a little bit subtle, but really not all that. I mean, when you meet her in the beginning, she's having lunch with her roommate, who's another woman. It's clear that they're quite intimate with each other. And then when the bomb goes off that cripples her roommate - hey; it's comic books. Things like this happen.

GROSS: (Laughter).

COOPER: You know, she is clearly devoted to this person way beyond just friendship. And then, of course, there's the scene where a young, tough character finds out that she's lesbian because she's not turned on to him. And he goes, wait. You mean you're a duh (ph) - and she grabs him by the collar, and he says, yikes. So that was my way of sort of, you know, getting it in there.

GROSS: What was the reaction to that at Marvel?

COOPER: Eh, nobody batted an eyelash, you know? I - the...

GROSS: Was this years later, after...

COOPER: It's a little bit later. You know, the thing was that Marvel was a very accepting, open place. I mean, we were all weirdos in some way or other, and we all loved each other in some way or other. So, you know, nobody really cared that much. It was just the high, high muckety mucks who, you know, for what they thought was financial necessity, had laid down this edict. So, you know, I don't remember there being any sort of reaction at all to that happening. And now Vicki Montesi - that's the name of the character, the lesbian character - is out and proud in the comics.

GROSS: You developed your own digital comic called "Queer Nation: The Online Gay Comic." What did you do with the freedom that you had?

COOPER: Oh, I had so much fun doing that. In fact, every once in a while, I consider bringing it back 'cause we never got to finish the story, and it's a good story. But I was basically able to throw off the shackles, you know? Where X-Men can be read as a coded reference to the queer experience, I was like, ain't no codes in this. It's right there in front of you. So the basic premise of the comic is that a comet passes too close to the Earth. And in the tail of this comet is fairy dust that falls to the Earth, and it contains lambda rays that trigger the hypothalamus part of the brain in gay people across the planet. And all the gay people start developing superpowers - and what happens as a result. So it was very tongue-in-cheek, very over-the-top, and really a lot of fun. But it had some important points. Like, a right-wing president gets elected named President Pat who drags the country in all the wrong directions. And, as we know, that could never happen in real life.

GROSS: Absolutely - so true. So something that ties together very nicely some of the aspects of your personal story is that after the incident in Central Park, where a white woman called the police and said, a Black man is threatening me and my dog, after you told her to leash her dog and started making a video - so after that, DC Comics - and I'll remind everybody you wrote for Marvel Comics and were a total comic nerd when you were a kid - DC Comics did an issue based on the Central Park incident. What was that like for you? It's like tying together two different aspects of your life in what, I would imagine, is a very meaningful way.

COOPER: It was a real privilege. It was actually Bobbie Chase, my old boss at Marvel, who was now working at DC, or, at that time, she was working at DC and Marie Javins, another old Marvel alum and dear friend of mine who was - who is now the head of DC Comics, and they approached me about writing a comic, which - I hadn't written a comic in years at that point. And I was really nervous that the old comic-writing muscles had atrophied. But it was a joy to bring that story to life on the page once we figured out what it was going to be 'cause they had a title. And once they told me the title, it just fell into place for me what I wanted to do, a story that was magical-realist to bring the points home. So that was a joy to do.

GROSS: You should say the title 'cause the title's great.

COOPER: Oh, yeah. The title is "It's A Bird," which, if you know anything about the Superman legend, of course, it's a reference to Superman. Look up in the sky. It's a bird. It's a plane. It's Superman. So they took that phrase, it's a bird. And once they told me, well, we want to call it, it's - because we had talked about it. And I'm like, Bobbie, Marie, I don't think I can do a superhero thing around this story. I don't know how that would ever work. And they said, well, we have a title, "It's A Bird." And as soon as they said it to me, I knew exactly what I wanted to do, and it just fell into place. So...

GROSS: Yeah. Did you end up having a lot of birds in the issue?

COOPER: Birds all over the place.

GROSS: Good.

COOPER: It's about a birder who starts - who gets a special pair of binoculars. And through those binoculars, he starts seeing things. And what he - I won't give away what he sees, but through these things he sees, he starts to develop a consciousness that - by the end, there is no good resolution to the story. But there is a moment of grace for all those people who we've lost to unjust violence, to unjust societal criminal justice violence, police violence. And I was very happy to be able to do that. Plus, it was drawn beautifully by Alitha Martinez, the artist. And so it's just something I'm very proud of. And you're absolutely right. It brought together a whole bunch of threads of my life into one beautiful, little summary.

GROSS: My guest is Christian Cooper. His new memoir is called "Better Living Through Birding." We'll be right back. This is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF MAURICE RAVEL'S "JEUX D'EAU")

GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. Let's get back to my interview with Christian Cooper, author of the new memoir "Better Living Through Birding: Notes From A Black Man In The Natural World."

I think we should end with a couple of birding tips. And here's one I particularly like, and this has to do with binoculars. You write, first, find the bird with your naked eye. Then, keeping your eyes on the bird, bring the binocular to your eyes, not the other way around. That's, I guess, in some ways really obvious. I never would have thought of it.

COOPER: It's the key technique to master because once you master that, suddenly you're locking on to birds that slipped out of your grasp before. And Elliot Kutner, my birding mentor from when I was a child, taught me that. And once I learned that, the birds just came.

GROSS: You write, the best way to learn bird songs isn't by listening to recordings. With that method, they all start to blend together. So what is the best method? And do you sing bird songs? Do you know them well enough to sing them? And if so, can you replicate a couple of bird songs for us?

COOPER: Oh, you had to go there; didn't you?

GROSS: I did. Yes, I did.

COOPER: OK. So, yes, the way I've learned all my bird songs over the years is whenever I hear something I don't recognize, I spend the time to track it down until I see that bird with its mouth moving and its tail bobbing because that's the only way to be sure you're actually looking at the right bird that's making the sound because otherwise you could be faked out. And when you do that, you know, you spend so much time hearing that sound over and over again, and you're - it cements into your brain. And now you associate that sound with an experience. So you're much more likely to remember it. Some bird songs...

GROSS: And now the bird song part.

COOPER: OK, let's see if I can whistle right now. Hooded warbler is a good one to do because it's easy for humans to do. (Imitating hooded warbler). That's a hooded warbler. A friend of mine has come up with a mnemonic for my favorite bird. In fact, it's a bird in the frontispiece of the book called a Blackburnian warbler, which has a dayglo orange throat. And it's got an incredibly high-pitched song. But - and the last note sounds like the bird is being strangled. So the mnemonic is, come on. Come on. Come and see me. Kyu Lee is responsible for that. But it's a good one. There's a bird called the Canada warbler that I use the gay mnemonic for. It's very variable, but it's a short note and then an explosive jumble of notes after that, which I summarize as, chicks - I don't think that's really for me.

GROSS: (Laughter).

COOPER: Yeah, there's a whole bunch. You could go on for days. And people come up with their own. You know, whatever helps you remember, go for it.

GROSS: Oh, thank you for that. My final question to you is - you're now hosting the National Geographic TV series "Extraordinary Birder." Does that mean that you get to go to places with a camera crew, with a whole team that you wouldn't feel safe going to birding as a Black man alone?

COOPER: Absolutely. I mean, the most important episode to me is when we go to Alabama. And I was like, go to Alabama to go birding - not going to happen. Now, I had gone a year before at the invitation of Alabama Audubon, and that experience was so important and moving that I insisted that one of the episodes, we need to - we needed to replicate that experience. So, you know, going to Alabama in the arms of Alabama Audubon or in the arms of the film crew - you know, it makes it possible for me to go places where I would not otherwise go.

And the reason why Alabama is so important is because we're in Selma. We're walking across the Edmund Pettus Bridge. My family - it turns out we're all northern people, northerners for a couple of generations. But like all African Americans, we have our roots in the South eventually. My dad's family came from Alabama. So all of this history and birds and civil rights history is colliding. And I hope we did that episode justice because I think that's going to be the most interesting and moving episode of the series.

GROSS: Well, congratulations on the series. I think it's great that you have it. And congratulations on your memoir. It's just been, like, really a pleasure to talk with you. Thank you so much.

COOPER: Well, thank you so much, Terry.

GROSS: Christian Cooper's new memoir is called "Better Living Through Birding: Notes From A Black Man In The Natural World." Tomorrow on FRESH AIR, we'll talk about how the American Catholic Church, for about a century, relied on the profits from enslaving and selling Black people to fund the building of schools and churches, support its clergy and keep expanding. My guest will be Rachel Swarns, author of a new book about the Catholic Church's involvement in slavery and the families it enslaved. I hope you'll join us.

(SOUNDBITE OF JOHN COLTRANE'S "ALABAMA")

GROSS: To keep up with what's on the show and get highlights of our interviews, follow us on Instagram at @NPRFreshAir. FRESH AIR's executive producer is Danny Miller. Our technical director and engineer is Audrey Bentham. Our senior producer today is Therese Madden. Our interviews and reviews are produced and edited by Amy Salit, Phyllis Myers, Roberta Shorrock, Sam Briger, Lauren Krenzel, Heidi Saman, Ann Marie Baldonado, Seth Kelley and Susan Nyakundi. Our digital media producer is Molly Seavy-Nesper. Thea Chaloner directed today's show. FRESH AIR'S co-host is Tonya Mosley. I'm Terry Gross.

(SOUNDBITE OF JOHN COLTRANE'S "ALABAMA")

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Central Park birder Christian Cooper on being 'a Black man in the natural world'

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Cooper was birdwatching in Central Park in 2020 when a white woman falsely accused him of threatening her. His book chronicles life as a Black birder, gay activist and Marvel comics writer and editor.

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Referenced in the book Braiding Sweetgrass by author, ethnobotanist, and biologist Robin Wall Kimmerer, the Haudenosaunee (known as the Iroquois Confederacy in French or as Six Nations in English) begin every gathering by offering greetings and thanks to all the elements of life that sustain us. This ritual brings everyone into the space with a good mind, ready to listen and learn.

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David Archuleta - Hell Together (Official Lyric Video)

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David Archuleta - Hell Together (Official Lyric Video)

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Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha

I am not the first or last person to say this , but: Everyone in Palestine is disabled right now.

Or disabled as in 360,000 cases of infectious disease from almost no water or sanitation . That's one in every six Palestinians in Gaza, and likely an undercount. The 1.9 million people displaced during the winter, left to face the rain and cold in tents, face s oaring infectious disease that could kill more people than the bombing.

Or disabled as in a as of this writing- the worst hunger crisis on the globe. Starvation kills- disabled people, sick people, children and elders first. Starvation also created starvation impacting all of the Palestinian population c reates disability through creating long terms effects of high rates of heart attack, stroke and heart disease , as well as suicidal ideation.

Disabled because of and in a country where only 9 out of 36 hospitals as of this writing are partially functioning and " at least 337 medics and 45 rescue workers targeted & killed, including Fadi Al-Ma'ni, assassinated this past week alongside three other members of the Palestine Red Crescent Society in an israeli drone strike on their ambulance."

Like Bisan, who I am listening to right now saying "This is a war on women, on people with disabilities, on children" as the IOF (Israel Occupation Forces) attacks the last functioning hospital in Gaza and she does not know if she will live through it.

I write this on the 100th day of the Israeli war on Palestine. 100 days of genocide. Of starvation. Of destruction of hospitals, places of worship, homes, schools, graveyards. Of 31,000 Palestinians murdered. One out of every 100 Palestinians in Gaza are dead.

The cognitive dissonance, willful ignorance, pinkwashing, and racism is just fucking wild. Please look up a thing or two or keep our name out of your mouths.

Disability justice was founded by a bunch of revolutionary disabled people, mostly BIPOC, who had been involved in radical movements against imperialism and racism for all their lives. We created disability justice out of our lived disabled experiences with war, occupation and genocide.

A free Palestine is a disability justice issue. Disability justice will not win without a free Palestine. Where disabled people live in a land that is at peace. Where we get to just be.

*****

The IOF has targeted disabled places in this war and in many previous wars on Palestine . Hospitals and care homes, places specifically where disabled people are or depend on for care. The IOF has destroyed 120 ambulances, leaving 6 functioning ambulances for over 2 million people. Human rights organizations have for years c harged that the IOF shoots for Palestinians' legs on purpose, deliberately trying to cause amputation and disability .

The IOF also has targeted places where everyone, including disabled people, live their everyday lives and/or are trying to shelter to survive. Cafes and refugee camps and homes and workplaces and schools. Nowhere is safe.

Everyone in Palestinian diaspora is also disabled. From the CPTSD and overwhelming stress of watching a genocide in progress and the grief of losing countless family members. Organizing protests every day and it still not being enough and trying to save your loved ones and families.

Disabled Palestinian writer Abla Abdelhadi tweeted, " I can't imagine how our people in Gaza are coping with the trauma, I'm in Jordan, I'm a survivor of childhood abuse, patriarchal violence and American police violence, so I already have PTSD. Now my brain can't handle that 26,000 of my people have been massacred without the world stopping Israel's holocaust. It makes my brain want to explode."
Disability Justice is a politic of peace, anti-empire and anti-war and colonization.
It is a politic created by sick and disabled Black,Indigenous and people of color. It is a politic of our issues-for us and by us. Colonization, warfare, and violence in our homelands are part of disability issues.

I am not Palestinian. But I witnessed the genocide in Palestine as a Sri Lankan diasporic person who grew up and came of age during the Sri Lankan civil war of 1983-2008.

Like many diasporic Sri Lankans, I grew up watching the genocide of Tamil and Muslim people during the war and the disabling of tens of thousands of Sri Lankans from bombs, landmines, and CPTSD. I know what it's like to watch tens of thousands of some of your people be murdered and disabled while the world coughs and looks away.

I witness what is happening in Palestine through the lens of being the disabled, autistic child of a neurodivergent Sri Lankan father whose neurodivergence was fundamentally shaped by growing up in Sri Lanka and Singapore during the Japanese invasion of World War 2. My father was born during an active war, a year after his older brother and grandfather were killed during the Japanese invasion of Singapore and my grandmother fled back to Sri Lanka on one of the last boats out. War, death, and invasion made my father grow up with CPTSD as the child of two people who had CPTSD.

Both these experiences mean I come to the present moment in Palestine understanding what war and empire do. I am a disabled, autistic survivor from a forever-war country who has learned from and try to contribute to a deep Sri Lankan feminist humanism created by the courage of ordinary people insisting there is a third way, a way of peace, decolonization and justice. They do so out of all our disabled experiences of war and genocide - whether we call it disabled or not.

This is my Sri Lankan disabled, disability justice politic. Maybe you have your own.

I am not separate from what is happening in Palestine. None of us are.

For the past 100 plus days of the war, I have been disabled and brown and enraged and grieving and brain split open from watching the worst things an imperial state can do to human beings on my phone every day. I have been marching every time I can and I have been doing everything I can-posting news, statements , boosting crowdfunds, texting Palestinian friends that I love them and offering support daily and after actions.

I've been taking my camping chair to rallies and holding my sign sitting down next to a sick and autistic queer Armenian herbalist friend, facing down their own genocide, who brought multiple kinds of herbal tea for grief with them for the crowd. Being protest buddies with sick and disabled friends who find us bus stop benches to sit on and watch the rally, park our shared car in blue spot, bring breakfast sandwiches and pain balm in the pockets of our backpacks. Pick up a dropped scarf and tied it around my L5 when I forget my SI belt at home. Pool money to get a cheap hotel room to crip crash in after we make it through a DC march and definitely can't drive home after.

I've been invited to arrestable actions and wanted to pop my arrest cherry despite all the risk, and then declined when the actions were mostly white and some organizers couldn't answer my question clearly about whether my mobility device would be taken from me by the cops if I was arrested. I've been bummed that it's 2024 and people are still going "Oh we forgot" about disability.

I have been witnessing as the names of hundreds of the dead from the same family, all with the same last name, are read out loud at a multifaith prayer rally in the middle of Market Street in Philly.

Many Palestinian writers have talked about even if we feel helpless and like nothing we do is enough, it is important for us to do whatever we can, to "throw sand on the gears of imperialism, whether a shovelfull or a truckload full" as disabled Palestinian poet and organizer Rasha Abdulahdi asked us to do. As Dan Berger said, none of it is enough and all of it matters.

What kinds of resistance are you uniquely suited to do? What are the disabled experiments in resisting that abled people could not think up in a million years, but maybe you can?

Pissing your pants for Palestine

My friends Nomy and Jonah, at first feeling like going to a protest was impossible, then asked each other: " What would it take for us to get there?

As the violence in Gaza ramped up I was aching to take to the streets, but kept hesitating. I felt afraid. Years of isolation due to covid had changed me. No longer having a partner to go with made it feel more risky. Fear of covid was/is real. AND, a med I tried for a year caused incontinence that hasn't gone away. How could I possibly go out and protest?

I began talking about my fears, asking for help, determined to figure out how I could get out there. I knew folks had worn diapers to actions so they could endure. Did diapers come in my size? Could I cut up a chuck and stuff it in my pants? One of my beloveds clued me in about pads that stick to your underwear like menstrual pads but are wider, meant for pee. I didn't know if they would work, but I'd also kind of stopped caring. If I had to piss my pants for Palestine, then so be it! Maybe being soaked with pee would be a reason kops wouldn't want to deal with me.

I've been out to multiple actions now on my scooter with my mask on tight and my pants filled with "poise pads." I carry extra and offer them to others, because fuck shame. I want to be in this amazing body as it is AND support others - disabled or not (yet) - to do the same. I want to be building a culture of solidarity where we truly give a shit about each other and put that into action as we fight together for justice and freedom.

The more we try things as small bold crip experiments, the more we are able to dare. A month after the above post, Max wrote about being a wheeled mobility device user in the January 4 action shutting down the first 2024 session of the California legislature demanding a ceasefire in Gaza. Disabled Indigenous fat activist Lindsay Briggs tweeted about the action, "Don't say you can't make events COVID safer. This activism action had 400+ people engaged. Everyone wore N95 masks and tested 2 days in a row to make sure this event would be accessible to everyone."
Max writes of this action:
While I personally have little faith in lawmakers and the state, I want to keep putting my body and my voice in the gears of the death machine when there are opportunities to do so... (as part of a) crew of rad disabled folks who are working hard to build disability access and disability justice into the movement.

Yesterday I counted 6 folks (myself included) using wheeled mobility devices and risking arrest. That might sound small, but it's the most I've seen in one arrest-risking action...The love in our action yesterday was so deeply felt. Love for Palest!ne. Love for Gaza. Love for life. Love for this movement.

Please join us in the streets if you can. Find other fat and/or crip friends in your town and come out together. Find friends and comrades who will have your back and support you to be part of the movement fighting for an end to genocide in gaza and a free free free Palest!ne - a community that has been deeply disabled by Israel's violence.

Disability justice, for me, has always been about this kind of fierce, real, risk-it-all crip love. When I think about crip resistance I think about everything from my friend's friend who snuck a ham radio in his ass into the psych ward and pulled it out in front of the nurses to freak them all out, to disabled Palestinian and Indigenous friends involved in Block the Boat actions and highway lockdowns where they offer prayer and organize while sitting down. There are a million more, including many that you reading this may create that don't exist yet.

The time is now for all of them. It's literally life or death. I am among many who feel that the powers that be are trying to get us used to mass death-whether it's the normalization of forever COVID or massacring tens of thousands of Gazans- so they can increase repression and fascist attacks on all people.

It is essential for our connected survival to resist this death cult of a world with everything we've got. As Rasha Abdulhadi recently tweeted: "WHEREVER YOU ARE: YOU CAN GET IN THE WAY. TRY EVERYTHING YOU CAN. TRY THINGS NO ONE HAS TRIED."

The survival of not just Palestine, but all of us, depends on it. And all of us- with our disabled trying things no one else has tried.

ABOUT

Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha (they/she) is a writer, disability justice and transformative justice cultural and memory worker, divinator, writing teacher, space creator, low-tech survival technologist and structural engineer of disability and transformative justice work. An Aries/ Taurus four horns compulsive maker and documenter, they are the author or co-editor of ten books, including The Future Is Disabled: Prophecies, Love Notes and Mourning Songs, (co-edited with Ejeris Dixon) Beyond Survival: Stories and Strategies from the Transformative Justice Movement, T onguebreaker, and Care Work: Dreaming Disability Justice. They make performance/ ritual with other disabled mostly BIPOC creators/family, most recently Kinetic Light's Wired and the i wanna be with you everywhere crew. A Lambda Award winner who has been shortlisted for the Publishing Triangle five times, Piepzna-Samarasinha won Lambda's 2020 Jeanne Córdova Award "honoring a lifetime of work documenting the complexities of queer of color/ disabled/ femme experience." A 2020-2021 Disability Futures Fellow and YBCA 100 member, they are currently building Living Altars, building power and space by and for disabled QTBIPOC writers/creators.

They are Jackie and Anna's grandfemme, from Burgher and Tamil Sri Lankan, Irish and Ukrainian/Galician/Rom lineage, sick, disabled and autistic, a nonbinary femme on the stoop, a survivor and a grown up runaway making home and family. Raised in Worcester, MA, they have home in Toronto/T'karonto, South Seattle, their body, with the beloved dead and in the disabled brown web and imaginary. They are a new Philly resident after being a long-time visiting cousin.

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Palestine is Disabled Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha I am not the first or last person to say this, but: Everyone in Palestine is disabled right now. Whether it's disabled as in brand new amputations after AI-targeted bombing blows up your house and your leg needs to be amputated without anesthetic by your dad.

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For feminists, silence on Gaza is no longer an option.

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For feminists, silence on Gaza is no longer an option.

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Researcher of Gender Inequality in the Middle East

Like many around the world, I am emotionally drained. I spend most of my waking hours scanning the news, reading about one tragedy after the other, and yearning for a lasting end to the relentless war in Gaza. I am also physically worn out. My weekends are spent marching, driven by a desperate hope that maybe, if enough of us consistently take to the streets and speak up, our collective voice could urge our leaders to finally call for a permanent ceasefire.

But beyond this physical and emotional exhaustion, I am also consumed by a deep anger, a profound disappointment, towards feminists in my country, the United Kingdom, and beyond, who appear completely disinterested in the suffering of women in Gaza.

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Every day, I come across opinion pieces and social media posts by feminists rightly condemning Hamas's egregious actions towards Israeli women during their October 7 attack and their treatment of female hostages in its aftermath. These arguments and statements are unquestionably valid and undoubtedly necessary. Such grave crimes against women and girls, against anyone, should never be ignored, excused or forgotten.

And yet, these very individuals, these self-proclaimed feminists, are eerily silent about Israel's similarly egregious actions against Palestinian women.

Israel's near-total siege and indiscriminate bombardment of Gaza have already killed, maimed and disappeared under the rubble tens of thousands of Palestinian women and children. Many more have been displaced and left to survive the harsh winter without appropriate shelter and supplies. The almost complete breakdown of the healthcare system, coupled with the lack of food and clean water, means that some 45,000 pregnant women and 68,000 breastfeeding mothers in Gaza are facing the risk of anaemia, bleeding, and death. Meanwhile, hundreds of Palestinian women and children in the occupied West Bank are still imprisoned, many without trial, and trying to survive in abominable conditions.

This catastrophe is playing out in the open, but the majority of feminists in Britain, and more generally in the West, seem to have nothing to say about it.

Why are the stories of Palestinian women ignored? Why do the struggles of Palestinian women and children seemingly not merit the same level of concern? Increasingly, I am led to believe that this is not just a lapse in attention, but wilful blindness - the consequence of a moral compass that may be broken beyond repair.

In the past three months, I've pondered these questions deeply. I immersed myself in numerous "feminist" texts by authors I once held in high regard, to try and understand their interpretation of feminism, and why it does not seem to include Palestinian women.

Gradually, I've come to realise that their brand of feminism perceives Palestinian women as oppressed primarily not by Israel or any other outside force, but by Palestinian men. For them, Palestinian women have little to no agency and are perpetual victims of a society that has gender-based violence engrained in its very core. Further, in their eyes, Palestinian men are synonymous with deeply patriarchal, religious, and socially conservative groups like Hamas that are known to abuse and oppress women. Thus, these "feminists" buy into Israel's claims that its assault on Gaza will help "liberate" Palestinian women from the clutches of Hamas, and ignore the actual, grave harm the war has been inflicting on them.

This approach is part of a disconcerting historical pattern - a form of feminism imbued with colonial and imperial prejudices and preconceptions. "Feminists" of this ilk supported the US invasion of Afghanistan because it supposedly aimed to "liberate Afghan women", but they would never think of arguing for the forceful "liberation" of, for example, Jewish women living in deeply patriarchal and religious communities in Israel.

In this brand of feminism, empathy and outrage is aligned not with universal feminist tenets, and a desire to give all women agency and power, but with personal identities and political affiliations. This results in a hierarchy of concern, where some feminist struggles - and especially those against Muslim, brown men - are given precedence over others, allowing for the rhetoric of women's liberation to be co-opted to further the aims of the powerful, often at the expense of the oppressed.

In this context, the Western feminist silence on the necessity of a ceasefire in Gaza represents not only a moral lapse, but also a political one. It perpetuates a brand of feminism intertwined with colonial and imperial power structures, which have historically inflicted harm under the pretence of protection.

This silence is emblematic of a modern "colonial feminism", where the rhetoric of "liberating women" conceals deeper acts of violence. It justifies invasions and occupations under the guise of aid, portraying Palestinian women as mere victims in need of rescue, while simultaneously denying their right to resistance. Ultimately, the selective empathy of Western feminists serves to reinforce power structures that continue the cycle of violence.

Meanwhile, some feminists excuse their refusal to call for a ceasefire by pointing to the Palestinian society's complex stance on LGBT rights. Hamas imprison or do worse to LGBT individuals, they say, so the war should continue until the group is eliminated in full.

However, this rationale overlooks a crucial element often heralded in feminist discourse: intersectionality. While the challenges faced by the LGBT community in Gaza under Hamas's rule are indeed significant, using these as a pretext to abstain from advocating for an immediate ceasefire sidesteps the larger humanitarian crisis at hand. Such a selective approach not only disregards the pressing needs of thousands of women and children enduring daily violence and oppression, but also belies a concerning trend of selective empathy. Furthermore, it ignores the fact that Israel's war is also killing and maiming LGBT Palestinians.

Withholding support for a ceasefire due to Palestinian society and Hamas's perceived animosity towards the LGBT community undermines the core tenet of feminist solidarity - the commitment to protect and uplift all women and marginalised communities, irrespective of their sociopolitical circumstances. By withholding support for a ceasefire on these grounds, these feminists inadvertently place ideological purity above the urgent necessity to halt further loss of life and suffering. True feminist activism should transcend geopolitical biases, upholding the rights and dignity of all women and vulnerable groups, regardless of their background or the complexities of their societal contexts.

Beyond those who point to Hamas and the wider Palestinian society's oppression of women, and apparent prejudices against the LGBT community, as reasons for not endorsing the calls for an immediate ceasefire, there are also feminists who remain silent on the issue because they want to remain "neutral" on a "complex" issue. Perhaps this stance perplexes, and infuriates, me more than any other.

In the face of such overwhelming terror, there can be no neutrality.

Today, Palestinian women are living through horrors that fundamentally challenge the core values of feminism. Mothers are burying their children with bare hands; families are grieving for their lost homes and shattered lives hungry, and under a rain of bombs.

Under these circumstances, silence is not a neutral stance. Silence today is a passive endorsement of the ongoing tragedy. How many more lives must be torn apart before these careful and politically "neutral" feminists find the courage to call for a ceasefire? The rising death toll isn't just a tally; it represents individual lives, stolen futures, and a direct challenge to the principles that underpin feminism itself.

Today, what remains unsaid has as much importance, and impact, as what has been said.

Numerous prominent "feminist" voices, always vocal in their views on gender, sex and society, are still conspicuously silent on the struggles of Palestinian women. While their platforms have the power to bring critical issues to light, they also have the subtle power to relegate others to the sidelines. Too often, we see that the concerns of non-Western women are being pushed to the periphery by the reluctance of these high-profile activists to write and speak about them.

This selective silence challenges the universality of feminist solidarity. Especially when it comes from prominent feminists who many others look up to, silence becomes a form of complicity. Do you believe your silence on the tragedy of Palestinian women has gone unnoticed? I hate to break it to you, but your silence is deafeningly loud, and has stripped your work of any credibility in the eyes of many.

If you are one of those "feminists", who do not speak about the suffering of Palestinian women, or endorse the calls for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, for whatever reason, I have one, very simple demand from you. Look at the photographs coming out of Gaza. You may have been avoiding them, dismissing them as mere propaganda - but for one second, leave your biases and smart excuses behind, and look at them. Look at the images of mothers cradling the lifeless, bloodied bodies of their children. Look at the images of confused toddlers, often missing limbs and flesh, lying alone on hospital floors. Look at the images of young women, with dead eyes, trying to collect fragments from their lives and murdered families in the rubble of their destroyed homes. Look at those images, really look at them, and then explain to me why you think "it is not right to demand a ceasefire now". And after seeing those images, really seeing them, you still want to stay "neutral", stay silent, or talk about "Islamist oppression" and "LGBT intolerance", don't call yourself a feminist. Because you are not one.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.

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For feminists, silence on Gaza is no longer an option

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It is a feminist responsibility to call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza.

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Jackie Shane - Walking The Dog - 1965 R&B

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Any Other Way: The Life & Times of Jackie Shane | Have You Seen Her

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What it means for LGBTQ+ Americans to leave — or choose — Christianity

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What it means for LGBTQ+ Americans to leave — or choose — Christianity

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WhenKarmen Michael Smith moved to New York City in 2003,he joined a new progressive Baptist church. He was raised with the understanding that if he wanted to find community in a new place, he needed to find a "church home."

But in a city known for progressive views, the homophobia that had sprouted inhis childhoodchurchlike a sudden, invading weed was still waiting for him. Smith wanted to lay down roots. He even took a job at the church as a member of the praise and worship team - but the minister still refused to look him in the eye.

"This minister would talk to me in private. In public, I could be standing right next to him, and I was working at the church, and he would never look in my direction. He wouldn't speak ... it's like I was invisible," he said.

From the outside, leaving Christianity or the church might seem like an easy solution for LGBTQ+ people who are discriminated against within the faith. But for many queer people, especially for Black Americans, leaving the church means leaving more than just a particular way to worship. New data suggests that queer Black Americans are sticking with the church more than other LGBTQ+ people.

What Smith experienced in New York is one of the many moments that led him to speak out against how he sees Black churches treating their LGBTQ+ followers - and to explore his faith outside of the church.

The Black church is a cultural and social hub that, throughout the country's past, has been a singular source of protection and dignity for Black Americans. The community within the church isn't just centered on religion; family life, school life and everyday support are intrinsically tied together.

Growing up in rural Texas, Smith found community at his family's Baptist church. He made school friends there, had sleepovers, ate meals, sang with the choir. Then he got older, and he wasn't acting like the other boys. He liked music and the arts, not sports. He wanted to grow up to be both Janet Jackson and Prince. Now that he was a teenager, his community began to ostracize him for his differences.

"People could see, I think, quite clearly, that I was gay. But it's not a term that I would've used or that I even thought about in that sense. I was just being me. And it became a threat. And then people in the church started looking at me differently. ... and mainly, this was adults," Smith said.

The prejudice rotted everything that had filled his "home away from home" with love. "Adults became the bullies and the unsafe people," he said.

Smith is not alone. The complicated relationship that LGBTQ+ Americans have with Christianity, and the demographics of those who choose to leave, is explored in new data from the Williams Institute at the UCLA School of Law and Utah State University. Almost two-thirds of LGBTQ+ people who were raised Christian have since left the faith, the study found- and those who stay are typically older, Black, cisgender men and those who live in the South.

"The data shows a religious exodus," said Tyler Lefevor, an associate professor of psychology at Utah State University and lead researcher in the study. "Religions do a shit job of affirming queer folks."

The overall picture of the study finds that for LGBTQ+ Americans, identifying as Christian is associated with greater experiences of stigma and stress. But the church also provides a community that can't be easily replicated elsewhere.

"The church has historically been, for Black Americans, the one place where we could be ourselves," Smith said. "During Jim Crow and slavery, this was our place that we could come in our Sunday best, we could look good, we could be affirmed, inspired."

The study found that of the 87 percent of Black LGBTQ+ people who were raised Christian, over half of them - 53 percent - stayed Christian. The research used a nationally representative sample of 1,529 LGBTQ+ people recruited by Gallup, who were polled in 2016, 2017 and 2018. While the Williams Institute study does not measure what kinds of churches people are attending, data from the Pew Research Center shows that most Black Americans who attend religious services go to Black congregations.

In 2011, still living in New York City, Smith left the church. In 2019, he became an ordained nondenominational Christian minister - something he had long believed he could never become as a gay man. In those intervening years,Smith was seeking a relationship with God outside of the institution that had tried to convince him that God could never love him because of his identity.

"I learned that if God had not wanted me to be this way, I would not be gay. And then I also learned the divine privilege it is in which to be gay. ... that it is not anti-God," he said. "It took me getting out of church to learn that."

Although Smith visits churches occasionally, he's not interested in going back - unless God calls him to back to a traditional church setting. He wants to reach people who have been pushed outside of the church, however that manifests. As a Black openly gay man, he feels that he's different from many preachers; and he views his ministry the same way.

Smith said that he often gets calls and messages from queer Black people, especially older men, who consider the church their family, but who don't feel safe or included. They don't know where else to go. Many of them reached after he published his book, "Holy Queer: The Coming Out of Christ."

"I offer them two journeys. You can stay, and I say please find a qualified therapist whom you can talk with, and a good friend whom you can talk with," he said. "If you choose to leave, know that even as much as you may gain, please be aware you will also lose something."

That loss can be a cultural one, Smith said. The Black church is more than a religious practice - it's a culture encompassed with unique music and art. Finding an affirming congregation could mean leaving the Black church and losing that culture, he said.

But there are accepting spaces within the Black church, too. Dozens of churches across the country and various denominations are part of the Fellowship of Affirming Ministries, a Black LGBTQ+ affirming coalition that pledges to create safe spaces for queer and transgender people, as well as anyone else who has been "wounded by oppressive religion."

"I don't understand why, with the number of choices that we have, why people don't choose to be fully free," said Victoria Kirby York, director of public policy and programs at the National Black Justice Coalition, a civil rights group that advocates for Black LGBTQ+ people.

Like Smith, she grew up in the Black church, attending a nondenominational African Methodist Episopal churchand a Missionary Baptist church with her mom. They were baptized in both traditions. York now attends a church that's part of the United Church of Christ, and one that frequently works with the Fellowship.

"The church I go to now has good music, good preaching. It's led by a heterosexual Black couple," York said. But some people seek out what's familiar - and sometimes, what's familiar is being called an abomination from the pulpit.

"I long for a day where all the folks who have decided to stay in the faith know that they're fully loved without question," they said. "That they're good people."

There are other alternative spaces outside of religion that can also feel like a form of worship; like the ballroom scene, Smith said, where group praise takes place during voguing and drag competitions. But some of the older Black gay men who have reached out to him feel like they don't have a place in the broader LGBTQ+ community. Many of their generation died during the AIDS epidemic, and they feel disconnected from younger queers.

Whether they choose to stay or go, Smith said, there is collateral damage.

"There's still some negativity that you've ingested along the way that you'll still have to deal with, even if you leave. Because you've been told Sunday after Sunday that you are the problem," Smith said.

The study found that LGBTQ+ people raised Christian, whether they stayed religious or not, experience more current feelings of stigma than those not raised Christian. Those who stayed felt more ongoing internalized homophobia and transphobia than those who left, and were more likely to have a history of conversion therapy. Those who were never Christian were out to family and friends at younger ages than those who were raised in Christianity.

At the same time, the data suggests that LGBTQ+ people who stay Christian experience some psychological benefits. Cisgender queer Christians who stayed in the faith experienced less psychological distress than those who were never Christians, suggesting that religiosity has offered what the study called a "protective" effect on their mental health.

LGBTQ+ adults who stayed Christian and those who left also shared the same amount of resilience - a combined factor of social support and connectedness with others in the LGBTQ+ community.

As a therapist who works almost exclusively with queer clients from religious backgrounds, Lefevor, a queer man who was raised Mormon, wants more people to understand how complicated these experiences are for religious LGBTQ+ people.

"We live in a world where queer and trans folks are systematically excluded from this positive social resource because of non-affirming policies," he said. "Religion, at its most core, seems to be helpful for people. But obviously queer and trans people don't get to access that in many cases."

For York, their faith is what has kept them alive. York has fought suicidal ideation from a young age, and she says her faith in God has sustained her. For them, it's heartbreaking to see their faith - their lifesaver - used to hurt LGBTQ+ people.

"We've got to save our kids from these narratives that would have them believe that God doesn't love them and that being queer and being Christian are incompatible," York said. "I believe it's at the root of so much of the devastating statistics that we read - whether it's around bullying, suicide, conversion therapy, homelessness. At the heart of it is, too often, a kid who's been rejected ... because of religious beliefs."

As a Black nonbinary femme who has worked in LGBTQ+ advocacy for years, York has frequently acted as an essential bridge between queer activists and the clergy.To fight back against anti-LGBTQ+ bigotry, and to actually change the minds of those proposing discriminatory legislation, the voices of queer people of faith need to be amplified, she said.

In 2016, in the aftermath of the massacre at Pulse, Orlando's storied gay nightclub, York spoke at a citywide prayer vigil at the city's First Baptist Church. She was handed the microphone by megachurch pastor Joel Hunter, a long-time spiritual adviser to President Barack Obama. Hunter, who was originally "disappointed" at Obama's decision to support marriage equality, went on to accompany President Joe Biden to witness the 2022 signing of the Respect for Marriage Act to federally protect same-sex marriages.

Florida's LGBTQ+ community was mourning after losing so many at Pulse. And the clergy, including conservative sects, were reaching out in response to the killing. York wanted to deliver a message that many of those believers would receive for the first time: that what they had been hearing from the pulpit was driving LGBTQ+ youth into homelessness and suicide, and was fueling the kind of violence that erupted at Pulse.

"I called up anyone who felt comfortable who identified as LGBTQ+ to come to the pulpit for prayer," she said. Hunter invited the clergy to the prayer as well. York reflected: "This was probably the first time in many of their lives that they had ever been prayed over by clergy and not asked to change."

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What it means for LGBTQ+ Americans to leave - or choose - Christianity

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Almost two-thirds of LGBTQ+ people who were raised Christian have left, new data finds. But queer Black Americans have more to leave behind.

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Grammy for social change.

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I Like Myself, America and You Can't Stop Me. | Quinta Brunson | TEDxUCSD

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The  U.S. Transgender Survey (USTS) is the largest survey devoted to the lives and experiences of transgender people across the United States. The USTS was created by trans people, for trans people.

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Over 90,000 Satisfied Responses In Trans Survey

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Over 90,000 Satisfied Responses In Trans Survey

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The early results of the 2022 U.S. Transgender Survey are in, and they are stunning: For transgender individuals who have transitioned and are living as another gender, only 3% report lower satisfaction rates, with 79% stating they are "a lot more satisfied" after transitioning. That number is even higher for transgender people receiving gender-affirming care - 98% of transgender individuals taking hormones are more satisfied with their lives. These numbers challenge prevailing narratives in anti-trans media that transgender people experience significant degrees of regret or resentment towards their transition, including those published in The New York Times last weekend.

The survey managed to get responses from over 90,000 transgender people - more than 3 times the responses of the 2015 survey. This number represents a significant fraction of the estimated 1.6 million transgender people in the United States, and immediately becomes the largest dataset on transgender people in history. The vast majority of these transgender people report increased satisfaction, despite an increasing number of anti-trans laws passed in recent years.

These figures contradict recent media narratives, such as those published by Pamela Paul in The New York Times, suggesting that transgender individuals regret transitioning and that transition does not enhance the lives of trans people. For instance, Paul references a detransitioner under the subhead, "The Process of Transition Didn't Make Me Feel Better." While it is undisputed that transition does not improve outcomes for a small number of individuals, the release of this survey following The New York Times story highlights the skewed coverage, showcasing 4,500 words of regret without so much as mentioning the words "joy" or "satisfaction" experienced by most transgender individuals.

It should be clear, following the release of this data, that detransition and regret is rare and do not represent the normal transgender experience. Even the largest of the studies by Lisa Littman, Pamela Paul's favorite "rapid onset gender dysphoria" and detransition researcher, only could recruit 100 responses from detransitioners after medical transition, excluding a slightly larger 239-response study that also included desistance and non-medical transition. This is despite a similar sample collection method, utilizing convenience sampling in common detransition forums. If detransitioners are so common, why do they seem to be so incredibly hard to find? If regret is the prevailing narrative, why has there never been a study showing high levels of regret among transgender people?

While there are undoubtedly more than 100 or 239 detransitioners, most studies place the detransition rate somewhere between 1-3%. Studies showing higher rates often come from decades-old data that lumped feminine gay boys and masculine girls in with transgender kids, even if they did not identify as trans.

This year, over 370 bills have targeted transgender individuals in the United States, and many of the debates surrounding these bills focus on the fear of transgender regret. Proponents of these bills use this rationale to justify banning care and show no sign of halting their efforts. In released audio of Republican legislators in Ohio and Michigan, they state that the "endgame" of this legislation is to "ban this care for everyone." Anti-trans documentaries, regularly published by both right-wing media outlets and mainstream journalists, often highlight trans regret. These documentaries invariably feature the same dozen detransitioners to justify these bans. The consequences of such bans on care would be severe, directly resulting in a decline in life satisfaction for the transgender individuals responding to this survey.

The release of this survey's early results should be a clear signal that fact checkers need to interrogate claims of high regret that are not justified through the sources anti-trans journalists and columnists often cite. Publishing stories that center on transgender regret and portraying them as a common narrative distorts the reality around gender affirming care that has been found by over 50 studies and every major medical organization: that gender affirming care improves saves lives for transgender people.

Despite this, anti-trans columnists cannot seem to stop covering the stories of the 100 found in Littman's studies while discrediting or ignoring the stories of the other 90,000.

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Over 90,000 Satisfied Responses In Trans Survey; Largest Detrans Survey Only Had 100

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Narratives of transgender regret have been prevalent in anti-trans media. A recent 90,000 response survey of trans people, however, shows most people are satisfied with transition.

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SCOTT DETROW, HOST:

America's foster system is in crisis, and Texas' network is among the most troubled. For more than a decade, Texas has faced federal action over what plaintiffs call a broken foster care system, and a federal court is now weighing whether to impose hefty fines over the state's inability to make progress on court-ordered reforms. Paul Flahive of Texas Public Radio has the story, and as a note to listeners, it does include a description of self-harm.

PAUL FLAHIVE, BYLINE: The signs of past abuse are unmistakable on Britney Pollack.

BRITNEY POLLACK: I always get judged for my arms.

FLAHIVE: The 18-year-old's left arm is covered in scar tissue from hundreds of self-inflicted cuts.

POLLACK: For me, people didn't want to keep me. Or I feel like people didn't want anything to do with me because I look like I'm insane. But in all reality, we're not insane. We just are looking for somebody to love us.

FLAHIVE: Pollack says the cutting helped her cope with past trauma from an abusive family and with being in foster care the past four years. Since she was 14, Pollack says she spent her time being shuttled between treatment centers and psychiatric hospitals, often changing doctors and medications each time, never finding stability. So now, more than a dozen placements and 230 different medications later, she says the state's child welfare system is a lie.

POLLACK: I feel like it's a lie because they say they're trying to protect us. They want to keep us safe. They want to make sure we're being taken care of, but we're not.

FLAHIVE: Her cycle often led to having no place to go and being labeled a, quote, "child without placement." That means being warehoused in taxpayer-funded hotel rooms with other kids. At one point, there were more than 400 children a night. Pollack spent months in them, months eating fast food or a sandwich for each meal, being squeezed into a two-bed room with three or four caseworkers paid to watch them. While at the hotel, the state often offered no psychiatric treatment or other services, and after some hotels started throwing foster children out over their behavior, state staff cracked down even more.

POLLACK: Then it got to the point where we couldn't go nowhere. We had to stay in our hotel room and not move. We were, like, locked in there. Like, a CPS worker would literally sit out the door. So like, we couldn't get out anyway because then technically we're putting our hands on somebody, and I - we're ending up in jail.

FLAHIVE: Children without placement hotels exist because Texas doesn't have enough places for children like Pollack, ones with high mental health needs, to go. Federal court monitors call these placements dangerous, noting in its reports times when kids got assaulted, ran away or were sex trafficked. And for more than three years, what was supposed to be a temporary placement for kids has often lasted for weeks or months. The state says it has cut the numbers of children without placement in half, but it's still more than 100 kids a month. It's cost $250 million over three years.

PAUL YETTER: There's so much waste.

FLAHIVE: Attorney Paul Yetter represents current and former foster youth in the ongoing federal lawsuit against Texas' system.

YETTER: There is no coherent plan to fix the problem. The state is just dumping buckets of money on a shadow system that is hurting children.

FLAHIVE: Yetter says this shadow system is a good example of how Texas has failed to reform. Texas is a big state, and state officials can't just snap their fingers and fix it. But, he says, for much of the last 13 years, it hasn't been trying.

YETTER: But has instead been aggressively refusing and opposing reform. So we have a big system with lots of problems, and we have a leadership that is just not willing to work cooperatively to get it fixed or to find solutions.

FLAHIVE: A federal judge agrees.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

JANIS JACK: Good morning. OK. Would you call the case?

FLAHIVE: Yetter points to a hearing just last week showing the state's uncooperative attitude.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

JACK: It's 9 o'clock. It's 9 - it's after 9. Where are the documents? I need them in hand right now.

FLAHIVE: This is Janis Jack, the federal district judge overseeing court-ordered reforms of Texas' foster care system. The state was ordered to bring documents showing what efforts it made to fix the placement issue.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

JACK: Did you bring the documents?

FLAHIVE: The state's attorney didn't have them. Judge Jack threatened contempt.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

JACK: Have you ever seen the inside of a jail cell?

FLAHIVE: She agrees to give the state more time, but later, her frustration boils over. Judge Jack calls the bureaucracy that produced these ongoing failures horrible.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

JACK: You know what year this is? This is 2024. How long have we been wrestling with this problem?

FLAHIVE: But conservatives like Texas State House Representative James Frank alleged the lawsuit itself causes some of the problems it's railing against.

JAMES FRANK: The federal judge is the arsonist claiming there's a fire.

FLAHIVE: Representative Frank says the federal lawsuit wastes money and resources, and it's scaring away scarce treatment providers that could care for these kids.

FRANK: Basically, nobody wants to work with the state of Texas on high-risk kids because you are going to end up under the thumb of the judge if you do.

FLAHIVE: Texas argues its foster system has shown significant progress on many of the court's orders and is substantially in compliance. In coming weeks, Judge Jack will decide if they actually are. The system is still clearly in crisis, says Christie Carrington, a retired family services worker who now works for the state employees' union.

CHRISTIE CARRINGTON: It's not safe for anybody.

FLAHIVE: That's one of the reasons people are fleeing the department. One in four caseworkers leave within a year of being hired.

CARRINGTON: Keeping children safe is our job. That's the only reason we exist. And if we're not doing that, then we might as well pack up and go home.

FLAHIVE: She says the lack of progress is astounding, and she questions if state leaders can spend billions erecting barriers on Texas' southern border, why can't they fix this?

CARRINGTON: The governor can do it. He does all kinds of stuff. You can't tell me he can't do something with this if he doesn't - you know, if he truly wanted to. He does everything else - razor wire in the rivers and, you know. What about these children?

FLAHIVE: Texas is not the only state to deal with legal fights over foster care. Alabama, Mississippi and Kansas have all dealt with federal oversight. Many still are. Eighteen-year-old Brittany Pollack's time in Texas foster care went straight from a child without placement hotel to county jail. Like many kids with high needs in the program, she broke the rules, and a worker said Pollack hurt her when she tried to take away the girl's phone. Pollack spent two weeks in the Brazoria County Jail for a misdemeanor. She says Child Protective Services was so bad that she would have rather stayed with her abusive family.

POLLACK: Because we didn't ask to be in CPS. I didn't just tell CPS, hey, take me away from my abusive family. All we want is a family. And when we're not getting that, it hurts.

FLAHIVE: Now living in a private group home, Pollack is free of the department, and tattooed over the hundreds of cutting scars on her left arm in dark, cursive black lettering is the word survivor. For NPR News, I'm Paul Flahive in San Antonio.

(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

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Texas could face fines over dysfunctional foster care system

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Texas has been in litigation over its foster care system for nearly 13 years. A federal court is now weighing whether to impose hefty fines over the system's inability to make progress.

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Road to Freedom - Lenny Kravitz | Rustin | Official Soundtrack | Netflix

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The LGBTQ+ population is the largest it has ever been in recorded United States history, and the community is only growing.

13.9 million adults in the U.S. identify as LGBTQ+, accounting for 5.5 percent of the country's total population, a study from the Williams Institute at the University of California, Los Angeles, found. That's up one whole percentage point - and over 2 million people - from their 2020 report, which found the LGBTQ+ population accounted for 4.5 percent of the population at 11.3 million adults.

Related: Which State Is the Queerest? These Are the States With the Most LGBTQ+ People
While one may expect queer communities to flock to liberal states like New York or California, the report found that there are "more LGBT adults live in the South than in any other region." 35.9 percent (5 million) of the country's LGBTQ+ population live in the South, with 24.5 percent (3.4 million) living in the West. 21.1 percent (2.9 million) reside in the Midwest, and just 18.5 percent (2.6 million) call the Northeast their home.

Related: These Are the 5 States With the Smallest Percentage of LGBTQ+ People
When going by raw population, the states with the largest number of LGBTQ+ adults are also the states with the largest overall populations. When going by percentage, the top states with the most LGBTQ+ people tend to fall in New England, though some of the highest slots came as a surprise.

Oregon, Delaware, and Vermont are the states with the highest percentage of LGBTQ+ people. West Virginia, Mississippi, and North Carolina are the states with the lowest. When comparing population to legislation, the states with the smallest queer communities are also some the ones pushing the most anti-LGBTQ+ laws.

The study also found that 18-24-year-olds are the group with the most queer people, with one in every six identifying as LGBTQ+. In other age groups, one in ten (9.1 percent) of those 25 to 34 years old, less than 5 percent of those ages 35 to 49, and less than 3 percent of those ages 50 and older identify as LGBTQ+.

When accounting for those who did not feel safe coming out, there are likely even more LGBTQ+ people in the U.S. The data demonstrates that no matter where you live, or no matter how old you are, you're not alone.

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LGBTQ+ Population in the U.S. Grows by Over 2 Million

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And the community is only getting bigger.

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Based on journalist David Grann's 2017 best-selling book of the same name, Killers of the Flower Moon recounts the true story of how a white businessman and self-proclaimed "true friend" of the Osage Nation orchestrated the brutal murders of numerous members of the tribe in early 1920s Oklahoma.

Directed and co-written by Martin Scorsese, the film centers on the relationship between an Osage woman, Mollie Kyle (Lily Gladstone), and white World War I veteran, Ernest Burkhart (Leonardo DiCaprio), nephew of the aforementioned wealthy rancher, William K. Hale (Robert De Niro). Set at a point in time when the Osage were considered the richest people per capita in the world following the discovery of oil reserves under their land, the movie follows Ernest as he marries Mollie at the direction of his uncle and then conspires with him to kill off Mollie's family and a number of other Osage in order to cash in on their oil headrights and life insurance policies.

Grann's book reads as a whodunnit mystery that explores the broader historical context of what came to be known as the "Reign of Terror"-including how the crimes against the Osage were investigated and partially solved by a team of government field agents led by former Texas Ranger Tom White (played by Jesse Plemons in the movie). But in adapting the book, Scorsese said that he wanted to shift the spotlight away from "all the white guys" and make Mollie and Ernest's marriage the driving force of the film.

"What I wanted to capture, ultimately, was the very nature of the virus or the cancer that creates this sense of a kind of easygoing genocide," he said at an Oct. 16 press conference. "When there is betrayal that deep, and we know for a fact that it was that way, there's our story."

Here's how faithfully Scorsese's version of the Killers of the Flower Moon story captures the real history behind the Osage murders.

Read more: Martin Scorsese Still Has Stories to Tell

The headright system

In 1906, nearly 45 years after the Osage Nation had legally purchased and settled on a permanent reservation in north central Oklahoma Indian Territory, Osage Principal Chief James Bigheart and a half-Native lawyer named John Palmer negotiated a deal with the U.S. government wherein every full-blood Osage received an allotment of 657 acres of land that included a headright in the tribe's communal mineral trust. While surface property could be sold or leased, the deal stipulated that mineral trust headrights-the right to receive a quarterly distribution of funds from the tribe's underground mineral estate-could only be inherited by their owner's legal heir.

JaNae Collins, Lily Gladstone, Cara Jade Myers and Jillian Dion in Killers of the Flower Moon Apple TV+

This meant that when oil fields were discovered under the reservation just a few years later, the Osage became some of the wealthiest people in the world. However, there was a catch: the Osage were not free to spend their own money.

The U.S. government put a system of guardianship in place, under which any Osage who was deemed "incompetent" was assigned a guardian (almost always a white man) who controlled their money. The system often resulted in guardians withholding or outright stealing money from the Osage.

The movie shows Mollie visiting her guardian to request access to her own money to pay medical bills.

The marriage of Mollie and Ernest

As is shown in the movie, Ernest met Mollie while he was working as a taxi driver in Osage County. They married in 1917 at Hale's urging and eventually had three children together, Elizabeth, James "Cowboy," and Anna. Years later, while Ernest was on trial, Anna died at the age of 4 after contracting whooping cough.

The film depicts Mollie and Ernest as having a loving relationship even as he was conspiring to murder her family. While it's impossible to know how Ernest and Mollie truly felt about each other, Scorsese said that it was the couple's real-life granddaughter, Margie Burkhart, who convinced him that their marriage should be the heart of the movie.

Lily Gladstone and Leonardo DiCaprio in Killers of the Flower Moon Apple TV+

"She said we have to remember that Ernest loved Mollie, and Mollie loved Ernest," he said during an Oct. 16 press conference. "It's a love story. So what happened was the script shifted that way and it became gritty."

However, the suggestion that Ernest actually loved Mollie is controversial to some involved in the project. At the film's premiere, Osage language consultant Christopher Cote told the Hollywood Reporter that, as an Osage himself, he was hoping Killers of the Flower Moon would be told from the perspective of Mollie and her family.
Read More: The Ending of Killers of the Flower Moon Is Astonishing
"I think it would take an Osage to do that," he said. "Martin Scorsese not being Osage I think he did a great job representing our people. But this history is being told almost from the perspective of Ernest Burkhart. And they kind of give him this conscience and they kind of depict that there's love. But when somebody conspires to murder your entire family, that's not love. That's beyond abuse."

The Reign of Terror

The Reign of Terror began in 1921 with the deaths of Mollie's sister Anna Brown (played by Cara Jade Myers) and Charles Whitehorn (Anthony J. Harvey), who were both found shot in the head in remote rural areas within a short time of each other. Over the course of the next four years, at least 24 members of the Osage Nation and their allies-including Mollie's mother Lizzie (Tantoo Cardinal), sisters Minnie (Jillian Dion) and Rita (JaNae Collins), brother-in-law Bill (Jason Isbell), and cousin Henry Roan (William Belleau)-died violent or suspicious deaths.

The movie shows Ernest slowly poisoning Mollie, who was diabetic, by giving her injections of what she was told was insulin to keep her weak and wasting away in bed during the later years of the Reign of Terror, an alleged attempt on her life that Mollie survived.

The FBI investigation and trial

Robert De Niro and Jesse Plemons in Killers of the Flower Moon Apple TV+

When Rita and Bill Smith and their housekeeper Nettie Brookshire (Shonagh Smith) were killed in an explosion at their home in 1923, it prompted the Osage Tribal Council to appeal to the federal government for help.

It was at this point in time that the newly created Bureau of Investigation (the agency that would later become the FBI) assigned White to the case and it became the Bureau's first murder investigation. White led a team of field agents, several of whom went undercover in the community, to gather evidence and uncover the truth: that Hale, along with a number of accomplices, had orchestrated the murders of over 20 Osage as part of a scheme to profit off their deaths. Hale's accomplices included Ernest and his brother Bryan (Scott Shepherd) as well as a a lineup of local career criminals.

After both Hale and Ernest were arrested in January 1926 for the murders of Rita, Bill, and Nellie, Ernest ended up confessing to his role in the crimes and identified Hale as the mastermind of the plot. He also named local thief and bootlegger John Ramsey (Ty Mitchell) as Henry Roan's killer. That April, another local bootlegger, Kelsie Morrison (Louis Cancelmi), and Bryan Burkhart were charged with Anna's murder.

Drawn-out and arduous legal proceedings ensued, with Ernest agreeing to testify for the prosecution in the Smiths' murder before being intimidated into instead testifying for the defense before once again changing his mind, pleading guilty, and testifying for the state.

Ultimately, Ernest, Hale, Ramsey and Morrison were all sentenced to life in prison-Ernest for Rita, Bill, and Nellie's murders; Hale and Ramsey for Henry Roan's; and Morrison for Anna's. However, Ernest, Hale, and Ramsey were all eventually paroled and, in 1966, Ernest received a full pardon from Oklahoma governor Henry Bellmon.

Mollie, who stood by her husband until he confessed to his role in her family's murders in court in 1926, divorced Ernest and later got remarried to a man named John Cobb. She died at the age of 50 in 1937.

Systemic violence

While Hale was suspected of being the mastermind behind the 24 murders that took place during the Reign of Terror, the Killers of the Flower Moon book delves into how deadly violence against the Osage was part of a more sweeping conspiracy. In fact, Grann's research indicates that in the years before Anna Brown's death and the years after Hale went to prison, there were numerous other Osage who died under mysterious circumstances-and their deaths were never investigated.

"I thought I was writing a book about this singular evil figure who had been apprehended by the FBI," Grann told Smithsonian Magazine. "Instead, I began to realize that this was less a story about who did it and who didn't do it. It was really about a culture of killing and a culture of complicity... [with] many of these murders carried out by individuals who were profiting from this very corrupt system of targeting the Osage, often marrying into their families and then plotting to kill them to steal their oil money and inheritance."

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We often feel duty-bound to tackle everything from a worsening climate catastrophe to systemic racism, economic inequality, global humanitarian crises, public health emergencies, rampant corporate greed and the potential threat of authoritarianism, just to name a few. It can be not only daunting, but also downright exhausting to face the challenges inherent in fighting for a more just and peaceful world.

At the same time, we're organizers precisely because we want to make progress on intractable problems, and we know the solutions lie in the communities more directly impacted. In the midst of moments that feel hopeless - where it's easy to slip into despair or inaction - we can instead use proven tools to spark action.

So, where to begin? It often takes multiple, aligned strategies to win meaningful change, and, as we point out in our book, Practical Radicals, context matters when you're considering the best strategies to advance your vision. While some organizers may need to stop and take a bigger, long-term view before launching their efforts, others might need to hit the ground running to begin building a deep and diverse base of supporters. Drawing on our combined six decades of experience in movement building and organizing for progressive causes, we wrote our book to offer organizers some guidance in this fraught moment and to help them identify the strategies they need to win. Along the way, we dive into approaches used by dozens of other organizers past and present to show why strategy is vital to building and sustaining any movement for change.

One of the efforts we zeroed in on can be summed up as "how people make change when things are as terrible as they can be." The Gay Men's Health Crisis (GMHC) was founded in 1982 as the AIDS crisis had begun to devastate gay communities from New York to San Francisco and everywhere in between. GMHC exemplifies the strategy for social change we call collective care: efforts by an oppressed group to meet its own needs for survival and safety, often when the state fails to meet urgent human needs.

GMHC focused on education on HIV and prevention, supportive care for those who were sick and policy advocacy - work that ultimately laid the foundation for the emergence of more militant action later. Volunteers led and created an astonishing array of programs including GMHC's signature "buddy program" where ten thousand volunteers were placed with total strangers in their homes to provide practical daily help, compassionate care and emotional support.

GMHC built trust, took risks and built care infrastructure with a political goal in mind: ending the AIDS crisis and uprooting homophobia. They rooted their policy advocacy in the experience of the people they were serving, as former volunteer-turned-leader David Hansell told us. GMHC moved the ball forward in ways that the movement's direct action side couldn't, but a collective-care group could. An example is how GMHC built bridges to important stakeholders like leaders in the Catholic Church who - despite their appalling hostility toward gay communities during the crisis - were critical to passing policies to support people with AIDS and could be won over on a tactical basis.

As former GMHC executive director Tim Sweeney said, "We bent the arc of the pandemic. We changed it. We didn't bring an end to it, unfortunately, which is what our goal was, but we definitely saved millions of people."

Collective care is a vastly underappreciated but essential element for social change movements. It strengthens solidarity by building trust and relationships that can be harnessed for political action. When care is embedded in the culture of an organization, it increases the capacity of ordinary people to engage in struggle and of organizers to stay in the movement for the long term.

Collective care strategies, like disruptive movements, often emerge as a response to crises and tragedies, particularly when governments are failing to meet the moment. When it feels like the world is ending, as it did for queer people in the darkest days of the AIDS crisis, sometimes the only thing you can do is turn toward each other and care for one another. In such circumstances, collective care can be a form of both survival and strategy.

And we know change doesn't happen overnight. Like so many movements for transformative change, the AIDS crisis presented upsurges of intense activity between slow periods of frustration and even defeat. Landmark AIDS legislation wasn't passed until 1990, eight years after GMHC's founding, and there was still important work left to do. Movements need stamina, which is where care becomes not only helpful but also essential to staying in the fight.

This is all why you see elements of collective care strategies present in many different organizing lineages, including parts of the Black radical tradition, mutual aid, feminism, disability justice, labor, environmental, immigrant rights, and Indigenous traditions. And it operates alongside other, important strategies to win, like changing the narrative and engaging in disruptive action.

GMHC is emblematic of many movements for change that show that, even amidst periods of rage and despair, the world is full of generosity and kindness. By looking back, we can find the inspiration to move forward. Our movement ancestors show us that there is always a strategic and humane response available to us, even in the darkest times. They rose to the challenge of taking care of one another and our shared planet in circumstances even more challenging than we face today.

In the spirit of that history, every organizer needs to be rooted in lineage. You can find strength in generations of organizers who left us tools and strategies - including, notably, how to build and care in dark times - that we can renew and adapt to change the world.
Deepak Bhargava and Stephanie Luce are authors of Practical Radicals.
V iews expressed in The Advocate 's opinion articles are those of the writers and do not necessarily represent the views of The Advocate or our parent company, equalpride.

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LGBTQ+ History Month, celebrated every October in the United States, sheds light on and celebrates the experiences and contributions of the LGBTQ+ community throughout history. This commemorative month took shape in 1994, thanks to the initiative of a high school teacher named Rodney Wilson.

Here's an exploration of the origins of LGBTQ+ History Month.

The Genesis of a Concept

In January 1994, Rodney Wilson, a history teacher from a suburban St. Louis high school, conceived the idea of a special month dedicated to LGBTQ+ history, inspired by other commemorative months like Women's and African-American History Months. Wilson believed that LGBTQ+ history warranted its own spotlight to foster understanding and acceptance.

Choosing October

The selection of October was strategic. Unlike June, recognized as Pride Month but falling during school vacations, October is situated within the academic calendar, facilitating educational discussions. Additionally, October holds historical significance for the LGBTQ+ community, marking the month of the first and second LGBT Marches on Washington in 1979 and 1987 and National Coming Out Day on October 11.

Initial Backers and a Coordinating Committee

The idea first resonated with Johnda Boyce, Wilson's college best friend, who provided valuable input. The refined proposal was then mailed to various notable organizations, education, and advocacy groups nationwide. This outreach led to the formation of the first LGBT History Month Coordinating Committee, including key figures like Kevin Boyer of the Gerber/Hart Library and Archive in Chicago and Kevin Jennings, founder of GLSEN.

Gaining Momentum

With the institutional backing of the Gerber/Hart Library and the hard work of the coordinating committee, the proposal gained endorsements from various quarters. Even governors of states like Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Oregon officially recognized October as LGBT History Month. Many LGBT civil rights, education, and advocacy organizations lent their support, further bolstering the initiative.

Gay and Lesbian History Month was endorsed by GLAAD, the Human Rights Campaign, the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, the National Education Association, and other national organizations, broadening the initiative's reach and acceptance across various sectors.

Journey Towards Mainstream Acknowledgment

Despite facing early controversies, including conservative backlash, the commemoration of LGBT History Month continued to grow organically. By October 1995, the initiative had received mainstream coverage in Newsweek, marking a significant milestone toward broader acceptance. Over the years, the commemoration evolved, reflecting the growing recognition and acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community and its history.

An Enduring Legacy

Today, LGBTQ+ History Month stands as a testament to the enduring efforts of Rodney Wilson and countless others who contributed to this initiative. With each passing year, October continues to be a time for reflection, education, and celebration of LGBTQ+ history and achievements, reminding us of the diverse narratives that enrich our collective history. Through this commemorative month, the journey towards inclusivity and acceptance continues, significantly impacting society.

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It went from a teacher's vision to a global celebration.

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Indeed Is Offering $10,000 to Trans Workers Who Want to Relocate

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Indeed Inc. will pay $10,000 to help transgender workers move to states where they feel safer

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Assistant Secretary for Health Admiral Rachel Levine, the first transgender executive branch official confirmed by the U.S. Senate, is warning people about misinformation, transgender medicine, and the alarming emergence of what she termed "medical refugees" in the United States. She recently spoke with The Advocate about what she means and the concerns she has.

Levine's background as a trained pediatrician adds a crucial layer of understanding to these pressing health care topics.

The conversation came after Levine participated in a panel discussion alongside the president of the American Medical Association, Dr. Jesse Ehrenfeld, hosted by transgender writer and advocate Charlotte Clymer at PFLAG's National Convention in Arlington, Va., on Saturday.

A striking highlight of the discussion was the concept of "medical refugees." Levine delved into the stark reality facing individuals who have to cross state or regional borders to access vital health care services.

"[ Republican legislatures] have created medical refugees who have to leave their state or even their region to get abortion services or to leave their state and region to get transgender medical services. And that really is a health equity issue because some people have the ability and the means to be able to fly to Illinois to get an abortion or to get transgender care, medical care. And many people, they can't do that. They can't get on a plane or get into a car and drive a thousand miles," Levine said.

Her words underscore a significant challenge and reflect a grim landscape of health care accessibility nationwide.

Tackling the pervasive issue of misinformation, Levine explained, "Battling disinformation and misinformation is critically important for public health in general right now."

She urged people to have a "reflective evaluation of the sources they're getting their information from so that they can make their decisions."

Levine clarified common misconceptions when the conversation steered toward gender-affirming care for minors.

"There's no medical care, medical treatment for pre-pubertal children. The medical care starts right after puberty starts," she said.

Related: Americans Don't Want Politicians Focusing on Transgender Issues, Survey Finds

Experts in pediatric gender-affirming care consistently explain that before a minor enters puberty, the treatment protocol for kids who are transgender is social support and counseling.

Once a young person reaches puberty, medical interventions can be considered after lengthy consultations with doctors, counselors, parents, and the patient.

Levine strongly criticized restrictive laws,

"We do not want the state legislators and governors to get in between the relationship between a young person and their family and their medical providers, who [are] providing evidence-based care according to well-established standards," she said.

Levine also touched on the erosion of trust in experts, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. She is concerned about manipulating this distrust for political gains.

"I think that with the trauma of the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been an erosion of trusted messengers and experts," Levine said. "I think that is being manipulated for political and ideological purposes."

She accentuated the collective effort needed to rebuild public trust, highlighting her outreach initiatives across various states to provide accurate medical and public health information.

She outlined her efforts, saying, "I've been to California, and I've been to Massachusetts, and I've been to Washington; I've been to Texas, and I have been to Florida, and I've been to Missouri, and I've been to Oklahoma, and I've been to South Dakota, and we're going to Georgia and many other places to speak out and to give accurate medical information, accurate public health information."

Expressing a resilient sense of optimism, Levine lauded the inclusivity demonstrated by the Biden-Harris administration and the emerging coalitions among various civil rights groups.

"I think we fight hate with love, and I think that the wheel will turn, and then we will be successful," she said.

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Rachel Levine Discusses Disturbing 'Medical Refugees' Crisis Sweeping Across the U.S.

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The assistant secretary for health tackles "medical refugees," misinformation, and transgender health care challenges in an interview with The Advocate.

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Amidst a confounding mix of religious beliefs and newfound realities, Jake Abhau found himself at a crossroads when his 13-year-old son, Jon, confided in him about being gay.

The revelation stirred a whirlpool of emotions for the Abhaus, devout members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, leading to an uncertain path laden with community judgments. The father shared his initial shock with NBC's Today show, highlighting the unforeseen terrain the family was about to find themselves in.

Despite Jake Abhau's early hesitations advising Jon to postpone coming out, the teenager was steadfast in being authentic, aiming to become a "good beacon of light" for others in similar situations.

"This is who I am. I don't care; I am gay. God knows it," Jon Abhau said.

Propelled by his son's courage, Jake Abhau started a private Facebook group, Dragon Dads. This group, now a refuge for over 110 fathers from conservative religious realms with LGBTQ+ children, has become a crucible for sharing, understanding, and navigating the intricacies of familial love amidst traditional religious views.

Jake Abhau told Today, "You feel isolated because no one feels the same about us."

The ripple of advocacy didn't end in the virtual sphere for Jake Abhau. He and other Dragon Dads members took to the streets, participating in Pride parades, amplifying their acceptance and support for their LGBTQ+ children. He light-heartedly recounted Jon's jest that the Dragon Dads were "gayer than he is," a humorous testament to the protective camaraderie the dads have cultivated against discrimination.

Parallelly, Donald Christensen found his haven in Dragon Dads when his daughter, Mia, came out at 17. Like many fathers in the group, he felt a surge to protect his family from perceived threats stemming from societal and religious biases.

Reflecting on his emotions, Christensen told Today, "Even though nothing has actually changed, you suddenly feel like your family is under attack."

As Jon Abhau embarks on his adult journey, his father's commitment to Dragon Dads remains unswayed, extending a supportive hand to others newly acquainted with their children's LGBTQ+ identities. The transformative journey of Dragon Dads not only unveils a narrative of evolving attitudes within conservative religious communities but also epitomizes the boundless realms of parental love transcending rigid traditional mores.

Jake Abhau said, "We see people's lives change, and you are a small part of it," Jake Abhau said. "You get to take away the joy of seeing people's lives changed and seeing people find a connection and acceptance. It is constantly motivating."

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Meet the Dragon Dads: The Mormon Fathers Fighting for Their LGBTQ+ Kids

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Fathers from conservative religious backgrounds have band together in a private support group, fostering a culture of acceptance and advocacy for their LGBTQ+ children.

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The Human Rights Campaign set the stage for a compelling dialogue on LGBTQ+ rights at the Equality Convention, held last Friday evening at the George Washington University's Lisner Auditorium in Washington, D.C., ahead of the prestigious HRC National Dinner Saturday. Kelley Robinson, the HRC president, moderated a panel discussion featuring Maya Wiley, Angela Ferrell-Zabala, and Mini Timmaraju, sharing their insights on the political milieu and the fight for LGBTQ+ rights.

Robinson initiated the discussion, underscoring the significant strides made by the Biden administration to support the LGBTQ+ community. "This is the most pro-LGBTQ+ administration we have ever seen. They are walking the talk," she observed, laying down a hopeful premise.

Wiley, leading the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, accentuated the crucial role of youth in driving change. "We need to make sure that our youth understand the power of their voice," she said, further emphasizing the notable yet insufficient voter turnout among the young demographic in 2022.

At the helm of Moms Demand Action, Ferrell-Zabala shed light on the interconnected battles against gun violence and reproductive rights. "We can't have a conversation about reproductive rights without talking about gun violence," she pointed out, bridging the dialogues between different realms of social justice.

Timmaraju, heading Reproductive Freedom for All, formerly known as NARAL Pro-Choice America, spoke on the critical need to sustain the momentum in fighting for reproductive rights. "We've seen a massive wave of engagement in the fight for reproductive freedom," she noted, urging continued action to safeguard these rights.

The convention took a more personal turn when a George Washington University medical student shared their fears and aspirations concerning legislative measures aimed at the LGBTQ+ community. This sentiment was echoed by the moving story of a couple who felt compelled to relocate due to the hostile legislative environment in Louisiana.

Dr. Jake Kleinmahon, a distinguished pediatric heart transplant specialist, and his husband, Tom, discussed their heart-rending decision to move from Louisiana to New York for the sake of their family. As he was the director of the pediatric heart transplant program at Ochsner Hospital for Children in Louisiana, Kleinmahon's departure leaves a significant void in the state's pediatric heart care sector. His story revealed the harsh reality of how adverse legislation can disrupt lives and vital medical services.

The subsequent interview between Robinson and The Advocate shed more light on the HRC's strategy moving forward. Robinson was optimistic, stating, "We've identified 62 million equality voters, people that prioritize LGBTQ+ issues when they're going to the polls." This, she stressed, is a significant number, enough to sway crucial votes in favor of LGBTQ+ rights.

Robinson's earnest words reflected a resolve to harness the collective power of the community. "I've never felt more powerful in the wholeness of my identity than I do right now," she said, adding that the attacks on the community are reminders of its inherent strength.

The conversation also touched on the administration's dedication to the cause, as President Joe Biden and First Lady Dr. Jill Biden were slated to speak at the National Dinner on Saturday.

"This isn't performative. ... He's committed to our work and to our movement," Robinson said regarding Biden's stance on LGBTQ+ issues. Robinson also praised Vice President Kamala Harris for her engagement and advocacy on behalf of the LGBTQ+ community.

Robinson emphasized the importance of forming an intersectional coalition.

"It's the winning thing to do for us all to come together across issues," she said.

This sentiment resonated as a testament to the collective resolve to fight for a shared cause.

The anticipation for the following day's HRC National Dinner was palpable as the convention wrapped up. The discussions had fostered a sense of unity and purpose, galvanizing attendees for the battles ahead. The dialogue at the Equality Convention reiterated the strength of the LGBTQ+ community and its allies in these trying times.

As the Kleinmahon family's story of ordeal resonated through the hall, the words of Dr. Kleinmahon lingered, reflecting the broader sentiment of the convention: "Explaining to [our kids] that we are going to stay in a state that does not even think that our family should be able to exist just goes completely against what we teach our children and our morals."
Pictured, from left: Maya Wiley, Angela Ferrell-Zabala, Mini Timmaraju, and Kelley Robinson

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human rights campaign equality convention

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leadership conference on civil and human rights

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Intersectionality Takes Center Stage at Human Rights Campaign Convention

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Leaders and activists united in a compelling dialogue, paving a path of unity and understanding ahead of the HRC National Dinner.

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Pope Francis has indicated openness to blessing of same-sex relationships in the Roman Catholic Church, with caveats that such blessings should not become the norm and the unions should not be considered equivalent to marriage.

In response to queries from five cardinals, the pope also suggested the possibility of opening the priesthood to women. On both topics, Francis's position is far from a full-on endorsement of change in doctrine that has stood for millennia, but his words are being seen as progress.

The cardinals, all retired conservatives who have been critical of Pope Francis, submitted their questions a few months ago. All their queries deal with subjects of controversy in the church. They were apparently dissatisfied with the pope's lengthy answers, so they followed up by asking for yes or no replies. That has not been forthcoming, so they published the questions Monday, two days ahead of a major church meeting, the Synod on Synodality. The Vatican then published Francis's answers.

On blessings for same-sex unions, the pope wrote that only "an exclusive, stable, and indissoluble union between a man and a woman, naturally open to the begetting of children" can be considered marriage. But he allowed that "pastoral prudence must adequately discern whether there are forms of blessing, requested by one or more persons, that do not transmit a mistaken conception of marriage. For when a blessing is requested, one is expressing a request for help from God, a plea for a better life, a trust in a Father who can help us to live better."

However, decisions to offer these blessings "should not necessarily become a norm," he added. "That is to say, it is not appropriate for a diocese, an episcopal conference or any other ecclesial structure to constantly and officially authorize procedures or rites for all kinds of matters."

He also noted that "there are situations that from an objective point of view are not morally acceptable," but clergy "cannot become judges who only deny, reject, exclude."

This is a shift from the language in a document the Vatican released with the pope's approval in 2021, saying God, and by extension the Catholic Church, "does not and cannot bless sin." The church holds that acting on same-sex desires is indeed a sin.

On the question of legal recognition of same-sex couples, separate from church blessing, the pope has endorsed civil unions and noted that governments have the right to go beyond that and enact equal marriage rights. In 2010, when Argentina was considering legal marriage equality and Francis was archbishop of Buenos Aires, he advocated for civil unions instead. The nation did end up adopting equal marriage rights.

"Cynics say [Francis's position] was a ploy to limit the rights of gay couples, to keep marriage exclusively for heterosexuals," Catholic journalist Michael O'Loughlin wrote in 2015. "Given that Francis has proven himself a shrewd tactician and skilled political operative, it's more likely that Francis understood the need for mercy."

Regarding women in the priesthood, the pope wrote that when one of his predecessors, Pope John Paul II (now a saint), said the priesthood must remain men-only, "he was in no way belittling women and granting supreme power to men." Francis continued, "If this is not understood and the practical consequences of these distinctions are not drawn, it will be difficult to accept that the priesthood is reserved only to men and we will not be able to recognize the rights of women or the need for them to participate, in various ways, in the leadership of the Church." He added that the ordination of women "can be the object of study, as is the case with the validity of ordinations in the Anglican Communion."

Although church doctrine on these matters almost certainly won't change anytime soon, leaders of LGBTQ+ Catholic groups were encouraged by the pope's words. "Though the Vatican's latest statement about same-gender couples does not provide a full-fledged, ringing endorsement of blessing their unions, the document significantly advances Pope Francis' work to include and affirm LGBTQ+ people," said a statement from Francis DeBernardo, executive director of New Ways Ministry.

The document "allows for pastoral ministers to administer such blessings on a case-by-case basis, advising that 'pastoral prudence' and 'pastoral charity' should guide any response to couples who request a blessing," DeBernardo continued. "It also indicates that permitting such blessings cannot be institutionalized by diocesan regulations, perhaps a reference to some dioceses in Germany where blessings are already taking place with official and explicit permission."

"The allowance for pastoral ministers to bless same-gender couples implies that the church does indeed recognize that holy love can exist between same-gender couples, and the love of these couples mirrors the love of God," he added. "Those recognitions, while not completely what LGBTQ+ Catholics would want, are an enormous advance towards fuller and more comprehensive equality. This statement is one big straw towards breaking the camel's back of the marginalized treatment LGBTQ+ people experience in the Church."

Marianne Duddy-Burke, executive director of DignityUSA, issued this statement: "While we continue to believe that legal and sacramental marriage equality is the goal, Pope Francis's statement that there may be ways for the church to bless same-sex couples is an unexpected and welcome sign of openness. The sacredness and grace in the relationships between people of the same sex, or where one or more partner is transgender, deserve affirmation and support. Hearing the Pope acknowledge this will give hope to many Queer people, as well as to their families and friends who are Catholic."

"It is notable that this comment was made in writing, and in a letter to Cardinals who represent very traditionalist views and seemed to be hoping for support for their position. In his response, the Pope appeared to warn them that the church's ministers cannot only 'deny, reject, and exclude,'" she added. "Furthermore, he has not penalized priests and bishops in Europe who have performed such blessings and has not prevented national bishops' conferences from considering offering these blessings as part of their pastoral practices. These are all signs that our church's leaders are beginning to engage with these fundamental questions around sexual orientation, gender, and relationships in new ways. I find that encouraging."

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Pope Francis Hints at Openness to Blessing Same-Sex Unions

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He advises "pastoral prudence" in response to requests for blessings but says such unions shouldn't be considered equal to marriage.

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The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services' Administration for Children and Families is proposing a rule aimed at assuring that LGBTQ+ and intersex youth in foster care are placed in supportive homes, the federal government announced Wednesday.

"The proposed rule would require that every state's child welfare agency ensure that LGBTQI+ children in their care are placed in foster homes where they will be protected from mistreatment related to their sexual orientation or gender identity, where their caregivers have received special training on how to meet their needs, and where they can access the services they need to thrive," says a White House fact sheet.

The rule also "would require that caregivers for LGBTQI+ children are properly and fully trained to provide for the needs of the child related to the child's self-identified sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression," adds an HHS press release.

The proposed rule will be published online and will be subject to 60 days of public comment before becoming final. It is in keeping with an executive order President Joe Biden issued directing HHS to protect LGBTQ+ and intersex youth in the foster care, where they are overrepresented because of family rejection and abuse. But they often face mistreatment in foster care as well, and the new rule is aimed at preventing that.

The Administration for Children and Families is issuing another proposed rule, this one designed to expand access to legal representation for children in foster care, parents, and kinship caregivers by allowing state and tribal child welfare agencies to use federal funds to provide legal services. It will also let these agencies provide legal representation to parents seeking restraining orders and young people exiting the foster care system.

It has put out a final regulation that allows a child welfare agency to adopt simpler licensing or approval standards for foster homes that include one of the child's extended family members, such as grandparents, aunts, and uncles. It also requires that states provide these caregivers with the same level of financial assistance that any other foster care provider receives.

"This is a historic package that underlines the Biden-Harris Administration's steadfast commitment to putting children's well-being first," HHS Secretary Xavier Becerra said in the release. "This package allows kin to step into a critical caretaker role, proposes necessary legal representation to keep families together, and a safe and accepting environment in which children can thrive. The Administration is providing vital resources to remove barriers for child welfare agencies to provide supports necessary to accomplish that mission."

The proposal was welcomed by LGBTQ+ advocacy groups.

"LGBTQ+ youth face higher risks of rejection and abuse than their peers - a reality being made worse by the wave of right-wing hate that has plunged our community into a state of emergency," said a statement from David Stacy, the Human Rights Campaign 's vice president of government affairs. "This proposed rulemaking is an important step toward ensuring LGBTQ+ youth in foster care, who make up nearly one in three of the children in the foster care system, have the safe, healthy, and affirming environments they need in order to thrive. We applaud the Biden-Harris Administration for proposing such a critical new rule and look forward to working together to protect these young people."

"All young people in foster care, including those who happen to be LGBTQ, deserve affirming, supportive environments to call home," Kasey Suffredini, interim senior vice president of prevention at the Trevor Project, noted in a press release.

Suffredini referenced research conducted by the Trevor Project that showed queer young people in foster care report higher odds of attempting suicide than youth outside the foster care system. The group also found that LGBTQ+ youth in foster care are more likely to be subjected to the harmful and discredited practice of conversion therapy.

"The proposed rule specifically carves out protections against this abusive practice and, instead, calls on foster families to provide support and respect to LGBTQ young people, through access to mental health and medical care, honoring who young people know they are, and using names and pronouns that match who they are. Especially at a time when we continue to see so many lawmakers pushing politicized policies that harm these youth, it gives us hope to see an informed, data-driven effort to protect and support the health and well-being of LGBTQ young people," Suffredini said.

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Biden Administration Looks to Protect LGBTQ+ Foster Kids With New Rule

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The Department of Health and Human Services' proposed rule is in keeping with the Biden administration's promise to support LGBTQ+ youth.

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The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services' Administration for Children and Families is proposing a rule aimed at assuring that LGBTQ+ and intersex youth in foster care are placed in supportive homes, the federal government announced Wednesday.

"The proposed rule would require that every state's child welfare agency ensure that LGBTQI+ children in their care are placed in foster homes where they will be protected from mistreatment related to their sexual orientation or gender identity, where their caregivers have received special training on how to meet their needs, and where they can access the services they need to thrive," says a White House fact sheet.

The rule also "would require that caregivers for LGBTQI+ children are properly and fully trained to provide for the needs of the child related to the child's self-identified sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression," adds an HHS press release.

The proposed rule will be published online and will be subject to 60 days of public comment before becoming final. It is in keeping with an executive order President Joe Biden issued directing HHS to protect LGBTQ+ and intersex youth in the foster care, where they are overrepresented because of family rejection and abuse. But they often face mistreatment in foster care as well, and the new rule is aimed at preventing that.

The Administration for Children and Families is issuing another proposed rule, this one designed to expand access to legal representation for children in foster care, parents, and kinship caregivers by allowing state and tribal child welfare agencies to use federal funds to provide legal services. It will also let these agencies provide legal representation to parents seeking restraining orders and young people exiting the foster care system.

It has put out a final regulation that allows a child welfare agency to adopt simpler licensing or approval standards for foster homes that include one of the child's extended family members, such as grandparents, aunts, and uncles. It also requires that states provide these caregivers with the same level of financial assistance that any other foster care provider receives.

"This is a historic package that underlines the Biden-Harris Administration's steadfast commitment to putting children's well-being first," HHS Secretary Xavier Becerra said in the release. "This package allows kin to step into a critical caretaker role, proposes necessary legal representation to keep families together, and a safe and accepting environment in which children can thrive. The Administration is providing vital resources to remove barriers for child welfare agencies to provide supports necessary to accomplish that mission."

The proposal was welcomed by LGBTQ+ advocacy groups.

"LGBTQ+ youth face higher risks of rejection and abuse than their peers - a reality being made worse by the wave of right-wing hate that has plunged our community into a state of emergency," said a statement from David Stacy, the Human Rights Campaign 's vice president of government affairs. "This proposed rulemaking is an important step toward ensuring LGBTQ+ youth in foster care, who make up nearly one in three of the children in the foster care system, have the safe, healthy, and affirming environments they need in order to thrive. We applaud the Biden-Harris Administration for proposing such a critical new rule and look forward to working together to protect these young people."

"All young people in foster care, including those who happen to be LGBTQ, deserve affirming, supportive environments to call home," Kasey Suffredini, interim senior vice president of prevention at the Trevor Project, noted in a press release.

Suffredini referenced research conducted by the Trevor Project that showed queer young people in foster care report higher odds of attempting suicide than youth outside the foster care system. The group also found that LGBTQ+ youth in foster care are more likely to be subjected to the harmful and discredited practice of conversion therapy.

"The proposed rule specifically carves out protections against this abusive practice and, instead, calls on foster families to provide support and respect to LGBTQ young people, through access to mental health and medical care, honoring who young people know they are, and using names and pronouns that match who they are. Especially at a time when we continue to see so many lawmakers pushing politicized policies that harm these youth, it gives us hope to see an informed, data-driven effort to protect and support the health and well-being of LGBTQ young people," Suffredini said.

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Biden Administration Looks to Protect LGBTQ+ Foster Kids With New Rule

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The Department of Health and Human Services' proposed rule is in keeping with the Biden administration's promise to support LGBTQ+ youth.

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Indeed Is Offering $10,000 to Trans Workers Who Want to Relocate

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Indeed Inc. will pay $10,000 to help transgender workers move to states where they feel safer

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Pushing Your Limits - How Being Disabled Can Be A Blessing | David Wetherill | TEDxTruro