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De 13 amerikanske koloniers befolkningstal 

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De 13 amerikanske koloniers befolkningstal 

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(Carl-Johan Bryld; Systime; ibog; 2010)

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(Carl-Johan Bryld; Systime; ibog; 2010)

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Mange europæiske intellektuelle så den amerikanske uafhængighedserklæring og den amerikanske forfatning som virkeliggørelsen af drømmen om et frit og demokratisk samfund, hvor kongemagten var afskaffet, hvor der ikke fandtes en privilegeret adel og gejstlighed, hvor alle borgere var lige, og hvor magten lå hos folket.

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Den amerikanske uafhængighedserklæring 4. juli 1776

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Den amerikanske uafhængighedserklæring 4. juli 1776

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(Carl-Johan Bryld; Systime; ibog; 2010)

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Den amerikanske uafhængighedserklæring 4. juli 1776

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(Carl-Johan Bryld; Systime; ibog; 2010)

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I virkelighedens verden var det dog umuligt for englænderne at håndhæve de skrappe handelsbestemmelser. Der foregik udbredt smugleri, ikke mindst mellem de 13 kolonier og Vestindien, og nogen historikere mener, at mange handelsrestriktioner slet ikke blev taget alvorligt. Den amerikanske jernindustri voksede f.eks. kraftigt i 1700-tallet, og englænderne accepterede salg af amerikansk jern i Storbritannien.

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The new colousses af Emma Lazarus (1883)

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The new colousses af Emma Lazarus (1883)

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Video: Benedict Anderson, Kolonier bliver nationer 

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Video: Benedict Anderson, Kolonier bliver nationer 

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President Obama and President Hollande Visit Monticello

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President Obama and President Hollande Visit Monticello

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0:00-2:40

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President Obama and President Hollande Visit Monticello

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President Obama and President Hollande of France deliver remarks during a tour of Monticello. As the residence of Thomas Jefferson, one of the United States' earliest envoys to France, Monticello reflects Jefferson's affection for the people of France, the long-standing relations between our two democracies, and the shared values we hold dear: life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

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Fra Wikimedia Commons

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National identitet i et multikulturelt samfund Mytedannelse

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Discover a video on America's Westward Expansion and Manifest Destiny

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This animated map illustrates the growth of the United States from 1790-1861, when it expanded West through Manifest Destiny and the Louisiana Purchase.

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Historikere som bl.a. Eric Williams peger på modsætningen mellem en fortælling om et gradvist mere oplyst og moralsk progressivt Europa, hvor slaveri var forbudt inden for staternes grænser, og det forhold, at den europæiske økonomi trak sin styrke fra netop slaveriet i såvel USA som i de andre europæiske kolonier (for Danmarks vedkommende de Vestindiske øer).

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Southern men the thunders mutter!
Northern flags in South winds flutter!
To arms! To arms! To arms, in Dixie!
Send them back your fierce defiance!
Stamp upon the cursed alliance!
To arms! To arms! To arms, in Dixie!

Advance the flag of Dixie! Hurrah! Hurrah!
In Dixie's land we take our stand, and live or die for Dixie!
To arms! To arms! And conquer peace for Dixie!
To arms! To arms! And conquer peace for Dixie

Fear no danger! Shun no labor!
Lift up rifle, pike, and saber!
To arms! To arms! To arms, in Dixie!
Shoulder pressing close to shoulder,
Let the odds make each heart bolder!
To arms! To arms! To arms, in Dixie!
Advance the flag of Dixie! Hurrah! Hurrah!
In Dixie's land we take our stand, and live or die for Dixie!
To arms! To arms! And conquer peace for Dixie!
To arms! To arms! And conquer peace for Dixie!

Swear upon your country's altar
Never to submit or falter--
To arms! To arms! To arms, in Dixie!
Till the spoilers are defeated,
Till the Lord's work is completed!
To arms! To arms! To arms, in Dixie!

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Confederate song, "To ams in Dixie". I added lyrics. Enjoy !

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When Johnny comes marching home again,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

We'll give him a hearty welcome then,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

Oh, the men will cheer the boys will shout

The ladies they will all turn out,

And we'll all feel gay

When Johnny comes marching home.

And we'll all feel gay

When Johnny comes marching home.

Get ready for the Jubilee,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

We'll give the hero three times three,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

Well, the laurel wreath is ready now

To place upon his loyal brow,

And we'll all feel gay

When Johnny comes marching home.

And we'll all feel gay

When Johnny comes marching home.

In eighteen hundred and sixty-one

Hurrah! Hurrah!

That was when the war begun,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

In eighteen hundred and sixty-two,

Both sides were falling to,

And we'll all drink stone wine,

When Johnny comes marching home.

And we'll all drink stone wine,

When Johnny comes marching home.

In eighteen hundred and sixty-three,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

Old Abe, he ended slavery

Hurrah! Hurrah!

In eighteen hundred and sixty-three

Old Abe, he ended slavery

And we'll all drink stone wine,

When Johnny comes marching home.

And we'll all drink stone wine,

When Johnny comes marching home.

In eighteen hundred and sixty-four,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

Abe called for five hundred thousand more,

Hurrah! Hurrah!

In eighteen hundred and sixty-five,

They talked rebellion--strife;

And we'll all drink stone wine

When Johnny comes marching home.

And we'll all drink stone wine

When Johnny comes marching home.

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O, I'm a good old Rebel,
Now that's just what I am,
For this "Fair Land of Freedom"
I do not care at all;

I'm glad I fit against it --
I only wish we'd won,
And I don't want no pardon
For anything I done.

I hates the Constitution,
This Great Republic too,
I hates the Freedman's Buro,
In uniforms of blue;

I hates the nasty eagle,
With all his brags and fuss,
The lyin', thievin' Yankees,
I hates 'em wuss and wuss.

I hates the Yankee nation
And everything they do,
I hates the Declaration
Of Independence too;

I hates the glorious Union --
'Tis dripping with our blood --
I hates their striped banner,
I fit it all I could.

I followed old mass' Robert
For four year, near about,
Got wounded in three places
And starved at Pint Lookout;

I cotch the rheumatism
A campin' in the snow,
But I killed a chance of Yankees,
I'd like to kill some mo'.

Three hundred thousand Yankees
Is stiff in Southern dust;
We got three hundred thousand
Before they conquered us;

They died of Southern fever
And Southern steel and shot,
I wish they was three million
Instead of what we got.

I can't take up my musket
And fight 'em now no more,
But I ain't going to love 'em,
Now that is sarten sure;

And I don't want no pardon
For what I was and am,
I won't be reconstructed
And I don't care a damn.

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The Frontier Heritage by Edward N. Kearny (1984)

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The Frontier Heritage by Edward N. Kearny (1984)

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Allan Ahle: Den amerikanske borgerkrig (Systime, 2001)

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Allan Ahle: Den amerikanske borgerkrig (Systime, 2001)

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The Great Recession, fueled by the crises in the housing and financial markets, was universally hard on the net worth of American families. But even as the economic recovery has begun to mend asset prices, not all households have benefited alike, and wealth inequality has widened along racial and ethnic lines.

The wealth of white households was 13 times the median wealth of black households in 2013, compared with eight times the wealth in 2010, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of data from the Federal Reserve's Survey of Consumer Finances. Likewise, the wealth of white households is now more than 10 times the wealth of Hispanic households, compared with nine times the wealth in 2010.

The current gap between blacks and whites has reached its highest point since 1989, when whites had 17 times the wealth of black households. The current white-to-Hispanic wealth ratio has reached a level not seen since 2001. (Asians and other racial groups are not separately identified in the public-use versions of the Fed's survey.)

Leaving aside race and ethnicity, the net worth of American families overall - the difference between the values of their assets and liabilities - held steady during the economic recovery. The typical household had a net worth of $81,400 in 2013, according to the Fed's survey - almost the same as what it was in 2010, when the median net worth of U.S. households was $82,300 (values expressed in 2013 dollars).

The stability in household wealth follows a dramatic drop during the Great Recession. From 2007 to 2010, the median net worth of American families decreased by 39.4%, from $135,700 to $82,300. Rapidly plunging house prices and a stock market crash were the immediate contributors to this shellacking.

Our analysis of Federal Reserve data does reveal a stark divide in the experiences of white, black and Hispanic households during the economic recovery. From 2010 to 2013, the median wealth of non-Hispanic white households increased from $138,600 to $141,900, or by 2.4%.

Meanwhile, the median wealth of non-Hispanic black households fell 33.7%, from $16,600 in 2010 to $11,000 in 2013. Among Hispanics, median wealth decreased by 14.3%, from $16,000 to $13,700. For all families - white, black and Hispanic - median wealth is still less than its pre-recession level.

A number of factors seem responsible for the widening of the wealth gaps during the economic recovery. As the Federal Reserve notes, the median income of minority households (blacks, Hispanics and other non-whites combined) fell 9% from its 2010 to 2013 surveys, compared with a decrease of 1% for non-Hispanic white households. Thus, minority households may not have replenished their savings as much as white households or they may have had to draw down their savings even more during the recovery.

Also, financial assets, such as stocks, have recovered in value more quickly than housing since the recession ended. White households are much more likely than minority households to own stocks directly or indirectly through retirement accounts. Thus, they were in better position to benefit from the recovery in financial markets.

All American households since the recovery have started to reduce their ownership of key assets, such as homes, stocks and business equity. But the decrease in asset ownership tended to be proportionally greater among minority households. For example, the homeownership rate for non-Hispanic white households fell from 75.3% in 2010 to 73.9% in 2013, a percentage drop of 2%. Meanwhile, the homeownership rate among minority households decreased from 50.6% in 2010 to 47.4% in 2013, a slippage of 6.5%.

While the current wealth gaps are higher than at the beginning of the recession, they are not at their highest levels as recorded by the Fed's survey. Peak values for the wealth ratios were recorded in the 1989 survey - 17 for the white-to-black ratio and 14 for the white-to-Hispanic ratio. But those values of the ratios may be anomalies driven by fluctuations in the wealth of the poorest - those with net worth less than $500. Otherwise, the racial and ethnic wealth gaps in 2013 are at or about their highest levels observed in the 30 years for which we have data.

Topics: Economics and Personal Finances, Economic Recession, Wealth, African Americans, Hispanic/Latino Demographics

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Wealth inequality has widened along racial, ethnic lines since end of Great Recession

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The Great Recession, fueled by the crises in the housing and financial markets, was universally hard on the net worth of American families. But even as the economic recovery has begun to mend asset prices, not all households have benefited alike, and wealth inequality has widened along racial and ethnic lines.

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America's struggles with race and racism are never completely out of the news. But it is hard to remember when a series of stories have given this issue such resonance, whether in the rulings of the Supreme Court on affirmative action and voting rights, a tense trial in a Florida courtroom and even the racially insensitive comments of a celebrity chef.

In the wake of the election of the nation's first black president, African Americans' sense of the country's - and their own - progress improved markedly, as a 2010 Pew Research Center report documented. To some extent, these more positive views endure: Our June survey found that blacks (36%) were far more likely than whites (19%) to say that economic conditions were excellent or good, even though the unemployment rate for blacks was roughly double that for whites.

Yet the good feelings among blacks after Barack Obama's election co-exist with a persistent belief that discrimination and unfairness remain a part of life for African Americans in this country. To take a recent example, in May fully 88% said there was a lot or some discrimination against blacks, with 46% seeing a lot of discrimination. A majority of whites (57%) also saw at least some discrimination against blacks, but just 16% said there was a lot of discrimination.

Topics: Barack Obama, Discrimination and Prejudice, African Americans, Race and Ethnicity

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For African Americans, discrimination is not dead

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America's struggles with race and racism are never completely out of the news. But it is hard to remember when a series of stories have given this issue such resonance, whether in the rulings of the Supreme Court on affirmative action and voting rights, a tense trial in a Florida courtroom and even the racially insensitive comments of a celebrity chef.

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Historikere som bl.a. Eric Williams peger på modsætningen mellem en fortælling om et gradvist mere oplyst og moralsk progressivt Europa, hvor slaveri var forbudt inden for staternes grænser, og det forhold, at den europæiske økonomi trak sin styrke fra netop slaveriet i såvel USA som i de andre europæiske kolonier (for Danmarks vedkommende de Vestindiske øer).

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Alexis de Tocqueville: Om den amerikanske nationalkarakter (1840) fra USA - identitet og historie

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Alexis de Tocqueville: Om den amerikanske nationalkarakter (1840) fra USA - identitet og historie

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Høvding Seattle: ”Måske er vi alligevel brødre?” (1854) fra USA - identitet og historie

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Høvding Seattle: ”Måske er vi alligevel brødre?” (1854) fra USA - identitet og historie

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Martin Luther King, Jr.: ”Jeg har en drøm” (1963) fra USA - identitet og historie

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Martin Luther King, Jr.: ”Jeg har en drøm” (1963) fra USA - identitet og historie

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Systime

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3qDream On af Nina Holst m fl (Columbus, 2015)

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Tine Pind Jørum: "Den amerikanske borgerretsbevægelse"(2005)

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Tine Pind Jørum: "Den amerikanske borgerretsbevægelse"(2005)

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Faktalink

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Indledning

Borgerretsbevægelsen er en af de mest gennemgribende bevægelser i det 20. århundredes USA. Med karismatiske ledere som blandt andre Martin Luther King tog den kampen op med flere hundrede års diskrimination og vold mod landets afroamerikanske borgere. I 1950'erne og 60'erne havde afroamerikanerne for alvor fået nok. Med massedemonstrationer, boykots og andre primært ikkevoldelige protester krævede de lige rettigheder og muligheder for alle.

I dag har afroamerikanerne formelt opnået samme borgerrettigheder som hvide, og i 2009 fik landet sin første sorte præsident, Barack Obama. Men der er stadig lang vej, før afroamerikanerne har lige så gode levevilkår som den hvide majoritetsbefolkning.

I 2013 opstod bevægelsen Black Lives Matter med en SoMe-kampagne drevet af hashtagget #BlackLivesMatter som en protest mod frifindelsen af George Zimmerman, som skød og dræbte den afroamerikanske teenager Trayvon Martin. Black Lives Matter er siden blevet en omfattende aktivistisk bevægelse, der kæmper mod systematisk diskrimination og undertrykkelse. Da en amerikansk politimand i slutningen af maj 2020 under en voldsom anholdelse dræbte George Floyd, skabte det omfattende demonstrationer i USA, som siden spredte sig til andre lande. Drabet på George Floyd har for alvor sat ild i racismedebatten og skabt et massivt globalt fokus på sortes rettigheder.

George Floyds bror Philonoise Floyd taler til Kongressen og kalder på handling fra politikerne. Vidneudsagnet indgår i arbejdet med et lovforslag, der skal bekæmpe racediskrimination og politivold:

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Borgerretsbevægelsen er en af de mest gennemgribende bevægelser i det 20. århundredes USA. Med karismatiske ledere som blandt andre Martin Luther King tog den kampen op med flere hundrede års diskrimination og vold mod landets afroamerikanske borgere. I 1950'erne og 60'erne havde afroamerikanerne for alvor fået nok.