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First Nations Education Steering Committee FNESC

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With the increased inclusion of First Peoples' content in the changing BC curriculum, there is a need to incorporate unappropriated First Peoples' perspectives across the curriculum. The First Nations Education Steering Committee and the First Nations Schools Association, in collaboration with teachers and partners, have developed the following Learning First Peoples series of teacher resources to support English Language Arts, Science Social Studies and Mathematics courses.

The resources reflect the First Peoples Principles of Learning as well as the Calls to Action of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, including the call to "integrate Indigenous Knowledge and teaching methods into classrooms" and "build student capacity for intercultural understanding, empathy and mutual respect."

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Learning First Peoples Classroom Resources - First Nations Education Steering Committee FNESC

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With the increased inclusion of First Peoples' content in the changing BC curriculum, there is a need to incorporate unappropriated First Peoples' perspectives across the curriculum. The First Nations Education Steering Committee and the First Nations Schools Association, in collaboration with teachers and partners, have developed the following Learning First Peoples series of teacher resources to support English Language Arts, Science Social Studies and Mathematics courses.

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https://educart.ca/en/

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EducArt: 350 works, 17 themes, 60 lesson plans

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EducArt: 350 works, 17 themes, 60 lesson plans Online educational resources designed by the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts in collaboration with Québec teachers in all areas of learning.

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Natasha Henry's Site

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On PBS

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Skip to Main Content

Premiered February 2012

Underground Railroad: The Williams Still Story is the story of a humble Philadelphia clerk who ...
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Underground Railroad: The Williams Still Story is the story of a humble Philadelphia clerk who risked his life shepherding runaway slaves to freedom in the tumultuous years leading up to America's Civil War. William Still was the director of a complex network of abolitionists, sympathizers and safe houses that stretched from Philadelphia to what is now Southern Ontario.

Underground Railroad: The William Still Story is made possible by CN Railway, the Rogers Cable Network, Canada Media Fund, The Rogers Documentary Fund, and by The Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

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Underground Railroad: The William Still Story | PBS

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Skip to Main Content Premiered February 2012 Underground Railroad: The Williams Still Story is the story of a humble Philadelphia clerk who ... More More Underground Railroad: The Williams Still Story is the story of a humble Philadelphia clerk who risked his life shepherding runaway slaves to freedom in the tumultuous years leading up to America's Civil War.

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NFB documentary

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This documentary reveals some of the hidden history of Blacks in Canada. In the 1930s in rural Ontario, a farmer buried the tombstones of a Black cemetery to ...

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Journal C of Station No. 2, William Still, 1852-1857

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William Still's "Journal C of Station No. 2 of the Underground Railroad" provides extensive detail of the ways in which Philadelphia's Vigilance Committee offered aid to escaped slaves during their travels northward.

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Mary Shadd

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A plea for emigration, or, Notes of Canada West [microform] : in its moral, social, and political aspect; with suggestions respecting Mexico, West Indies, and Vancouver's Island, for the information of colored emigrants : Shadd, Mary A., 1823-1893 : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive

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The Voice of the Fugitive and Provincial Freeman Newspapers 

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The Voice of the Fugitive and Provincial Freeman Newspapers 

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Scanned from microfilm.
Publication Dates
1853 : March 24th - 1860

1853: March 24th (Windsor)
1854 : March 25th - 1855 : June 30th (Toronto)
1855 : August 22nd - 1860 (Chatham)
Title Variations
Provincial Freeman And Weekly Advertiser: 1855 : March 3rd? - 1858?
Provincial Freeman And Semi-Monthly Advertiser: 1859? - 1860?
Frequency
Weekly (Irregular): 1853 - 1859?
Bi-Weekly: 1859? - 1860?
Description
The first issue of the Provincial Freeman was published in Windsor on March 24th, 1853. It was intended as a prototype, to be used to solicit financial support for a new weekly newspaper which would present alternative viewpoints to the other black, Canada West, newspaper, the Voice Of The Fugitive. Although Samuel R. Ward and Alexander McArthur were nominally listed as the editors, it was Mary Ann Shadd (Cary) who was the driving force behind the Provincial Freeman.

Mary Ann Shadd was born in Delaware in 1823 to free, black parents. She received a relatively good education and was active in the anti-slavery movement from a young age. In 1851, with the encouragement of Henry Bibb, owner and editor of the Voice Of The Fugitive, she moved to Windsor and started a school.

Henry Bibb and Mary Ann Shadd held many beliefs in common. They were both active abolitionists and enthusiastic promoters of emigration to Canada by fugitive slaves. They had similar views on religion, they did not align themselves with any particular political party, and they both championed temperance and education as the means to "elevate" the black population. Nevertheless, by 1852 there was a serious falling out between the two of them.

Most of their disagreements centered on the Refugee Home Society, of which Henry Bibb was a founding director. The Society helped escaped slaves with their immediate needs and also bought land to create separate black settlements. These he felt would help provide better support systems for the new arrivals, and would also help preserve their identity and culture. Mary Ann Shadd, on the other hand, firmly believed that African Americans should integrate into the local society. She felt that they must be independent and was vehemently opposed to their accepting any form of charity. She also accused the Society of mismanagement and corruption. These ideological differences and personal animosities led to her decision to start the Provincial Freeman, a newspaper that would reflect her own views of the situation in Canada West.

By March 25th, 1854, Shadd had secured enough financial backing and subscriptions to continue publishing. The 4 page paper now appeared in Toronto, with "Self-reliance is the true road to independence" as its motto. It was distributed throughout Canada West and the northern U.S. states. As well as articles on abolition, racism, emigration to Canada, temperance, education, and women's rights, there were many other international news stories, fiction, letters from readers, and advertisements. After Henry Bibb's death in August 1854, the Provincial Freeman became the pre-eminent black newspaper in Canada West. Shadd's editorial style tended to be blunt and abrasive; she was very critical of anyone, of any race, who disagreed with her views. Although she was very passionate, her lack of political astuteness, likely did not help subscribership.

Initially, Shadd hid her gender, usually signing off as M. A. Shadd, Publishing Agent. However, eventually it was revealed that she was a woman, and that she was running the newspaper. Due to the gender prejudice of the times, and concerned about the economic repercussions for the paper, she felt obliged to hire a "gentleman editor", William P. Newman. He became the public editorial face, but she continued to be involved behind the scenes.

Like most small nineteenth century newspapers, the Provincial Freeman was constantly experiencing financial difficulties. In the summer of 1855, Shadd made the decision to move the paper to Chatham, a thriving town with a growing black population. Her own parents had moved nearby, and her brother Isaac became the official publisher. The newspaper continued to appear for about another 5 years. The latest extant issue is June 18th, 1859 (Cornell University), although it likely ceased in Spring 1860, judging from advertisements for the newspaper that were carried in the Weekly Anglo-African, a New York publication (The Provincial Freeman / Ontario Heritage Trust, 2008, page 5).

After the Civil War, Mary Ann Shadd (Cary) obtained teaching credentials and also earned a law degree from Howard University in Washington DC in 1883. She continued to be involved in the civil rights movement until her death in 1893.

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Scanned from microfilm. Publication Dates 1853 : March 24th - 1860 1853: March 24th (Windsor) 1854 : March 25th - 1855 : June 30th (Toronto) 1855 : August 22nd - 1860 (Chatham) Title Variations Provincial Freeman And Weekly Advertiser: 1855 : March 3rd? - 1858? Provincial Freeman And Semi-Monthly Advertiser: 1859?

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The Under-Ground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom by Reverend William M. Mitchell

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The Under-Ground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom by Reverend William M. Mitchell

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Published in 1860

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The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom : William M. Mitchell : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive

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Book digitized by Google from the library of Harvard University and uploaded to the Internet Archive by user tpb.

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The Life of Josiah Henson, Formerly a Slave Now an Inhabitant of Canada

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The Life of Josiah Henson, Formerly a Slave Now an Inhabitant of Canada

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The Life of Josiah Henson, Formerly a Slave,
Now an Inhabitant of Canada,
as Narrated by Himself:
Electronic Edition.

Henson, Josiah, 1789-1883

Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities and The Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation
supported the electronic publication of this title.

Text transcribed by Apex Data Services, Inc.
Images scanned by Malissa Graham
Text encoded by Lee Ann Morawski and Natalia Smith
First edition, 2001
ca. 150K
Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
2001.

Source Description:
(title page) The Life of Josiah Henson, Formerly a Slave, Now an Inhabitant of Canada, as Narrated by Himself
Henson, Josiah
iv, 76 p., ill.
BOSTON:
ARTHUR D. PHELPS.
1849.

Call number E Pam H526L (Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Duke University Libraries)

The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH digitization project, Documenting the American South.
The text has been encoded using the recommendations for Level 4 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines.
Original grammar, punctuation, and spelling have been preserved. Encountered typographical errors have been preserved, and appear in red type.
Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been removed, and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line.
All quotation marks, em dashes and ampersand have been transcribed as entity references.
All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as " and " respectively.
All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ' and ' respectively.
All em dashes are encoded as --
Indentation in lines has not been preserved.
Running titles have not been preserved.
Spell-check and verification made against printed text using Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs.

Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998

Languages Used:

LC Subject Headings:

Revision History:

2001-10-22,
Celine Noel and Wanda Gunther
revised TEIHeader and created catalog record for the electronic edition.

2001-03-02,
Natalia Smith, project manager,
finished TEI-conformant encoding and final proofing.

2001-01-25,
Lee Ann Morawski
finished TEI/SGML encoding

2000-12-21,
Apex Data Services, Inc.
finished transcribing and proofing.

[Cover Image]

[Title Page Image]

[Title Page Verso Image]

THE
LIFE OF JOSIAH HENSON, FORMERLY A SLAVE,
NOW AN INHABITANT OF CANADA,
AS
NARRATED BY HIMSELF.

BOSTON:
ARTHUR D. PHELPS.
1849.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849,
ARTHUR D. PHELPS,
in the office of the Clerk of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. CAMBRIDGE:
PRINTED BY BOLLES AND HOUGHTON.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE following memoir was written from the dictation of JOSIAH HENSON. A portion of the story was told, which, when written, was read to him, that any errors of statement might be corrected. The substance of it, therefore, the facts, the reflections, and very often the words, are his; and little more than the structure of the sentences belongs to another.

The narrative, in this form, necessarily loses the attraction derived from the earnest manner, the natural eloquence of a man who tells a story in which he is deeply interested; but it is hoped that enough remains to repay perusal, and that the character of the man, and the striking nature of the events of his life will be

thought to justify the endeavor to make them more extensively known. The story has this advantage, that it is not fiction, but fact; and it will be found fruitful in instruction by those who attentively consider its lessons.

LIFE OF JOSIAH HENSON.

I WAS born, June 15, 1789, in Charles County, Maryland, on a farm belonging to Mr. Francis N., about a mile from Port Tobacco. My mother was the property of Dr. Josiah McP., but was hired by Mr. N., to whom my father belonged. The only incident I can remember, which occurred while my mother continued on N.'s farm, was the appearance of my father one day, with his head bloody and his back lacerated. He was in a state of great excitement, and though it was all a mystery to me at the age of three or four years, it was explained at a later period, and I understood that he had been suffering the cruel penalty of the Maryland law for beating a white man. His right ear had been cut off close to his head, and he had received a hundred lashes on his back. He had beaten the overseer for a brutal assault on my mother, and this was his punishment. Furious at such treatment, my father became a different man, and was so morose, disobedient,

and intractable, that Mr. N. determined to sell him. He accordingly parted with him, not long after, to his son, who lived in Alabama; and neither my mother nor I, ever heard of him again. He was naturally, as I understood afterwards from my mother and other persons, a man of amiable temper, and of considerable energy of character; but it is not strange that he should be essentially changed by such cruelty and injustice under the sanction of law.

After the sale of my father by N., and his leaving Maryland for Alabama, Dr. McP. would no longer hire out my mother to N. She returned, therefore, to the estate of the doctor, who was very much kinder to his slaves than the generality of planters, never suffering them to be struck by any one. He was, indeed, a man of good natural impulses, kind-hearted, liberal, and jovial. The latter quality was so much developed as to be his great failing; and though his convivial excesses were not thought of as a fault by the community in which he lived, and did not even prevent his having a high reputation for goodness of heart, and an almost saint-like benevolence, yet they were, nevertheless, his ruin. My mother, and her young family of three girls and three boys, of which I was the youngest, resided on this estate for two or three years, during which my only recollections are of being rather a pet of the doctor's, who thought I was a bright child, and of being much impressed with what I afterwards

recognized as the deep piety and devotional feeling and habits of my mother. I do not know how, or where she acquired her knowledge of God, or her acquaintance with the Lord's prayer, which she so frequently repeated and taught me to repeat. I remember seeing her often on her knees, endeavoring to arrange her thoughts in prayers appropriate to her situation, but which amounted to little more than constant ejaculation, and the repetition of short phrases, which were within my infant comprehension, and have remained in my memory to this hour.

After this brief period of comparative comfort, however, the death of Dr. McP. brought about a revolution in our condition, which, common as such things are in slave countries, can never be imagined by those not subject to them, nor recollected by those who have been, without emotions of grief and indignation deep and ineffaceable. The doctor was riding from one of his scenes of riotous excess, when, falling from his horse, in crossing a little run, not a foot deep, he was unable to save himself from drowning.

In consequence of his decease, it became necessary to sell the estate and the slaves, in order to divide the property among the heirs; and we were all put up at auction and sold to the highest bidder, and scattered over various parts of the country. My brothers and sisters were bid off one by one, while my mother, holding my hand, looked on in an agony of grief, the cause of which

I but ill understood at first, but which dawned on my mind, with dreadful clearness, as the sale proceeded. My mother was then separated from me, and put up in her turn. She was bought by a man named Isaac R., residing in Montgomery county, and then I was offered to the assembled purchasers. My mother, half distracted with the parting forever from all her children, pushed through the crowd, while the bidding for me was going on, to the spot where R. was standing. She fell at his feet, and clung to his knees, entreating him in tones that a mother only could command, to buy her baby as well as herself, and spare to her one of her little ones at least. Will it, can it be believed that this man, thus appealed to, was capable not merely of turning a deaf ear to her supplication, but of disengaging himself from her with such violent blows and kicks, as to reduce her to the necessity of creeping out of his reach, and mingling the groan of bodily suffering with the sob of a breaking heart? Yet this was one of my earliest observations of men; an experience which has been common to me with thousands of my race, the bitterness of which its frequency cannot diminish to any individual who suffers it, while it is dark enough to overshadow the whole after-life with something blacker than a funeral pall.--I was bought by a stranger.--Almost immediately, however, whether my childish strength, at five or six years of age, was overmastered by such scenes and experiences,

or from some accidental cause, I fell sick, and seemed to my new master so little likely to recover, that he proposed to R., the purchaser of my mother, to take me too at such a trifling rate that it could not be refused. I was thus providentially restored to my mother; and under her care, destitute as she was of the proper means of nursing me, I recovered my health, and grew up to be an uncommonly vigorous and healthy boy and man.

The character of R., the master whom I faithfully served for many years, is by no means an uncommon one in any part of the world; but it is to be regretted that a domestic institution should anywhere put it in the power of such a one to tyrannize over his fellow beings, and inflict so much needless misery as is sure to be produced by such a man in such a position. Coarse and vulgar in his habits, unprincipled and cruel in his general deportment, and especially addicted to the vice of licentiousness, his slaves had little opportunity for relaxation from wearying labor, were supplied with the scantiest means of sustaining their toil by necessary food, and had no security for personal rights. The natural tendency of slavery is, to convert the master into a tyrant, and the slave into the cringing, treacherous, false, and thieving victim of tyranny. R. and his slaves were no exception to the general rule, but might be cited as apt illustrations of the nature of the case.

My earliest employments were, to carry buckets of water to the men at work, to hold a horse-plough, used for weeding between the rows of corn, and as I grew older and taller, to take care of master's saddle-horse. Then a hoe was put into my hands, and I was soon required to do the day's work of a man; and it was not long before I could do it, at least as well as my associates in misery.

The every-day life of a slave on one of our southern plantations, however frequently it may have been described, is generally little known at the North; and must be mentioned as a necessary illustration of the character and habits of the slave and the slave-holder, created and perpetuated by their relative position. The principal food of those upon my master's plantation consisted of corn meal, and salt herrings; to which was added in summer a little buttermilk, and the few vegetables which each might raise for himself and his family, on the little piece of ground which was assigned to him for the purpose, called a truck patch. The meals were two, daily. The first, or breakfast, was taken at 12 o'clock, after laboring from daylight; and the other when the work of the remainder of the day was over. The only dress was of tow cloth, which for the young, and often even for those who had passed the period of childhood, consisted of a single garment, something like a shirt, but longer, reaching to the ancles; and for

the older, a pair of pantaloons, or a gown, according to the sex; while some kind of round jacket, or overcoat, might be added in winter, a wool hat once in two or three years, for the males, and a pair of coarse shoes once a year. Our lodging was in log huts, of a single small room, with no other floor than the trodden earth, in which ten or a dozen persons--men, women, and children--might sleep, but which could not protect them from dampness and cold, nor permit the existence of the common decencies of life. There were neither beds, nor furniture of any description--a blanket being the only addition to the dress of the day for protection from the chillness of the air or the earth. In these hovels were we penned at night, and fed by day; here were the children born, and the sick--neglected. Such were the provisions for the daily toil of the slave.

Notwithstanding this system of management, however, I grew to be a robust and vigorous lad, and at fifteen years of age, there were few who could compete with me in work, or in sport--for not even the condition of a slave can altogether repress the animal spirits of the young negro. I was competent to all the work that was done upon the farm, and could run faster and farther, wrestle longer, and jump higher, than anybody about me. My master and my fellow slaves used to look upon me, and speak of me, as a wonderfully smart fellow, and prophecy the great things I should do when I became a man. A

casual word of this sort, sometimes overheard, would fill me with a pride and ambition which some would think impossible in a negro slave, degraded, starved, and abused as I was, and had been, from my earliest recollection. But the love of superiority is not confined to kings and emperors; and it is a positive fact, that pride and ambition were as active in my soul as probably they ever were in that of the greatest soldier or statesman. The objects I pursued, I must admit, were not just the same as theirs. Mine were to be first in the field, whether we were hoeing, mowing, or reaping; to surpass those of my own age, or indeed any age, in athletic exercises; and to obtain, if possible, the favorable regard of the petty despot who ruled over us. This last was an exercise of the understanding, rather than of the affections; and I was guided in it more by what I supposed would be effectual, than by a nice judgment of the propriety of the means I used.

I obtained great influence with my companions, as well by the superiority I showed in labor and in sport, as by the assistance I yielded them, and the favors I conferred upon them, from impulses which I cannot consider as wrong, though it was necessary for me to conceal sometimes the act as well as its motive. I have toiled, and induced others to toil, many an extra hour, in order to show my master what an excellent day's work had been accomplished, and to

win a kind word, or a benevolent deed from his callous heart. In general, indifference, or a cool calculation of my value to him, were my reward, chilling those hopes of an improvement in my condition, which was the ultimate object of my efforts. I was much more easily moved to compassion and sympathy than he was; and one of the means I took to gain the good-will of my fellow sufferers, was by taking from him some things that he did not give, in part payment of my extra labor. The condition of the male slave is bad enough, Heaven knows; but that of the female, compelled to perform unfit labor, sick, suffering, and bearing the burdens of her own sex unpitied and unaided, as well as the toils which belong to the other, has often oppressed me with a load of sympathy. And sometimes, when I have seen them starved, and miserable, and unable to help themselves, I have helped them to some of the comforts which they were denied by him who owned them, and which my companions had not the wit or the daring to procure. Meat was not a part of our regular food; but my master had plenty of sheep and pigs, and sometimes I have picked out the best one I could find in the flock, or the drove, carried it a mile or two into the woods, slaughtered it, cut it up, and distributed it among the poor creatures, to whom it was at once food, luxury, and medicine. Was this wrong? I can only say that, at this distance of time, my conscience does not reproach me for

it, and that then I esteemed it among the best of my deeds.

By means of the influence thus acquired, the increased amount of work done upon the farm, and by the detection of the knavery of the overseer, who plundered his employer for more selfish ends, and through my watchfulness was caught in the act and dismissed, I was promoted to be superintendent of the farm work, and managed to raise more than double the crops, with more cheerful and willing labor, than was ever seen on the estate before.

Previous to my attaining this important station, however, an incident occurred of so powerful an influence on my intellectual development, my prospect of improvement in character, as well as condition, my chance of religious culture, and in short, on my whole nature, body and soul, that it deserves especial notice and commemoration. There was a person living at Georgetown, a few miles only from R's plantation, whose business was that of a baker, and whose character was that of an upright, benevolent, Christian man. He was noted especially for his detestation of slavery, and his resolute avoidance of the employment of slave labor in his business. He would not even hire a slave, the price of whose toil must be paid to his master, but contented himself with the work of his own hands, and with such free labor as he could procure. His reputation was high, not only for this almost singular

abstinence from what no one about him thought wrong, but for his general probity and excellence. This man occasionally served as a minister of the Gospel, and preached in a neighborhood where preachers were somewhat rare at that period. One Sunday when he was to officiate in this way, at a place three or four miles distant, my mother persuaded me to ask master's leave to go and hear him; and although such permission was not given freely or often, yet his favor to me was shown for this once by allowing me to go, without much scolding, but not without a pretty distinct intimation of what would befall me, if I did not return immediately after the close of the service. I hurried off, pleased with the opportunity, but without any definite expectations of benefit or amusement; for up to this period of my life, and I was then eighteen years old, I had never heard a sermon, nor any discourse or conversation whatever, upon religious topics, except what had been impressed upon me by my mother, of the responsibility of all to a Supreme Being. When I arrived at the place of meeting, the services were so far advanced that the speaker was just beginning his discourse, from the text, Hebrews ii. 9; "That he, by the grace of God, should taste of death for every man." This was the first text of the Bible to which I had ever listened, knowing it to be such. I have never forgotten it, and scarce a day has passed since, in which I have not recalled it, and the

sermon that was preached from it. The divine character of Jesus Christ, his life and teachings, his sacrifice of himself for others, his death and resurrection were all alluded to, and some of the points were dwelt upon with great power,--great, at least, to me, who heard of these things for the first time in my life. I was wonderfully impressed, too, with the use which the preacher made of the last words of the text, "for every man." He said the death of Christ was not designed for the benefit of a select few only, but for the salvation of the world, for the bond as well as the free; and he dwelt on the glad tidings of the Gospel to the poor, the persecuted, and the distressed, its deliverance to the captive, and the liberty wherewith Christ has made us free, till my heart burned within me, and I was in a state of the greatest excitement at the thought that such a being as Jesus Christ had been described should have died for me--for me among the rest, a poor, despised, abused slave, who was thought by his fellow creatures fit for nothing but unrequited toil and ignorance, for mental and bodily degradation. I immediately determined to find out something more about "Christ and him crucified;" and revolving the things which I had heard in my mind as I went home, I became so excited that I turned aside from the road into the woods, and prayed to God for light and for aid with an earnestness, which, however unenlightened, was at least sincere and heartfelt; and

which the subsequent course of my life has led me to imagine might not have been unacceptable to Him who heareth prayer. At all events, I date my conversion, and my awakening to a new life--a consciousness of superior powers and destiny to any thing I had before conceived of--from this day, so memorable to me. I used every means and opportunity of inquiry into religious matters; and so deep was my conviction of their superior importance to every thing else, so clear my perception of my own faults, and so undoubting my observation of the darkness and sin that surrounded me, that I could not help talking much on these subjects with those about me; and it was not long before I began to pray with them, and exhort them, and to impart to the poor slaves those little glimmerings of light from another world, which had reached my own eye. In a few years I became quite an esteemed preacher among them, and I will not believe it is vanity which leads me to think I was useful to some.

I must return, however, for the present, to the course of my life in secular affairs, the facts of which it is my principal object to relate. The difference between the manner in which it was designed that all men should regard one another, as children of the same Father, and the manner in which men actually do treat each other, as if they were placed here for mutual annoyance and destruction, is well exemplified by an incident that happened to me within a year or two from

this period, that is, when I was nineteen or twenty years old. My master's habits were such as were common enough among the dissipated planters of the neighborhood; and one of their frequent practices was, to assemble on Saturday or Sunday, which were their holidays, and gamble, run horses, or fight game-cocks, discuss politics, and drink whiskey, and brandy and water, all day long. Perfectly aware that they would not be able to find their own way home at night, each one ordered a slave, his particular attendant, to come after him and help him home. I was chosen for this confidential duty by my master; and many is the time I have held him on his horse, when he could not hold himself in the saddle, and walked by his side in darkness and mud from the tavern to his house. Of course, quarrels and brawls of the most violent description were frequent consequences of these meetings, and whenever they became especially dangerous, and glasses were thrown, dirks drawn, and pistols fired, it was the duty of the slaves to rush in, and each one was to drag his master from the fight, and carry him home. To tell the truth, this was a part of my business for which I felt no reluctance. I was young, remarkably athletic and self-relying, and in such affrays I carried it with a high hand, and would elbow my way among the whites, whom it would have been almost death for me to strike, seize my master, and drag him out, mount him on his horse, or

crowd him into his buggy, with the ease with which I would handle a bag of corn, and at the same time with the pride of conscious superiority, and the kindness inspired by performing an act of benevolence. I knew I was doing for him what he could not do for himself, and showing my superiority to others, and acquiring their respect in some degree, at the same time.

On one of these occasions, my master got into a quarrel with his brother's overseer, who was one of the party, and in rescuing the former, I suppose I was a little more rough with the latter than usual. I remember his falling upon the floor, and very likely it was from the effects of a push from me, or a movement of my elbow. He attributed his fall to me, rather than to the whiskey he had drunk, and treasured up his vengeance for the first favorable opportunity. About a week afterwards, I was sent by my master to a place a few miles distant, on horseback, with some letters. I took a short cut through a lane, separated by gates from the high road, and bounded by a fence on each side. This lane passed through some of the farm owned by my master's brother, and his overseer was in the adjoining field, with three negroes, when I went by. On my return, a half an hour afterwards, the overseer was sitting on the fence; but I could see nothing of the black fellows. I rode on, utterly unsuspicious of any trouble, but as I approached, he jumped off the fence, and at the

same moment two of the negroes sprung up from under the bushes, where they had been concealed, and stood with him, immediately in front of me; while the third sprang over the fence just behind me. I was thus enclosed between what I could no longer doubt were hostile forces. The overseer seized my horse's bridle, and ordered me to alight, in the usual elegant phraseology used by such men to slaves. I asked what I was to alight for. "To take the cursedest flogging you ever had in your life, you d--d black scoundrel." "But what am I to be flogged for, Mr. L.," I asked. "Not a word," said he, "but 'light at once, and take off your jacket." I saw there was nothing else to be done, and slipped off the horse on the opposite side from him. "Now take off your shirt," cried he; and as I demurred at this, he lifted a stick he had in his hand to strike me, but so suddenly and violently, that he frightened the horse, which broke away from him, and ran home. I was thus left without means of escape, to sustain the attacks of four men, as well as I might. In avoiding Mr. L.'s blow, I had accidentally got into a corner of the fence, where I could not be approached except in front. The overseer called upon the negroes to seize me; but they, knowing something of my physical power, were rather slow to obey. At length they did their best, and as they brought themselves within my reach, I knocked them down successively; and one of them trying to

trip up my feet when he was down, I gave him a kick with my heavy shoe, which knocked out several of his front teeth, and sent him groaning away. Meanwhile, the cowardly overseer was availing himself of every opportunity to hit me over the head with his stick, which was not heavy enough to knock me down, though it drew blood freely. At length, tired of the length of the affray, he seized a stake, six or seven feet long, from the fence, and struck at me with his whole strength. In attempting to ward off the blow, my right arm was broken, and I was brought to the ground; where repeated blows broke both my shoulder blades, and made the blood gush from my mouth copiously. The two blacks begged him not to murder me, and he just left me as I was, telling me to learn what it was to strike a white man. The alarm had been raised at the house, by seeing the horse come back without his rider, and it was not long before assistance arrived to convey me home. It may be supposed it was not done without some suffering on my part; as, besides my broken arm and the wounds on my head, I could feel and hear the pieces of my shoulder-blades grate against each other with every breath. No physician or surgeon was called to dress my wounds, and I never knew one to be called to a slave upon R.'s estate, on any occasion whatever, and have no knowledge of such a thing being done on any estate in the neighborhood. I was attended, if it may be

called attendance, by my master's sister, who had some reputation in such affairs; and she splintered my arm, and bound up my back as well as she knew how, and nature did the rest. It was five months before I could work at all, and the first time I tried to plough, a hard knock of the colter against a stone, shattered my shoulder-blades again, and gave me even greater agony than at first. I have been unable to raise my hands to my head from that day to this. My master prosecuted Mr. L. for abusing and maiming his slave; and when the case was tried before the magistrate, he made a statement of the facts as I have here related them. When Mr. L. was called upon to say why he should not be fined for the offence, he simply stated, without being put on oath, that he had acted in self-defence; that I had assaulted him; and that nothing had saved him from being killed on the spot by so stout a fellow, but the fortunate circumstance that his three negroes were within call. The result was, that my master paid all the costs of court. He had the satisfaction of calling Mr. L. a liar and scoundrel, and, afterwards, of beating him in a very thorough manner, for which he had also to pay a fine and costs.

My situation, as overseer, I retained, together with the especial favor of my master, who was not displeased either with saving the expense of a large salary for a white superintendent, or with the superior crops I was able to raise for him. I

will not deny that I used his property more freely than he would have done himself, in supplying his people with better food; but if I cheated him in this way, in small matters, it was unequivocally for his own benefit in more important ones; and I accounted, with the strictest honesty, for every dollar I received in the sale of the property entrusted to me. Gradually the disposal of every thing raised on the farm, the wheat, oats, hay, fruit, butter, and whatever else there might be, was confided to me, as it was quite evident that I could, and did sell for better prices than any one else he could employ, and he was quite incompetent to attend to the business himself. For many years I was his factotum, and supplied him with all his means for all his purposes, whether they were good or bad. I had no reason to think highly of his moral character, but it was my duty to be faithful to him, in the position in which he placed me; and I can boldly declare, before God and man, that I was so. I forgave him the causeless blows and injuries he had inflicted on me in childhood and youth, and was proud of the favor he now showed me, and of the character and reputation I had earned by strenuous and persevering efforts.

When I was about twenty-two years of age, I married a very efficient, and, for a slave, a very well-taught girl, belonging to a neighboring family, reputed to be pious and kind, whom I first met at the chapel I attended; and during nearly

forty years that have since elapsed, I have had no reason to regret the connection, but many, to rejoice in it, and be grateful for it. She has borne me twelve children, eight of whom survive, and promise to be the comfort of my declining years.

Things remained in this condition for a considerable period; my occupations being to superintend the farming operations, and to sell the produce in the neighboring markets of Washington and Georgetown. Many respectable people, yet living there, may possibly have some recollection of "'Siah," or "Si," (as they used to call me,) as their market-man; but if they have forgotten me, I remember them with an honest satisfaction.

After passing his youth in the manner I have mentioned in a general way, and which I do not wish more particularly to describe, my master, at the age of forty-five, or upwards, married a young woman of eighteen, who had some little property, and more thrift. Her economy was remarkable, and was certainly no addition to the comfort of the establishment. She had a younger brother, Francis, to whom R. was appointed guardian, and who used to complain--not without reason, I am confident--of the meanness of the provision made for the household; and he would often come to me, with tears in his eyes, to tell me he could not get enough to eat. I made him my friend for life, by sympathizing in his emotions, and satisfying his appetite, sharing with him the food I took care to provide for my own family.

After a time, however, continual dissipation was more than a match for domestic saving. My master fell into difficulty, and from difficulty into a lawsuit with a brother-in-law, who charged him with dishonest mismanagement of property confided to him in trust. The lawsuit was protracted enough to cause his ruin, of itself. He used every resource to stave off the inevitable result, but at length saw no means of relief but removal to another State. He often came to my cabin to pass the evening in lamentations over his misfortune, in cursing his brother-in-law, and in asking my advice and assistance. The first time he ever intimated to me his ultimate project, he said he was ruined, that every thing was gone, that there was but one resource, and that depended upon me. "How can that be, master?" said I, in astonishment. Before he would explain himself, however, he begged me to promise to do what he should propose, well knowing, from his past experience of my character, that I should hold myself bound by such promise to do all that it implied, if it were within the limits of possibility. Solicited in this way, with urgency and tears, by the man whom I had so zealously served for twenty years, and who now seemed absolutely dependent upon his slave,--impelled, too, by the fear which he skilfully awakened, that the sheriff would seize every one who belonged to him, and that all would be separated, or perhaps sold to go to Georgia, or Louisiana--an object of

perpetual dread to the slave of the more northern States--I consented, and promised faithfully to do all I could to save him from the fate impending over him. He then told me I must take his slaves to his brother, in Kentucky. In vain I represented to him that I had never travelled a day's journey from his plantation, and knew nothing of the way, or the means of getting to Kentucky. He insisted that such a smart fellow as I could travel anywhere, he promised to give me all necessary instructions, and urged that this was the only course by which he could be saved. The result was, that I agreed to undertake the enterprise--certainly no light one for me, as it could scarcely be considered for even an experienced manager. There were eighteen negroes, besides my wife, two children, and myself, to transport nearly a thousand miles, through a country I knew nothing about, and in winter time, for we started in the month of February, 1825. My master proposed to follow me in a few months, and establish himself in Kentucky. He furnished me with a small sum of money, and some provisions; and I bought a one-horse wagon, to carry them, and to give the women and children a lift now and then, and the rest of us were to trudge on foot. Fortunately for the success of the undertaking, these people had been long under my direction, and were devotedly attached to me for the many alleviations I had afforded to their miserable condition, the comforts I had procured

them, and the consideration which I had always manifested for them.

Under these circumstances no difficulty arose from want of submission to my authority, and none of any sort, except that which I necessarily encountered from my ignorance of the country, and my inexperience in such business. On arriving at Wheeling, I sold the horse and wagon, and purchased a boat of sufficient size, and floated down the river without further trouble or fatigue, stopping every night to encamp.

I said I had no further trouble, but there was one source of anxiety which I was compelled to encounter, and a temptation I had to resist, the strength of which others can appreciate as well as myself. In passing along the State of Ohio, we were frequently told that we were free, if we chose to be so. At Cincinnati, especially, the colored people gathered round us, and urged us with much importunity to remain with them; told us it was folly to go on; and in short used all the arguments now so familiar to induce slaves to quit their masters. My companions probably had little perception of the nature of the boon that was offered to them, and were willing to do just as I told them, without a wish to judge for themselves. Not so with me. From my earliest recollection, freedom had been the object of my ambition, a constant motive to exertion, an ever-present stimulus to gain and to save. No other means of obtaining it, however, had occurred to

me, but purchasing myself of my master. The idea of running away was not one that I had ever indulged. I had a sentiment of honor on the subject, or what I thought such, which I would not have violated even for freedom; and every cent which I had ever felt entitled to call my own, had been treasured up for this great purpose, till I had accumulated between thirty and forty dollars. Now was offered to me an opportunity I had not anticipated. I might liberate my family, my companions, and myself, without the smallest risk, and without injustice to any individual, except one whom we had none of us any reason to love, who had been guilty of cruelty and oppression to us all for many years, and who had never shown the smallest symptom of sympathy with us, or with any one in our condition. But I need not make the exception. There would have been no injustice to R. himself--it would have been a retribution which might be called righteous--if I had availed myself of the opportunity thus thrust suddenly upon me.

But it was a punishment which it was not for me to inflict. I had promised that man to take his property to Kentucky, and deposit it with his brother; and this, and this only, I resolved to do. I left Cincinnati before night, though I had intended to remain there, and encamped with my entire party a few miles below the city. What advantages I may have lost, by thus throwing away an opportunity of obtaining freedom, I

know not; but the perception of my own strength of character, the feeling of integrity, the sentiment of high honor, I have experienced,--these advantages I do know, and prize; and would not lose them, nor the recollection of having attained them, for all that I can imagine to have resulted from an earlier release from bondage. I have often had painful doubts as to the propriety of my carrying so many other individuals into slavery again, and my consoling reflection has been, that I acted as I thought at the time was best.

I arrived at Daviess county, Kentucky, about the middle of April, 1825, and delivered myself and my companions to Mr. Amos R., the brother of my owner, who had a large plantation, with from eighty to one hundred negroes. His house was situated about five miles south of the Ohio River, and fifteen miles above the Yellow Banks, on Big Blackford's Creek. There I remained three years, expecting my master to follow; and employed meantime on the farm, of which I had the general management, in consequence of the recommendation for ability and honesty which I brought with me from Maryland. The situation was in many respects more comfortable than that I had left. The farm was larger, and more fertile, and there was a greater abundance of food, which is, of course, one of the principal sources of the comfort of a slave, debarred, as he is, from so many enjoyments which other men can obtain.

Sufficiency of food is a pretty important item in any man's account of life; but is tenfold more so in that of the slave, whose appetite is always stimulated by as much labor as he can perform, and whose mind is little occupied by thought on subjects of deeper interest. My post of superintendent gave me some advantages, too, of which I did not fail to avail myself, particularly with regard to those religious privileges, which, since I first heard of Christ and Christianity, had greatly occupied my mind. In Kentucky, the opportunities of attending on the preaching of whites, as well as of blacks, were more numerous; and partly by attending them, and the camp-meetings which occurred from time to time, and partly from studying carefully my own heart, and observing the developments of character around me, in all the stations of life which I could watch, I became better acquainted with those religious feelings which are deeply implanted in the breast of every human being, and learnt by practice how best to arouse them, and keep them excited, how to stir up the callous and indifferent, and in general to produce some good religious impressions on the ignorant and thoughtless community by which I was surrounded.

No great amount of theological knowledge is requisite for the purpose. If it had been, it is manifest enough that preaching never could have been my vocation; but I am persuaded that, speaking from the fulness of a heart deeply

impressed with its own sinfulness and imperfection, and with the mercy of God, in Christ Jesus, my humble ministrations have not been entirely useless to those who have had less opportunity than myself to reflect upon these all-important subjects. It is certain that I could not refrain from the endeavor to do what I saw others doing in this field; and I labored at once to improve myself and those about me in the cultivation of the harvests which ripen only in eternity. I cannot but derive some satisfaction, too, from the proofs I have had that my services have been acceptable to those to whom they have been rendered. In the course of the three years from 1825 to 1828, I availed myself of all the opportunities of improvement which occurred, and was admitted as a preacher by a Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church.

In the spring of the year 1828, news arrived from my master that he was unable to induce his wife to accompany him to Kentucky, and he must therefore remain where he was. He sent out an agent to sell all his slaves but me and my family, and to carry back the proceeds to him. And now another of those heart-rending scenes was to be witnessed, which had impressed itself so deeply on my childish soul. Husbands and wives, parents and children were to be separated forever. Affections, which are as strong in the African as in the European were to be cruelly disregarded; and the iron selfishness generated by the hateful "institution"

was to be exhibited in its most odious and naked deformity. I was exempted from a personal share in the dreadful calamity, but I could not see without the deepest grief the agony which I recollected in my own mother, and which was again brought before my eyes in the persons with whom I had been long associated; nor could I refrain from the bitterest feeling of hatred of the system and those who sustain it. What else, indeed, can be the feeling of the slave, liable at every moment of his life to these frightful and unnecessary calamities, which may be caused by the caprice of the abandoned, or the supposed necessities of the better part of the slaveholders, and inflicted upon him without sympathy or redress, under the sanction of the laws which uphold the institution? I lamented my agency in bringing the poor creatures hither, if such was to be the end of the expedition; but I could not reproach myself with having made their condition really worse, nor with any thing but complying with the commands of a heartless master.

In the course of the summer of 1828, a Methodist preacher, a white man of some reputation, visited our neighborhood, and I became acquainted with him. He was soon interested in me, and visited me frequently, and one day talked to me in a confidential manner about my position. He said I ought to be free; that I had too much capacity to be confined to the limited and comparatively useless sphere of a slave; "and though,"

said he, "I must not be known to have spoken to you on this subject, yet if you will obtain Mr. Amos's consent to go to see your old master in Maryland, I will try and put you in a way by which I think you may succeed in buying yourself." He said this to me more than once; and as it was in harmony with all my aspirations and wishes, was flattering to my self-esteem, and could be attended with no harm that I could foresee, I soon resolved to make the attempt to get the necessary leave. Somewhat to my surprise, Master Amos made no objection; but gave me a pass to go to Maryland and back, with some remarks which showed his sense of the value of my services to him, and his opinion that I had earned such a privilege if I desired it. Furnished with this, and with a letter of recommendation from my Methodist friend to a brother preacher in Cincinnati, I started about the middle of September, 1828, for the east. By the aid of the good man to whom I had a letter, I had an opportunity of preaching in two or three of the pulpits of Cincinnati, when I took the opportunity of stating my purpose, and was liberally aided in it by contributions made on the spot. My friend also procured some subscriptions in the city, so that in three or four days I left it with not less than one hundred and sixty dollars in my pocket. The annual Methodist Conference was about to be held at Chillicothe, to which my kind friend accompanied me, and by his influence and exertions

I succeeded well there also. By his advice I then purchased a suit of respectable clothes, and an excellent horse, and travelled leisurely from town to town, preaching as I went, and, wherever circumstances were favorable, soliciting aid in my great object. I succeeded so well, that when I arrived at Montgomery county, I was master of two hundred and seventy-five dollars, besides my horse and my clothes. My master was surprised to see me dressed and mounted in so respectable a style, and I must say my horse was a good one, and my clothes better than Mr. R.'s; and he was a little puzzled to understand why I was so long in reaching home, for it was now Christmas, and he had been informed that I had left Kentucky in September. I gave him such an account of my preaching and getting the assistance of friends, as, while it was consistent with the truth, and explained my appearance, did not betray to him my principal purpose. Amid expressions of an apparently cordial welcome, I could discern plainly enough the look of displeasure that a slave should have got possession of such luxuries; and he bantered me not a little, in his coarse way, upon my preaching, and my being so speedily converted into a "black gentleman." He asked for my pass, and saw that it was expressed so as to authorize my return to Kentucky. He then handed it to his wife, and desired her to put it into the desk. The manoeuvre was cool, but I resolved to manoeuvre too.

At night I was sent to such quarters as I had been accustomed to long enough,--the cabin used for a kitchen, with its earth floor, its filth, and its numerous occupants;--but it was so different from my accommodations in the free States for the last three months, and so incompatible with my nice wardrobe, that I looked round me with a sensation of disgust that was new to me; and instead of going to sleep, I sat down and deliberated upon the best plan to adopt for my next proceedings. I found my mother had died during my absence, and every tie which had ever connected me with this place was broken. Strangers were around me here, the slaves being those Mrs. R. had brought to her husband, and I had not a friend to consult but Master Frank, the brother of R.'s wife, before mentioned, who was now of age, and had established himself in business in Washington. To him I resolved to go, and as soon as I thought it time to start, I saddled my horse and rode up to the house. It was early in the morning, and my master had already gone to the tavern on his usual business, but Mrs. R. came out to look at my horse and equipments. "Where are you going, 'Siah?" was the natural question. I replied, "I am going to Washington, Mistress, to see Mr. Frank, and I must take my pass with me if you please." "O, everybody knows you here; you won't need your pass." "But I can't go to Washington without it. I may be met by some surly stranger, who will

stop me and plague me, if he can't do any thing worse." "Well, I'll get it for you," she answered; and glad was I to see her return with it in her hand, and to have her give it to me, while she little imagined its importance to my plan.

My reception by Master Frank was all I expected, as kind and hearty as possible. He was delighted at my appearance, and I immediately told him all my plans and hopes. He entered cordially into them, with that sympathy which penetrates the heart of a slave, as little accustomed as I had been, to the exhibition of any such feeling on the part of a white man. I found he had a thorough detestation of Mr. R., whom he charged with having defrauded him of a large proportion of his property which he had held as guardian, though, as he was still on terms with him, he readily agreed to negotiate for my freedom, and bring him to the most favorable bargain. Accordingly, in a few days he rode over to the house, and had a long conversation with R. on the subject of my emancipation. He disclosed to him the facts that I had got some money, and my pass, and urged that I was a smart fellow, who was bent upon getting his freedom, and had served the family faithfully for many years; that I had really paid for myself a hundred times over, in the increased amount of produce I had raised by my skill and influence; and that if he did not take care, and accept a fair offer when I made it to him, he would find some day that I

had the means to do without his help, and that he would see neither me nor my money; that with my horse and my pass I was pretty independent of him already, and he had better make up his mind to what was really inevitable, and do it with a good grace. By such arguments as these, Mr. Frank not only induced him to think of the thing, but before long brought him to an actual bargain, by which he agreed to give me my manumission papers for four hundred and fifty dollars, of which three hundred and fifty dollars were to be in cash, and the remainder in my note. My money and my horse enabled me to pay the cash at once, and thus my great hopes seemed in a fair way of being realized.

Some time was spent in the negotiations for this affair, and it was not till the 9th of March, 1829, that I received my manumission papers in due form of law. I was prepared to start immediately on my return to Kentucky, and on the 10th, as I was getting ready in the morning for my journey, my master accosted me in a very pleasant and friendly manner, and entered into conversation with me about my plans. He asked me what I was going to do with my freedom certificate; whether I was going to show it if I were questioned on the road. I told him yes, that I supposed it was given to me for that very purpose. "Ah," said he, "you do not understand the dangers to which you are exposed. You may meet with some ruffian slave-purchaser who will

rob you of that piece of paper, and destroy it. You will then be thrown into prison, and sold for your jail fees, before any of your friends can know it. Why should you show it at all? You can go to Kentucky in perfect safety with your pass. Let me enclose that valuable document for you under cover to my brother, and nobody will dare to break a seal, for that is a State prison matter; and when you arrive in Kentucky you will have it all safe and sound." This seemed most friendly advice, and I felt very grateful for his kindness. I accordingly saw him enclose my precious piece of paper in two or three envelopes, seal it with three seals, and direct it to his brother in Daviess County, Kentucky, in my care. Leaving immediately for Wheeling, to which place I was obliged to travel on foot, I there took boat, and in due time reached my destination. I was arrested repeatedly on the way, but by insisting always upon being carried before a magistrate, I succeeded in escaping all serious impediments by means of my pass, which was quite regular, and could not be set aside by any responsible authority.

It so happened that the boat which took me down from Louisville, landed me about dark, and my walk of five miles brought me to the plantation at bed-time. I went directly to my own cabin, where I found my wife and little ones well; and of course, we had a good deal to communicate to each other. Letters had reached the "great house," as the master's was always called, long

before I had arrived, telling them what I had been doing, and the children of the family had been eager to communicate the great news to my wife,--how I had been preaching, and raising money, and making a bargain for my freedom. It was not long before Charlotte began to tell me with much excitement what she had heard, and to question me about how I had raised the money I had paid, and how I expected to get the remainder of the thousand dollars I was to give for my freedom. I could scarcely believe my ears; but before telling her how the case exactly was, I questioned her again and again as to what she had heard. She persisted in repeating the same story as she had heard it from my master's letters, and I began to perceive the trick that had been played upon me, and to see the management by which Isaac R. had contrived that the only evidence of my freedom should be kept from every eye but that of his brother Amos, who was instructed to retain it till I had made up six hundred and fifty dollars, the balance I was reported to have agreed to pay. Indignation is a faint word to express my deep sense of such villainy. I was without the means of setting myself right. The only witness to the truth was my friend Frank, who was a thousand miles off; and I could neither write to him, nor get any one else to do it. Every man about me who could write was a slaveholder; and what chance had I to be believed, or to get evidence to the truth. In this dilemma

I resolved not to deliver the paper to Amos, and told my wife I had not seen it since I was in Louisville. It might be in my bag, and perhaps it was lost; but at all events I did not wish to see it again at present; and if she should find it, and put it in some place which I did not know, it would be the best disposition of it. In a few minutes she went out, and I remained in ignorance where it was, till circumstances, presently to be mentioned, rendered it necessary for me to have it again.

The next morning I went up to the house, and showed myself to Mr. Amos, who welcomed me with apparent cordiality, and who, I have no doubt, was really glad to see me, as my time and labor were important to him. We had a long conversation, and after rallying me, as his brother had done, about my being turned fine gentleman, he entered upon the subject of my freedom, and told me what Isaac had written to him about the price I was to pay, how much I had already made up, &c. I found my wife was right. He then asked me if I had not a paper for him. I told him I certainly had received something for him, of which I had taken the greatest care; but that the last time I had seen it was at Louisville, and that now it was not in my bag, and I did not know what had become of it. I could not conceive how it could be lost, and yet I could not find it. He expressed great concern, and sent me back to the landing to see if it had been dropped on the way.

When the search proved in vain, he told me that, after all, it was of no consequence, for whenever I made up the money, his brother would renew the paper. "But," said he, "you have given too much for yourself. Isaac has been too hard upon you, and I don't see how you are going to get so much in Kentucky."

All this was very smooth and pleasant to a man who was in a frenzy of grief at the base and apparently irremediable trick that had been played upon him. I consoled myself as well as I could, and set about my work again, with as quiet a mind as I could command, resolved to trust in God, and never despair. Things went on as usual for about a year, when, one day, Mr. Amos told me that his brother kept writing to him about his want of money; and intimated that perhaps I might be ready to pay another instalment of my price. I told him I had nothing, as he knew very well, and that he never had said what he would allow me, or whether he would allow me anything for my labor in his service. That put an end to the conversation at the time, for he did not like the idea of paying for the labor I had bestowed on his farm, the care of his stock and of his people. It was not long, however, before the subject was brought up again, and he said Isaac was perpetually telling him he must have money, and added that I must get ready to go to New Orleans with his son Amos, a young man about twenty-one years of age, who was going down the river

with a flat boat, and was nearly ready to start; in fact he was to leave the next day, and I must go and take care of him, and help him dispose of the cargo. The intimation was enough. Though it was not distinctly stated, yet I well knew what was intended, and my heart sunk within me at the near prospect of this fatal blight to all my long-cherished hopes. There was no alternative but death itself; and I thought that there was hope as long as there was life, and I would not despair even yet. The expectation of my fate, however, produced the degree of misery nearest to that of despair; and it is in vain for me to attempt to describe the wretchedness I experienced as I made ready to go on board the flat boat. I had little preparation to make, to be sure; and there was but one thing that seemed to me important. I asked my wife to sew up my manumission paper securely in a piece of cloth, and to sew that again round my person. I thought that having possession of it might be the means of saving me yet, and I would not neglect any thing that offered the smallest chance of escape from the frightful servitude that threatened me.

My wife and children accompanied me to the landing, where I bade them an adieu, which might be for life, and then stepped into the boat, which I found manned by three white men, who had been hired for the trip. Mr. Amos and myself were the only other persons on board. The load consisted of beef-cattle, pigs, poultry,

corn, whiskey, and other articles from the farm, and from some of the neighboring estates, which were to be sold as we dropped down the river, wherever they could be disposed of to the greatest advantage. It was a common trading voyage to New Orleans, in which I was embarked, the interest of which consisted not in the incidents that occurred, not in storms, or shipwreck, or external disaster of any sort; but in the storm of passions contending within me, and the imminent risk of the shipwreck of my soul, which was impending over me nearly the whole period of the voyage. One circumstance, only, I will mention, illustrating, as other events of my life have often done, the counsel of the Saviour, "He that will be chief among you, let him be your servant."

We were, of course, all bound to take our trick at the helm in turn, sometimes under direction of the captain, and sometimes on our own responsibility, as he could not be always awake. In the daytime there was less difficulty than at night, when it required some one who knew the river, to avoid sand-bars and snags, and the captain was the only person on board who had this knowledge. But whether by day or by night, as I was the only negro on the boat, I was made to stand at least three tricks to any other person's one; so that from being much with the captain, and frequently thrown upon my own exertions, I learnt the art of steering and managing the boat far better

than the rest. I watched the manoeuvres necessary to shoot by a sawyer, to land on a bank, or avoid a snag, or a steamboat, in the rapid current of the Mississippi, till I could do it as well as the captain. After a while the captain had a disease of the eyes, by which they became very much inflamed and swollen. He was soon rendered totally blind, and unable to perform his share of duty. This disorder is not an infrequent consequence of exposure to the intense light of the sun, doubled as it is by the reflection from the river. I was the person who could best take his place, and I was, in fact, master of the boat from that time till our arrival at New Orleans.

After the captain became blind, we were obliged to lie by at night, as none of the rest of us had been down the river before; and it was necessary to keep watch all night, to prevent depredations by the negroes on shore, who used frequently to attack such boats as ours, for the sake of the provisions on board. As I paced backwards and forwards on the deck, during my watch, it may well be believed I revolved many a painful and passionate thought. After all that I had done for Isaac and Amos R., after all the regard they professed for me, and the value they could not but put upon me, such a return as this for my services, such an evidence of their utter inattention to my claims upon them, and the intense selfishness with which they were ready to sacrifice me, at any moment, to their supposed

interest, turned my blood to gall and wormwood, and changed me from a lively, and I will say, a pleasant-tempered fellow, into a savage, morose, dangerous slave. I was going not at all as a lamb to the slaughter, but I felt myself becoming more ferocious every day; and as we approached the place where this iniquity was to be consummated, I became more and more agitated with an almost uncontrollable fury. I had met, on the passage, with some of my Maryland acquaintance who had been sold off to this region; and their haggard and wasted appearance told a piteous story of excessive labor and insufficient food. I said to myself, "If this is to be my lot, I cannot survive it long. I am not so young as these men, and if it has brought them to such a condition, it will soon kill me. I am to be taken by my masters and owners, who ought to be my grateful friends, to a place and a condition where my life is to be shortened, as well as made more wretched. Why should I not prevent this wrong, if I can, by shortening their lives, or those of their agents in accomplishing such detestable injustice? I can do the last easily enough. They have no suspicion of me, and they are at this moment under my control, and in my power. There are many ways in which I can despatch them and escape, and I feel that I should be justified in availing myself of the first good opportunity." These were not thoughts which just flitted across my mind's eye, and then disappeared. They fashioned

themselves into shapes which grew larger, and seemed firmer, every time they presented themselves; and at length my mind was made up to convert the phantom shadow into a positive reality. I resolved to kill my four companions, take what money there was in the boat, then to scuttle the craft, and escape to the north. It was a poor plan, may-be, and would very likely have failed; but it was as well contrived, under the circumstances, as the plans of murderers usually are; and blinded by passion, and stung to madness as I was, I could not see any difficulty about it. One dark, rainy night, within a few days of New Orleans, my hour seemed to have come. I was alone on the deck; Mr. Amos and the hands were all asleep below, and I crept down noiselessly, got hold of an axe, entered the cabin, and looking by the aid of the dim light there for my victims, my eye fell upon Master Amos, who was nearest to me; my hand slid along the axe-handle, I raised it to strike the fatal blow,--when suddenly the thought came to me, "What! commit murder! and you a Christian?" I had not called it murder before. It was self-defence,--it was preventing others from murdering me,--it was justifiable, it was even praiseworthy. But now, all at once, the truth burst upon me that it was a crime. I was going to kill a young man, who had done nothing to injure me, but obey commands which he could not resist; I was about to lose the fruit of all my efforts at self-improvement,

the character I had acquired, and the peace of mind which had never deserted me. All this came upon me instantly, and with a distinctness which made me almost think I heard it whispered in my ear; and I believe I even turned my head to listen. I shrunk back, laid down the axe, crept up on deck again, and thanked God, as I have done every day since, that I had not committed murder.

My feelings were still agitated, but they were changed. I was filled with shame and remorse for the design I had entertained, and with the fear that my companions would detect it in my face, or that a careless word would betray my guilty thoughts. I remained on deck all night, instead of rousing one of the men to relieve me, and nothing brought composure to my mind, but the solemn resolution I then made to resign myself to the will of God, and take with thankfulness, if I could, but with submission, at all events, whatever he might decide should be my lot. I reflected that if my life were reduced to a brief term, I should have less to suffer, and that it was better to die with a Christian's hope, and a quiet conscience, than to live with the incessant recollection of a crime that would destroy the value of life, and under the weight of a secret that would crush out the satisfaction that might be expected from freedom and every other blessing.

It was long before I recovered my self-control and serenity; but I believe no one but those to

whom I have told the story myself, ever suspected me of having entertained such thoughts for a moment.

In a few days after this tremendous crisis we arrived in New Orleans, and the little that remained of our cargo was soon sold, the men were discharged, and nothing was left but to dispose of me, and break up the boat, and then Mr. Amos would take passage on a steamboat, and go home. There was no longer any disguise about the purpose of selling me. Mr. Amos acknowledged that such were his instructions, and he set about fulfilling them. Several planters came to the boat to look at me; and I was sent of some hasty errand, that they might see how I could run. My points were canvassed as those of a horse would have been; and doubtless some account of my human faculties was thrown into the discussion of the bargain, that my value as a domestic animal might be enhanced. Amos had talked, with apparent kindness, about getting me a good master, who would employ me as a coachman, or as a house-servant; but as time passed on I could discern no particular effort of the kind. At length every thing was wound up but this single affair. The boat was to be sold, and I was to be sold, the next day, and Amos was to set off on his return, at six o'clock in the afternoon. I could not sleep that night, which seemed long enough to me, though it was one of the shortest in the year. The slow way in which

we had come down had brought us to the long days and the heat of June; and everybody knows what the climate of New Orleans is at that time of the year.

A little before daylight master Amos awoke indisposed. His stomach was disordered, but he lay down again, thinking it would pass off. In a little while he was up again, and felt more sick than before, and it was soon evident that the river fever was upon him. He became rapidly worse, and by eight o'clock in the morning he was utterly prostrate; his head was on my lap, and he was begging me to help him, to do something for him, to save him. The tables were turned. He was now rather more dependent upon me than I had been upon him the day before. He entreated me to despatch matters, to sell the flat boat, in which we two had been living by ourselves for some days, and to get him and his trunk, containing the proceeds of the trip, on board the steamer as quick as possible, and especially not to desert him so long as he lived, nor to suffer his body, if he died, to be thrown into the river. I attended to all his requests, and by twelve o'clock that day, he was in one of the cabins of the steamer appropriated to sick passengers.

All was done which could be done for the comfort and relief of any one in such a desperate condition. But he was reduced to extremity. He ceased to grow worse after a day or two, and he must speedily have died, if he had not; but his

strength was so entirely gone, that he could neither speak, nor move a limb; and could only indicate his wish for a teaspoonful of gruel, or something to moisten his throat, by a feeble motion of his lips. I nursed him carefully and constantly. Nothing else could have saved his life. It hung by a thread for a long time. We were as much as twelve days in reaching home, for the water was low at that season, particularly in the Ohio river; and when we arrived at our landing he was still unable to speak, and could only be moved on a sheet, or a litter. Something of this sort was soon fixed up at the landing, on which he could be carried to the house, which was five miles off; and I got a party of the slaves belonging to the estate to form relays for the purpose. As we approached the house, the surprise at seeing me back again, and the perplexity to imagine what I was bringing along, with such a party, were extreme; but the discovery was soon made which explained the strange appearance; and the grief of father and mother, and brothers and sisters, made itself seen and heard. Loud and long were the lamentations over poor Amos; and when the family came a little to themselves, great were the commendations bestowed upon me, for my care of him and of the property.

We arrived home about the tenth of July, but it was not till the middle of August that Amos was well enough to move out of his chamber,

though he had been convalescent all the while. As soon as he could speak, he told all I had done for him, and said, "If I had sold him, I should have died;" but it never seemed to occur to him or the rest of the family that they were under any, the slightest, obligation to me on, that account. I had done well as a slave, and to have it acknowledged, and to be praised for it, was compensation enough for me. My merits, whatever they were, instead of exciting sympathy, or any feeling of attachment to me, seemed only to enhance my money value to them. This was not the view which I took of the case myself; and as soon as Amos began to recover, I began to meditate upon a plan of escape from the danger, in which I constantly stood, of a repetition of the attempt to sell me in the highest market. Providence seemed to have interfered once to defeat the scheme, but I could not expect such extraordinary circumstances to be repeated, and I was bound to do every thing in my power to secure myself and my family from the wicked conspiracy of Isaac and Amos R. against my life, as well as against my natural rights in my own person, and those which I had acquired, under even the barbarous laws of slavery, by the money I had paid for myself. If Isaac would only have been honest enough to adhere to his own bargain, I would have adhered to mine, and paid him all I had promised. But his attempt to kidnap me again, after having pocketed three-fourths of my

market value, absolved me from all obligation, in my opinion, to pay him any more, or to continue in a position which exposed me to his machinations. I determined to make my escape to Canada, about which I had heard something, as beyond the limits of the United States; for, notwithstanding there were free States in the Union, I felt that I should be safer under an entirely foreign jurisdiction. The slave States had their emissaries in the others, and I feared that I might fall into their hands, and need a stronger protection than might be afforded me by public opinion in the northern States at that time.

It was not without long thought on the subject that I devised a plan of escape; but when I had fully made up my mind, I communicated my intention to my wife, who was too much terrified by the dangers of the attempt to do any thing, at first, but endeavor to dissuade me from it, and try to make me contented with my condition as it was. In vain I explained to her the liability we were in of being separated from our children as well as from each other; and presented every argument which had weighed with my own mind, and had at last decided me. She had not gone through my trials, and female timidity overcame her sense of the evils she had experienced. I argued the matter with her, at various times, till I was satisfied that argument alone would not prevail; and then I said to her, very deliberately, that though it was a cruel thing for

me to part with her, yet I would do it, and take all the children with me but the youngest, rather than run the risk of forcible separation from them all, and of a much worse captivity besides, which we were constantly exposed to here. She wept and entreated, but found I was resolute, and after a whole night spent in talking over the matter, I left her to go to my work for the day. I had not gone far when I heard her voice calling me;--I waited till she came up to me, and then, finding me as determined as ever, she said, at last, she would go with me. It was an immense relief to my nerves, and my tears flowed as fast as her's had done before. I rode off with a heart a good deal lighter.

She was living, at the time, near the landing I have mentioned; for the plantation extended the whole five miles from the house to the river, and there were several different farms, all of which I was overseeing, and, therefore, riding about from one to another every day. The oldest boy was at the house with Master Amos, the rest were all with her. Her consent was given on Thursday morning, and on the night of the following Saturday, I had decided to set out, as it would then be several days before I should be missed, and I should get a good start. Some time previously I had got my wife to make me a large knapsack, big enough to hold the two smallest children; and I had arranged it that she should lead the second boy, while the oldest was stout enough to

go by himself, and to help me carry the necessary food. I used to pack the little ones on my back, of an evening, after I had got through my day's work, and trot round the cabin with them, and go some little distance from it, in order to accustom both them and myself to the task before us.

At length the eventful night came. I went up to the house to ask leave to take Tom home with me, that he might have his clothes mended. No objection was made, and I bade Master Amos "good night" for the last time. It was about the middle of September, and by nine o'clock in the evening all was ready. It was a dark, moonless night, and we got into the little skiff in which I had induced a fellow-slave to take us across the river. It was an agitating and solemn moment. The good fellow who was rowing us over, said this affair might end in his death; "but," said he, "you will not be brought back alive, will you?" "Not if I can help it," I answered. "And if you are overpowered and return," he asked, "will you conceal my part of the business?" "That I will, so help me God," I replied. "Then I am easy," he answered, "and wish you success." We landed on the Indiana shore, and I began to feel that I was my own master. But in what circumstances of fear and misery still! We were to travel by night, and rest by day, in the woods and bushes. We were thrown absolutely upon our own poor and small resources, and were to rely on our own strength

alone. The population was not so numerous as now, nor so well disposed to the slave. We dared look to no one for help. But my courage was equal to the occasion, and we trudged on cautiously and steadily, and as fast as the darkness, and the feebleness of my wife and boys would allow.

It was nearly a fortnight before we reached Cincinnati; and a day or two previous to getting there, our provisions were used up, and I had the misery to hear the cry of hunger and exhaustion from those I loved so dearly. It was necessary to run the risk of exposure by day-light upon the road; so I sprung upon it boldly from our hiding place one morning, and turned towards the south, to prevent the suspicion of my going the other way. I approached the first house I saw, and asked if they would sell me a little bread and meat. No, they had nothing for black fellows. At the next I succeeded better, but had to make as good a bargain as I could, and that was not very successful, with a man who wanted to see how little he could give me for my quarter of a dollar. As soon as I had succeeded in making a purchase, I followed the road, still towards the south, till I got out of sight of the house, and then darted into the woods again, and returned northward, just out of sight of the road. The food which I bought, such as it was, put new life and strength into my wife and children when I got back to them again, and we at length

arrived safe at Cincinnati. There we were kindly received and entertained for several days, my wife and little ones were refreshed, and then we were carried on our way thirty miles in a wagon.

We followed the same course as before, of travelling by night, and resting by day, till we arrived at the Scioto, where we had been told we should strike the military road of General Hull, in the last war with Great Britain, and might then safely travel by day. We found the road, accordingly, by the large sycamore and elm which marked its beginning, and entered upon it with fresh spirits early in the day. Nobody had told us that it was cut through the wilderness, and I had neglected to provide any food, thinking we should soon come to some habitation, where we could be supplied. But we travelled on all day without seeing one, and laid down at night, hungry and weary enough. I thought I heard the howling of wolves, and the terror inspired by this, and the exertions I used to keep them off, by making as much noise as I could, took away all power of sleeping, till day-light, and rendered a little delay inevitable. In the morning we were as hungry as ever, but had nothing to relieve our appetites but a little piece of dried beef. I divided some of this all round, and then started for a second day's trip in the wilderness. It was a hard trial, and this day is a memorable one in my life. The road was

rough, of course, being neglected, and the logs lying across it constantly; the underbrush was somewhat cleared away, and that was about all to mark the track. As we went wearily on, I was a little ahead of my wife and the boys, when I heard them call to me, and, turning round, saw that my wife had fallen over a log, and was prostrate on the ground. "Mother's dying," cried Tom; and when I reached her, it seemed really so. She had fainted. I did not know but it might be fatal, and was half distracted with the fear and the uncertainty. In a few minutes, however, she recovered sufficiently to take a few mouthfuls of the beef, and this, with a little rest, revived her so much that she bravely set out once more.

We had not gone far, and I suppose it was about three o'clock in the afternoon, when we discerned some persons approaching us at no great distance. We were instantly on the alert, as we could hardly expect them to be friends. The advance of a few paces showed me they were Indians, with packs on their shoulders; and they were so near that if they were hostile, it would be useless to try to escape. So I walked along boldly, till we came close upon them. They were bent down with their burdens, and had not raised their eyes till now; and when they did so, and saw me coming towards them, they looked at me in a frightened sort of way for a moment, and then, setting up a peculiar

howl, turned round, and ran as fast as they could. There were three or four of them, and what they were afraid of I could not imagine, unless they supposed I was the devil, whom they had perhaps heard of as black. But even then one would have thought my wife and children might have reassured them. However, there was no doubt they were well frightened, and we heard their wild and prolonged howl, as they ran, for a mile or more. My wife was alarmed too, and thought they were merely running back to collect more of a party, and then to come and murder us, and she wanted to turn back. I told her they were numerous enough to do that, if they wanted to, without help; and that as for turning back, I had had quite too much of the road behind us, and that it would be a ridiculous thing that both parties should run away. If they were disposed to run, I would follow. We did follow on, and soon the noise was stopped; and, as we advanced, we could discover Indians peeping at us from behind the trees, and dodging out of our sight, if they thought we were looking at them. Presently we came upon their wigwams, and saw a fine looking, stately Indian, with his arms folded, waiting for us to approach. He was apparently the chief, and, saluting us civilly, he soon discovered that we were human beings, and spoke to his young men, who were scattered about, and made them come in, and give up their foolish fears. And now curiosity seemed to prevail.

Each one wanted to touch the children, who were shy as partridges, with their long life in the woods; and as they shrunk away, and uttered a little cry of alarm, the Indian would jump back too, as if he thought they would bite him. However, a little while sufficed to make them understand what we were, and whither we were going, and what we needed; and as little, to set them about supplying our wants, feeding us bountifully, and giving us a comfortable wigwam for our night's rest. The next day we resumed our march, and found, from the Indians, that we were only about twenty-five miles from the lake. They sent some of their young men to point out the place where we were to turn off, and parted from us with as much kindness as possible.

In passing over the part of Ohio near the lake, where such an extensive plain is found, we came to a spot overflowed by a stream, across which the road passed. I forded it first, with the help of a sounding-pole, and then taking the children on my back, first, the two little ones, and then the others, one at a time, and, lastly, my wife, I succeeded in getting them all safely across, where the ford was one hundred to one hundred and fifty yards wide, and the deepest part perhaps four feet deep. At this time the skin was worn from my back to an extent almost equal to the size of my knapsack.

One night more was passed in the woods, and

in the course of the next forenoon we came out upon the wide plain, without trees, which lies south and west of Sandusky city. We saw the houses of the village, and kept away from them for the present, till I should have an opportunity to reconnoitre a little. When about a mile from the lake, I hid my companions in the bushes, and pushed forward. Before I had gone far, I observed on the left, on the opposite side from the town, something which looked like a house, between which and a vessel, a number of men were passing and repassing with activity. I promptly decided to approach them; and, as I drew near, I was hailed by one of the number, who asked me if I wanted to work. I told him yes; and it was scarcely a minute before I had hold of a bag of corn, which, like the rest, I emptied into the hold of the vessel lying at anchor a few rods off. I got into the line of laborers hurrying along the plank next to the only colored man I saw engaged, and soon entered into conversation with him; in the course of which I inquired of him where they were going, the best route to Canada, who was the captain, and other particulars interesting to me, and communicated to him where I came from, and whither I wished to go. He told the captain, who called me one side, and by his frank look and manner soon induced me to acknowledge my condition and purpose. I found I had not mistaken him. He sympathized with me, at once, most heartily;

and offered to take me and my family to Buffalo, whither they were bound, and where they might arrive the next evening, if the favorable wind continued, of which they were hurrying to take advantage. Never did men work with a better will, and soon two or three hundred bushels were thrown on board, the hatches were fastened down, the anchor raised, and the sails hoisted. The captain had agreed to send a boat for me, after sundown, rather than take me on board at the landing; as there were Kentucky spies, he said, on the watch for slaves, at Sandusky, who might get a glimpse of me, if I brought my party out of the bush by daylight. I watched the vessel, as she left her moorings, with intense interest, and began to fear that she would go without me, after all; she stretched off to so great a distance, as it seemed to me, before she rounded to. At length, however, I saw her come up to the wind, and lower a boat for the shore; and, in a few minutes, my black friend and two sailors jumped out upon the beach. They went with me, immediately, to bring my wife and children. But what was my alarm when I came back to the place where I had left them, to find they had gone! For a moment, my fears were overpowering; but I soon discerned them, in the fading twilight, at no great distance. My wife had been alarmed by my long absence, and thought I must have been discovered by some of our watchful enemies, and had given up all for lost. Her

fears were not removed by seeing me returning with three other men; and she tried to hide herself. It was not without difficulty that I satisfied her all was right, for her agitation was so great that she could not, at once, understand what I said. However, this was soon over, and the kindness of my companions facilitated the matter very much. Before long, we were all on the way to the boat, and it did not require much time or labor to embark our luggage. A short row brought us to the vessel, and, to my astonishment, we were welcomed on board, with three hearty cheers; for the crew were as much pleased as the captain, with the help they were giving us to escape. A fine run brought us to Buffalo the next evening, but it was too late to cross the river that night. The next morning we dropped down to Black Rock, and the friendly captain, whose name I have gratefully remembered as Captain Burnham, put us on board the ferry-boat to Waterloo, paid the passage money, and gave me a dollar at parting. He was a Scotchman, and had done enough to win my enduring gratitude, to prove himself a kind and generous man, and to give me a pleasant association with his dialect and his country.

When I got on the Canada side, on the morning of the 28th of October, 1830, my first impulse was to throw myself on the ground, and giving way to the riotous exultation of my feelings, to execute sundry antics which excited the astonishment

of those who were looking on. A gentleman of the neighborhood, Colonel Warren, who happened to be present, thought I was in a fit, and as he inquired what was the matter with the poor fellow, I jumped up and told him I was free. "O," said he, with a hearty laugh, "is that it? I never knew freedom make a man roll in the sand before." It is not much to be wondered at, that my certainty of being free was not quite a sober one at the first moment; and I hugged and kissed my wife and children all round, with a vivacity which made them laugh as well as myself. There was not much time to be lost, though, in frolic, even at this extraordinary moment. I was a stranger, in a strange land, and had to look about me at once, for refuge and resource. I found a lodging for the night; and the next morning set about exploring the interior for the means of support. I knew nothing about the country, or the people; but kept my eyes and ears open, and made such inquiries as opportunity afforded. I heard, in the course of the day, of a Mr. Hibbard, who lived some six or seven miles off, and who was a rich man, as riches were counted there, with a large farm, and several small tenements on it, which he was in the habit of letting to his laborers. To him I went, immediately, though the character given him by his neighbors was not, by any means, unexceptionably good. But I thought he was not probably any worse than those I had been accustomed

to serve, and that I could get along with him, if honest and faithful work would satisfy him. In the afternoon I found him, and soon struck a bargain with him for employment. I asked him if there was any house where he would let me live. He said yes, and led the way to an old two story sort of shanty, into the lower story of which the pigs had broken, and had apparently made it their resting-place for some time. Still, it was a house, and I forthwith expelled the pigs, and set about cleaning it for the occupancy of a better sort of tenants. With the aid of hoe and shovel, hot-water and a mop, I got the floor into a tolerable condition by midnight, and only then did I rest from my labor. The next day I brought the rest of the Hensons to my house, and though there was nothing there but bare walls and floors, we were all in a state of great delight, and my old woman laughed and acknowledged that it was worth while, and that it was better than a log-cabin with an earth-floor. I begged some straw of Mr. Hibbard, and confining it by logs in the corners of the room, I made beds of it three feet thick, upon which we reposed luxuriously after our long fatigues.

Another trial awaited me which I had not anticipated. In consequence of the great exposures we had gone through, my wife and all the children fell sick; and it was not without extreme peril that they escaped with their lives.

My employer soon found that my labor was of

more value to him than that of those he was accustomed to hire; and as I consequently gained his favor, and his wife took quite a fancy to mine, we soon procured some of the comforts of life, while the necessaries of food and fuel were abundant. I remained with Mr. Hibbard three years, sometimes working on shares, and sometimes for wages; and I managed in that time to procure some pigs, a cow, and a horse. Thus my condition gradually improved, and I felt that my toils and sacrifices for freedom had not been in vain. Nor were my labors for the improvement of myself and others, in more important things than food and clothing, without effect. It so happened that one of my Maryland friends arrived in this neighborhood, and hearing of my being here, inquired if I ever preached now, and spread the reputation I had acquired elsewhere, for my gifts in the pulpit. I had said nothing myself, and had not intended to say any thing, of my having ever officiated in that way. I went to meeting with others, when I had an opportunity, and enjoyed the quiet of the Sabbath when there was no assembly. I would not refuse to labor in this field, however, when desired to do so; and I hope it is no violation of modesty to state the fact that I was frequently called upon, not by blacks alone, but by all classes in my vicinity, the comparatively educated, as well as the lamentably ignorant, to speak to them on their duty, responsibility, and immortality, on

their obligations to their Maker, their Saviour, and themselves.

It may, nay, I am aware it must, seem strange to many that a man so ignorant as myself, unable to read, and having heard so little as I had of religion, natural or revealed, should be able to preach acceptably to persons who had enjoyed greater advantages than myself. I can explain it, only by reference to our Saviour's comparison of the kingdom of heaven to a plant which may spring from a seed no bigger than a mustard-seed, and may yet reach such a size, that the birds of the air may take shelter therein. Religion is not so much knowledge, as wisdom;--and observation upon what passes without, and reflection upon what passes within a man's heart, will give him a larger growth in grace than is imagined by the devoted adherents of creeds, or the confident followers of Christ, who call him Lord, Lord, but do not the things which he says.

Mr. Hibbard was good enough to give my eldest boy, Tom, two quarters' schooling, to which the schoolmaster added more of his own kindness, so that my boy learned to read fluently and well. It was a great advantage, not only to him, but to me; for I used to get him to read much to me in the Bible, especially on Sunday mornings when I was going to preach; and I could easily commit to memory a few verses, or a chapter, from hearing him read it over. One beautiful summer-Sabbath I rose early, and called

him to come and read to me. "Where shall I read, father?" "Anywhere, my son," I answered, for I knew not how to direct him. He opened upon Psalm ciii. "Bless the Lord, O my soul, and all that is within me bless his holy name;" and as he read this beautiful outpouring of gratitude which I now first heard, my heart melted within me. I recalled, with all the rapidity of which thought is capable, the whole current of my life; and as I remembered the dangers and afflictions from which the Lord had delivered me, and compared my present condition with what it had been, not only my heart but my eyes overflowed, and I could neither check nor conceal the emotion which overpowered me. The words "Bless the Lord, O my soul," with which the Psalm begins and ends, were all I needed, or could use, to express the fulness of my thankful heart. When he had finished, Tom turned to me and asked, "Father, who was David?" He had observed my excitement, and added, "He writes pretty, don't he?" and then repeated his question. It was a question I was utterly unable to answer. I had never heard of David, but could not bear to acknowledge my ignorance to my own child. So I answered evasively, "He was a man of God, my son." "I suppose so," said he; "but I want to know something more about him. Where did he live? What did he do?" As he went on questioning me, I saw it was in vain to attempt to escape, and so I told

him frankly I did not know. "Why, father," said he, "can't you read?" This was a worse question than the other, and if I had any pride in me at the moment, it took it all out of me pretty quick. It was a direct question, and must have a direct answer; so I told him at once I could not. "Why not," said he. "Because I never had an opportunity to learn, nor anybody to teach me." "Well, you can learn now, father." "No, my son, I am too old, and have not time enough. I must work all day, or you would not have enough to eat." "Then you might do it at night." "But still there is nobody to teach me. I can't afford to pay anybody for it, and of course no one can do it for nothing." "Why, father, I'll teach you. I can do it, I know. And then you'll know so much more, that you can talk better, and preach better." The little fellow was so earnest, there was no resisting him; but it is hard to describe the conflicting feelings within me at such a proposition from such a quarter. I was delighted with the conviction that my children would have advantages I had never enjoyed; but it was no slight mortification to think of being instructed by a child of twelve years old. Yet ambition, and a true desire to learn, for the good it would do my own mind, conquered the shame, and I agreed to try. But I did not reach this state of mind instantly. I was greatly moved by the conversation I had had with Tom--so much so that I could not undertake to preach that day.

The congregation were disappointed, and I passed the Sunday in solitary reflection in the woods. I was too much engrossed with the multitude of my thoughts within me to return home to dinner, and spent the whole day in secret meditation and prayer, trying to compose myself, and ascertain my true position. It was not difficult to see that my predicament was one of profound ignorance, and that I ought to use every opportunity of enlightening it. I began to take lessons of Tom, therefore, immediately, and followed it up, every evening, by the light of a pine knot, or some hickory bark, which was the only light I could afford. Weeks passed, and my progress was so slow, that poor Tom was almost discouraged, and used to drop asleep, sometimes, and whine a little over my dulness, and talk to me very much as a schoolmaster talks to a stupid boy, till I began to be afraid that my age, my want of practice in looking at such little scratches, the daily fatigue, and the dim light, would be effectual preventives of my ever acquiring the art of reading. But Tom's perseverance and mine conquered at last, and in the course of the winter I did really learn to read a little. It was, and has been ever since, a great comfort to me to have made this acquisition; though it has made me comprehend better the terrible abyss of ignorance in which I had been plunged all my previous life. It made me also feel more deeply and bitterly the oppression under which I had

toiled and groaned; but the crushing and cruel nature of which I had not appreciated, till I found out, in some slight degree, from what I had been debarred. At the same time it made me more anxious than before to do something for the rescue and the elevation of those who were suffering the same evils I had endured, and who did not know how degraded and ignorant they really were.

After about three years had passed, I improved my condition again by taking service with a gentleman by the name of Riseley, whose residence was only a few miles distant, and who was a man of more elevation of mind than Mr. Hibbard, and of superior abilities. At his place I began to reflect, more and more, upon the circumstances of the blacks, who were already somewhat numerous in this region. I was not the only one who had escaped from the States, and had settled on the first spot in Canada which they had reached. Several hundreds of colored persons were in the neighborhood; and in the first joy of their deliverance, were going on in a way which, I could see, led to little or no progress in improvement. They were content to have the proceeds of their labor at their own command, and had not the ambition for, or the perception of what was within their easy reach, if they did but know it. They were generally working for hire upon the lands of others, and had not yet dreamed of becoming independent proprietors themselves. It

soon became my great object to awaken them to a sense of the advantages which offered themselves to their grasp; and Mr. Riseley, seeing clearly the justness of my views, and willing to coöperate with me in the attempt to make them generally known among the blacks, permitted me to call meetings, at his house, of those who were known to be among the most intelligent and successful of our class. At these meetings we considered and discussed the subject, till we were all of one mind; and it was agreed, among the ten or twelve of us who assembled at them, that we would invest our earnings in land, and undertake the task, which, though no light one certainly, would yet soon reward us for our effort, of settling upon wild lands which we could call our own; and where every tree which we felled, and every bushel of corn we raised, would be for ourselves; in other words, where we could secure all the profits of our own labor.

The advantages of this course need not be dwelt upon in a country which is every day exemplifying it, and has done so for two hundred years and more; and has, by this very means, acquired an indestructible character for energy, enterprise, and self-reliance. It was precisely the Yankee spirit which I wished to instil into my fellow-slaves, if possible; and I was not deterred from the task by the perception of the immense contrast in all the habits and character generated by long ages of freedom and servitude,

activity and sloth, independence and subjection. My associates agreed with me, and we resolved to select some spot among the many offered to our choice, where we would colonize and raise our own crops, eat our own bread, and be, in short, our own masters. I was deputed to explore the country, and find a place to which I would be willing to migrate myself; and they all said they would go with me whenever such a one should be found. I set out accordingly in the autumn of 1834, and travelled on foot all over the extensive region between lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron. When I came to the territory east of Lake St. Clair and Detroit River, I was strongly impressed with its fertility, its convenience, and, indeed, its superiority, for our purposes, to any other spot I had seen. I determined this should be the place; and so reported, on my return, to my future companions. They were wisely cautious, however, and sent me off again in the summer, that I might see it at the opposite seasons of the year, and be better able to judge of its advantages. I found no reason to change my opinion, but upon going further towards the head of Lake Erie, I discovered an extensive tract of government land, which, for some years, had been granted to a Mr. McCormick upon certain conditions, and which he had rented out to settlers upon such terms as he could obtain. This land being already cleared, offered some advantages for the immediate raising of crops, which

were not to be overlooked by persons whose resources were so limited as ours; and we determined to go there first, for a time, and with the proceeds of what we could earn there, to make our purchases in Dawn afterwards. This plan was followed, and some dozen or more of us settled upon these lands the following spring, and accumulated something by the crops of wheat and tobacco we were able to raise.

I discovered, before long, that McCormick had not complied with the conditions of his grant, and was not, therefore, entitled to the rent he exacted from settlers. I was advised by Sir John Cockburn, to whom I applied on the subject, to appeal to the legislature for relief. We did so; and though McCormick was able, by the aid of his friends, to defeat us for one year, yet we succeeded the next, upon a second appeal, and were freed from all rent, thereafter, so long as we remained. Still, this was not our own land. The government, though it demanded no rent, might set up the land for sale at any time, and then we should, probably, be driven off by wealthier purchasers, with the entire loss of all our improvements, and with no retreat provided. It was manifest that it was altogether better for us to purchase before competition was invited; and we kept this fully in mind during the time we staid here. We remained in this position six or seven years; and all this while the colored population was increasing rapidly around us, and

spreading very fast into the interior settlements and the large towns. The immigration from the United States was incessant, and some, I am not unwilling to admit, were brought hither with my knowledge and connivance. I was glad to help such of my old friends as had the spirit to make the attempt to free themselves; and I made more than one trip, about this time, to Maryland and Kentucky, with the expectation, in which I was not disappointed, that some might be enabled to follow in my footsteps. I knew the route pretty well, and had much greater facilities for travelling than when I came out of that Egypt for the first time.

I did not find that our prosperity increased with our numbers. The mere delight the slave took in his freedom, rendered him, at first, contented with a lot far inferior to that which he might have attained. Then his ignorance led him to make unprofitable bargains, and he would often hire wild land on short terms, and bind himself to clear a certain number of acres; and by the time they were cleared and fitted for cultivation his lease was out, and his landlord would come in, and raise a splendid crop on the new land; and the tenant would, very likely, start again on just such another bargain, and be no better off at the end of ten years than he was at the beginning. Another way in which they lost the profits of their labor, was by raising nothing but tobacco, the high price of which was

very tempting, and the cultivation of which was a monopoly in their hands, as no white man understood it, or could compete with them at all. The consequence was, however, that they had nothing but tobacco to sell; there was rather too much of it in the market, and the price of wheat rose, while their commodity was depressed; and they lost all they should have saved, in the profit they gave the trader for his corn and stores. I saw the effect of these things so clearly that I could not help trying to make my friends and neighbors see it too; and I set seriously about the business of lecturing upon the subject of crops, wages, and profits, as if I had been brought up to it. I insisted on the necessity of their raising their own crops, saving their own wages, and securing the profits of their own labor, with such plain arguments as occurred to me, and were as clear to their comprehension as to mine. I did this very openly; and, frequently, my audience consisted in part of the very traders whose inordinate profits upon individuals I was trying to diminish, but whose balance of profit would not be ultimately lessened, because they would have so many more persons to trade with who would be able to pay them a reasonable advance in cash, or its equivalent, on all their purchases. The purse is a tender part of the system; but I handled it so gently, that the sensible portion of my natural opponents were not, I believe, offended; while those whom I wished to benefit,

saw, for the most part, the propriety of my advice, and took it. At least, there are now great numbers of settlers, in this region of Canada, who own their farms, and are training up their children in true independence, and giving them a good elementary education, who had not taken a single step towards such a result before I began to talk to them.

I said none of the respectable traders were offended with me; but one man had the folly to arrest me for a small debt, under the pretence that I was about to leave the country, when I was only about to Detroit for a few days, in the spring, leaving my crops on the ground, and all my family at home but one little girl, who was to go to school for a few weeks. It was so absurd, however, that I was soon released by some of my friends, of whom I had many among the whites as well as the blacks.

While I remained at Colchester, I became acquainted with a Congregational missionary from Massachusetts, by the name of Hiram Wilson, who took an interest in our people, and was disposed to do what he could to promote the cause of improvement which I had so much at heart. He coöperated with me in many efforts, and I have been associated with him from 1836 to the present time. He has been a faithful friend, and still continues his important labors of love in our behalf. Among other things which he did for as then, he wrote to a Quaker friend

of his, an Englishman, by the name of James C. Fuller, residing at Skeneateles, New York, and endeavored to interest him in the welfare of our struggling population.

He succeeded so far, that Mr. Fuller, who was going on a visit to England, promised to do what he could among his friends there, to induce them to aid us. He came back with fifteen hundred dollars which had been subscribed for our benefit. It was a great question how this sum, which sounded vast to many of my brethren, should be appropriated. I had my own opinion pretty decidedly made up as to what it was best for us all to do with it. But, in order to come to a satisfactory conclusion, the first thing to be done was to call a convention of delegates from every settlement of blacks that was within reach; that all might see that whatever was decided on, was sanctioned by the disinterested votes of those who were thought by their companions best able to judge what was expedient. Mr. Wilson and myself called such a convention, therefore, to meet in London, Upper Canada, and it was held in June, 1838. I urged the appropriation of the money to the establishment of a manual-labor school, where our children could be taught those elements of knowledge which are usually the occupations of a grammar-school; and where the boys could be taught, in addition, the practice of some mechanic art, and the girls could be instructed in those domestic arts which are the

proper occupation and ornament of their sex. Such an establishment would train up those who would afterwards instruct others; and we should thus gradually become independent of the white man for our intellectual progress, as we might be also for our physical prosperity. It was the more necessary, as in many districts, owing to the insurmountable prejudices of the inhabitants, the children of the blacks were not allowed to share the advantages of the common school. There was some opposition to this plan in the convention; but in the course of the discussion, which continued for three days, it appeared so obviously for the advantage of all to husband this donation, so as to preserve it for a purpose of permanent utility, that the proposal was, at last, unanimously adopted; and a committee of three was appointed to select and purchase a site for the establishment. Mr. Wilson and myself were the active members of this committee, and after traversing the country for several months, we could find no place more suitable than that upon which I had had my eye for three or four years, for a permanent settlement, in the town of Dawn. We therefore bought two hundred acres of fine, rich land, on the river Sydenham, covered with a heavy growth of black walnut and white wood, at four dollars the acre. I had made a bargain for two hundred acres adjoining this lot, on my own account; and circumstances favored me so that the man of whom I purchased was glad to

let me have them at a large discount from the price I had agreed to pay, if I would give him cash for the balance I owed him. I transferred a portion of the advantage of this bargain to the institution, by selling to it one hundred acres more, at the low price at which I obtained them; and thus the school has three hundred acres of as fine land, and as well situated land, as Canada can show, at a very moderate cost. In 1842, I removed with my family to Dawn, and as a considerable number of my friends are there about me, and the school is permanently fixed there, the future importance of this settlement seems to be decided. There are many other settlements which are considerable; and, indeed, the colored population is scattered over a territory, which does not fall far short of three hundred miles in extent in each direction, and probably numbers not less than twenty thousand persons in all. We look to the school, and the possession of landed property by individuals, as two great means of the elevation of our oppressed and degraded race to a participation in the blessings, as they have hitherto been permitted to share only the miseries and vices, of civilization.

My efforts to aid them, in every way in my power, and to procure the aid of others for them, have been constant. I have made many journeys into New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Maine, in all of which States I have found or made some friends to the cause, and, I hope,

some personal friends. I have received many liberal gifts, and experienced much kindness of treatment; but I must be allowed to allude particularly to the donations received from Boston, by which we have been enabled to erect a sawmill, and thus to begin in good earnest, the clearing of our lands, and to secure a profitable return for the support of our school, as among those which have been most welcome and valuable to us.

I could give here a great many particulars, which would amuse and interest the reader, if they did not instruct him. But it is better not to indulge the inclination; and I will conclude my narrative by simply recording my gratitude, heartfelt and inexpressible, to God, and to many of my fellow-men, for the vast improvement in my condition, both physical and mental; for the great degree of comfort with which I am surrounded; for the good I have been enabled to effect; for the light which has risen upon me; for the religious privileges I enjoy, and the religious hopes I am permitted to cherish; for the prospects opening to my children, so different from what they might have been; and, finally, for the cheering expectation of benefiting not only the present, but many future generations of my race.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Josiah Henson, 1789-1883. The Life of Josiah Henson, Formerly a Slave, Now an Inhabitant of Canada, as Narrated by Himself.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities and The Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation supported the electronic publication of this title. Text transcribed by Apex Data Services, Inc. Images scanned by Malissa GrahamText encoded by Lee Ann Morawski and Natalia Smith First edition, 2001 ca.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
A North-Side View of Slavery.
The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada.
Related by Themselves, with an Account of the History and
Condition of the Colored Population of Upper Canada:
Electronic Edition.

Drew, Benjamin, 1812-1903

Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities and The Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation
supported the electronic publication of this title.

Text transcribed by Apex Data Services, Inc.
Images scanned by Andrew Smith
Text encoded by Lee Ann Morawski and Natalia Smith
First edition, 2000
ca. 720K
Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
2000.

Source Description:
(title page) A North-Side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada. Related by Themselves, with an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of Upper Canada
Benjamin Drew
xii, 387, [4] p., ill.
BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY. CLEVELAND, OHIO: JEWETT, PROCTOR AND WORTHINGTON. NEW YORK: SHELDON, LAMPORT AND BLAKEMAN. LONDON: TRÜBNER AND CO.
1856.

Call number E D776N (Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Duke University)

The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH digitization project, Documenting the American South.
The text has been encoded using the recommendations for Level 4 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines.
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Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998

Languages Used:

LC Subject Headings:

Fugitive slaves -- Canada -- Biography.

Fugitive slaves -- United States -- Biography.

African Americans -- Canada -- Biography.

Blacks -- Canada -- Biography.

Slaves -- United States -- Social conditions.

Blacks -- Canada -- History -- 19th century.

Slavery -- United States -- History -- 19th century.

Underground railroad.

Slaves' writings, American -- Canada.

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[Cover Image]

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[Title Page Verso Image]

A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. THE REFUGEE: OR THE
NARRATIVES OF FUGITIVE SLAVES IN CANADA. RELATED BY THEMSELVES,
WITH
AN ACCOUNT OF THE HISTORY AND CONDITION OF THE
COLORED POPULATION OF UPPER CANADA.

BY

BENJAMIN DREW.

BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY.
CLEVELAND, OHIO:
JEWETT, PROCTOR AND WORTHINGTON.
NEW YORK: SHELDON, LAMPORT AND BLAKEMAN.
LONDON: TRÜBNER AND CO.
1856.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by
JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. CAMBRIDGE:
ALLEN AND FARNHAM, STEREOTYPERS AND PRINTERS.

PUBLISHERS' ADVERTISEMENT.

THE work here offered to the public will be found, we venture to say, one of the most instructive and interesting that has yet appeared on the subject of American Slavery. It is original in design and scope, and has been executed with the most conscientious care and fidelity. The author is a gentleman of high character, whose statements may be implicitly relied upon, and whose intelligence is not likely to have been deceived. As for the statements of the Fugitives from Slavery, they speak for themselves. Nowhere else can be found such a mass of direct and unimpeachable testimony as to the true character of the Peculiar Institution, by witnesses who have had the best opportunities of knowing its nature, and who occupy a point of view from which its characteristic lineaments can be most distinctly discerned.

We are confident that "A North-side View of Slavery" will prove to be not only one of the most effective Anti-slavery arguments ever issued from the press, but a valuable and permanent contribution to American Literature.

JOHN P. JEWETT & CO.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

THE colored population of Upper Canada, was estimated in the First Report of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, in 1852, at thirty thousand. Of this large number, nearly all the adults, and many of the children, have been fugitive slaves from the United States; it is, therefore, natural that the citizens of this Republic should feel an interest in their fate and fortunes. Many causes, however, have hitherto prevented the public generally from knowing their exact condition and circumstances. Their enemies, the supporters of slavery, have represented them as "indolent, vicious, and debased; suffering and starving, because they have no kind masters to do the thinking for them, and to urge them to the necessary labor, which their own laziness and want of forecast, lead them to avoid." Some of their friends, anxious to obtain aid for the comparatively few in number, (perhaps three thousand in all,) who have actually stood in need of assistance, have not, in all cases, been sufficiently discriminating in their statements: old settlers and new, the rich and the poor, the good and the bad, have suffered alike from imputations of poverty and starvation--misfortunes, which, if resulting from idleness, are akin to crimes. Still another set of men, selfish in

purpose, have, while pretending to act for the fugitives, found a way to the purses of the sympathetic, and appropriated to their own use, funds intended for supposititious sufferers.

Such being the state of the case, it may relieve some minds from doubt and perplexity, to hear from the refugees themselves, their own opinions of their condition and their wants. These will be found among the narratives which occupy the greater part of the present volume.

Further, the personal experiences of the colored Canadians, while held in bondage in their native land, shed a peculiar lustre on the Institution of the South. They reveal the hideousness of the sin, which, while calling on the North to fall down and worship it, almost equals the tempter himself in the felicity of scriptural quotations.

The narratives were gathered promiscuously from persons whom the author met with in the course of a tour through the cities and settlements of Canada West. While his informants talked, the author wrote: nor are there in the whole volume a dozen verbal alterations which were not made at the moment of writing, while in haste to make the pen become a tongue for the dumb.

Many who furnished interesting anecdotes and personal histories may, perhaps, feel some disappointment because their contributions are omitted in the present work. But to publish the whole, would far transcend the limits of a single volume. The manuscripts, however, are in safe-keeping, and will, in all probability, be given to the world on some future occasion.

For the real names which appear in the manuscripts of the narratives published, it has been deemed advisable, with few exceptions, that letters should be substituted.

To those persons mentioned in the course of the work as

having given him assistance and aid, the author acknowledges his obligations: and he feels, likewise, that his thanks are due to Thomas Henning, Esq., Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada; F. G. Simpson, Esq., Agent of the same Society, and S. Walton, Esq., of Toronto; John Doyle, Esq. City Clerk, London; Rev. Mr. Peyden, of Hamilton; Rev. William King, Buxton; John Hatfield, Esq., Amherstburg; John Fairfield, Esq., Canada West.

BOSTON, 1855.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.

WHEN in any State, the oppression of the laboring portion of the community amounts to an entire deprivation of their civil and personal rights; when it assumes to control their wills, to assign them tasks, to reap the rewards of their labor, and to punish with bodily tortures the least infraction of its mandates, it is obvious that the class so overwhelmed with injustice, are necessarily, unless prevented by ignorance from knowing their rights and their wrongs, the enemies of the government. To them, insurrection and rebellion are primary, original duties. If successfully thwarted in the performance of these, emigration suggests itself as the next means of escaping the evils under which they groan. From the exercise of this right, they can only be restrained by fear and force. These, however, will sometimes be found inadequate to hold in check the natural desire of liberty. Many, in spite of all opposition, in the face of torture and death, will seek an asylum in foreign lands, and reveal to the ears of pitying indignation, the secrets of the prisonhouse.

The escape of slaves forms the most irritating subject of discussion between the North and the South.

If on this, as on all other evils connected with or growing out of slavery, a common man of plain common sense, were asked his opinion, he would probably say--"remove the cause and the effects will cease; remove the oppression which induces to emigration, and a fugitive slave will be an impossibility." But this "would only excite a smile at the South." How mistaken is common sense!

The South are taking measures, (when was it otherwise?) to preserve, extend, and perpetuate slavery. The problem must be solved, if solved at all, without the oppression being removed.

By the combined influence of ignorance and fear, the amount of emigration has been reduced to a minimum. We could wish the South would adopt a mode of reasoning sometimes presented to us,--something of this sort;--in all kinds of business, losses are inevitable. Men at the North lose by fall of stocks, by consignments, by fires, and in a great variety of ways. If a Yankee loses a ship worth twenty thousand dollars, he does not expend one hundred thousand in endeavoring to fish it up. He simply enters it in his account of profit and loss. And if a slave runs away, we might as well make the same entry quietly, as to wound the feelings and sensibilities of our northern friends; magnifying and increasing "the deep sectional difference of inborn feeling;" and filling whole cities with grief, shame, and

an indignation irrepressible, except by marines and detachments of artillery.

Meanwhile the fugitive slave law continues to be enforced.

Gloss the matter over as much as we may, and take "south-side views" through a multiplying glass,--yet we must admit, that the slave's is a cruel lot.

We may compare King James's or the Douay Bible with the Hebrew and the Septuagint; we may find there, and in all recensions, polyglotts, and translations extant, the history of Abraham and Hagar,--yet we must allow, that an American slave, in his best estate, is a man badly educated, and systematically ill used.

We may study the New Testament and become conversant with the proceedings of Paul in regard to Onesimus; we may wade through the commentaries of pro-slavery and anti-slavery writers thereupon,--yet the truth will remain, that an American slave is deemed "a chattel personal,"--"the property of a master to whom he belongs,"--that he is liable to be flogged, sold, and divorced, as the interest, caprice, or spite of his master may dictate.

It may possibly be the case that the denunciatory language which the South has used in speaking of abolitionists, may have "irritated" them, and that, under this irritation, they have manifested more zeal in the cause of emancipation, than they would otherwise have done. Still we deem it undeniable, that if there is any situation on earth in which a man can be placed, which should stir up from its depths, the most active sympathies

of the human heart, it is the deplorable situation of an American slave.

If these things are so, how can it be wrong to assist a slave who is making his escape? Surely, to aid the unfortunate is a duty, which no power on earth can legislate into a crime.

But at this late day, the question is forced upon us, whether it is an unfortunate thing for a man to be a slave? This "excites a smile" at the North,--but as this book is destined to be read at the South as well as at the North, we will examine the question a little.

Slavery, we are told, has its bright as well as its dark parts. In southern cities, there is good order, the streets are quiet in the night, and there is an absence of mobs. In that portion of southern society which is under the highest cultivation, the slaves smile, laugh, are happy,--one must see that they are happy. Religion has gained a wonderful ascendency among the colored people. The number of communicants among them is very large. "The only difference between them and us, as to religious instruction is, they cannot generally read." "As responsibility, anxiety about the present and future, are the chief enemies to cheerfulness, and, among mental causes, to health, it is obvious that if one can have all his present wants supplied, with no care about short crops, the markets, notes payable, bills due, be relieved from the necessity of planning and contriving, all the hard thinking being done for him by another, while useful and honorable employment fills his thoughts and hands, he is so far in a situation favorable

to great comfort, which will show itself in his whole outer man. Some will say, 'This is the lowest kind of happiness.' Yet it is all that a large portion of the race seek for; and few, except slaves, obtain it." "If the colored people of Savannah, Columbia, and Richmond, are not, as a whole, a happy people, I," says the reverend author from whom we quote, "have never seen any." We are told, indeed, that "Cases illustrating the opposite of almost every agreeable statement now made could also be multiplied; still the things just described are as represented, and he is not in a healthful state of mind, who cannot appreciate them. Our error has been in mixing the dark and bright parts of slavery together. This is wrong. We should never lose sight of distinct moral qualities in character, as we do of different colors in mixing paint. Let us judge slavery in this manner; let us keep her different qualities distinct--abhor that in her which is evil, rejoice in that which is good."

Damocles sits at the royal banquet, surrounded with gold and silver plate; the table is loaded with delicacies of every kind. "Happy fellow that Damocles," says Mr. South, "he is in a broad laugh!"

"Yes;" answers Mr. North, "but look--do you not see that glittering sword hanging over his head by a single hair?"

"Never mind the sword,--you are mixing together the bright and the dark. This is wrong. Let us, at present, consider only the dinner. What splendid fare!

Judging from the gold and silver plate, from the chaplets of roses, from the handsome pages about him, from the mingled flavors of the roast and the boiled, and from the appetite of Damocles himself, one must see that he is a happy man."

"If he is happy it is either because he is ignorant of his condition,--or knowing 'the day of trouble and of treading down,' he has adopted the philosophy spoken of by the prophet, 'let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we shall die.' As happy as Damocles appears, there is the sword,--who would want a good dinner with such an accompaniment?"

"You are wrong. The dinner is good--let us rejoice over that. Damocles fares well. It is a pity that the hungry, dirty, rascally, riotous Celts cannot have just such a dinner every day at the table of Dionysius. Now we will examine the sword a little--but let us handle it gingerly."

If slavery causes an "absence of mobs," let slavery have all due credit on that score. Give it joy that it prevented the destruction of Cassius M. Clay's press, the murder of Lovejoy, the expulsion of Judge Hoar, the lynching of Amos Dresser, and the thousand and one acts of violence and outrage which have caused some unreflecting men to deny that the South is tenanted by a civilized people: more recently that it prevented a mob of armed Missourians from interfering in the Kansas election, and spared the office of the Parkville Luminary. We presume that the absence of mobs of colored persons must have been intended.

A strong police must watch the motions of the oppressed--prevent them from meeting together unless some of the oppressors are present--keep them in their quarters at night, etc. This system of police usually answers its atrocious purpose very well. It wields the lash against offenders, and instils into the oppressed the fear requisite to suppress any overt act toward gaining their rights as human beings. Incidentally, it hinders the commission of crimes, prevents mobs [of colored persons], and keeps the streets quiet, and is so far beneficent in its action. Yet it cannot be denied that the cause of liberty in the world has been much indebted to mobs.

"Oppression driveth a wise man mad." The oppressed, then, must not be made wise. If they do not know that a laborer can be a free man, the thought of freedom for themselves will not, perhaps, enter their heads. If they can be raised, so ignorant as to believe that slavery is the proper and natural condition of their being,--that they cannot take care of themselves, they will probably, be contented with their lot. The more infantile their minds are suffered to remain, the less will they comprehend the absolute wretchedness of their estate; the less opportunity will they have to learn of lands where all are free,--the less capable will they be of putting forth exertion to resist oppression or to escape from it. The intention of the slave-holders in this respect, seems to be approximately realized. Unaware of the delights of mental cultivation, of the proper growth and expansion of the human soul,

many of the oppressed class will appear in good humor and often in a "broad laugh." The manhood of this portion of the sufferers has not, indeed, been "crushed out of them:"--it has never been developed. They are little children in every thing but bodily maturity. "The slaves in Savannah," says Patrick Snead, a fugitive slave from that city, "are poor, ignorant creatures,-- they don't know their condition."

A class of men retained in the lowest form of bondage, hopeless of any thing higher and better on earth,--at the best dividing their earnings with masters, but more often urged to hard and prolonged labor, through the influence of fear,--incapable of obtaining any degree of cultivation or dignity here below,--will be peculiarly interested in representations of a better life hereafter. A religion which insists on obedience to masters and mistresses, and which inculcates forgiveness of injuries, will find many teachers among those whose domestic cares lessen, and whose profits rise in proportion to the number of proselytes, and whose codes legalize the grossest wrongs: a faith which promises heavenly rewards to humility, obedience, and patience,--which admonishes him that is smitten on one cheek to turn the other also, will find many converts among those who are glad to escape a sense of their indignities and incessant humiliations, by believing that servility itself is a Christian grace. "Suppose a family [of slaves] bound to their master by affection and respect. Whatever he can make appear to their understandings and consciences to be right, he has as much

power to enforce upon them as ever falls to the power of moral suasion." "If the numbers of pious slaves are an indication, it must be confessed that slave-owners, as a body, have performed their Christian duties to their slaves to a degree which the masters of free apprentices and the employers of free laborers have as yet hardly equalled." What knowledge the slaves have of the Scriptures is obtained by the ear, for "they are generally unable to read." While we would hope that many among the class of oppressors are faithful in proclaiming the whole counsel of God, it must be admitted that there is a strong temptation on the part of the masters to use the Scriptures mainly as an auxiliary to the overseer.

The South-side View of Slavery says, "The gospel which is preached to them [the slaves], so far as I heard it, is the same gospel which is preached to us." But the prayers of the slaves [p. 54 and 55] and the hymns they selected, [p. 55] Watts' Ps. 51, Hymns 139, B. I. and 90, B. II., seem to confirm the view we have presented; while the address of the superintendent of the colored Sabbath school, [p. 85] by no means contradicts it: nor does the hymn sung by slaves [p. 212].

To magnify the benefits which incidentally and casually grow out of the system of slavery, and to represent them as vast enough to sink its direct enormities into comparative insignificance, is, as if a man were to point to an abundant harvest of corn, on the blood-enriched

field of Waterloo, as a sufficient reason for involving the world in the horrors of war.

If, as we have said, the slave's lot is a cruel one,--if, in his best estate, the enslaved American is a man badly educated, and systematically ill-used,--if, by law he is "the property of a master to whom he belongs"--liable to be flogged, sold, and robbed of his wife and children, as the interest, or caprice, or spite of the master may dictate--it appears to us that to assist him if he endeavors to escape from bondage, is a binding duty which not all the constitutions, laws, and sophistries in Christendom can erect into a crime.

But before you render assistance, you should know "whom you are helping and for what reason he has fled." Perhaps he is running away to get rid of a scolding wife,--or he may be an ungrateful man,--nay, he may be a thief or a murderer.

And where am I to go for information on these points? To his pursuers? They will not tell me the truth. Patrick Snead, a fugitive from Savannah, as white as nine tenths of the men of the north, and not therefore "a fugitive black man," was arrested on a false charge of murder. Sims and Burns, both " black men," were kidnapped in Boston on charges of theft. By taking the word of a pursuer, I may "plunge a shipmate into the jaws of a shark." Proceedings are "summary,"--and by the time I could obtain reliable intelligence, the fugitive might become the victim of an incensed tyrant, whose malice is protected by written

atrocities denominated laws. In any particular case, the probabilities are, that the fugitive slave is an innocent man,--a wronged and suffering brother, to hear whose prayer it would be perilous for a Christian to refuse. But if, in one case out of a thousand, it should subsequently appear, that he had committed larceny, or had even "killed an Egyptian,"--it might quiet our consciences to reflect that in judging of a slave's guilt, allowances ought to be made for the peculiar privations and wrongs, incident to a slave's life, and on the score of the abject ignorance, to which he has been condemned by an unjust law,--that if the same crime had been perpetrated by a white man, in order to effect his escape from wrongful captivity among Patagonians or Arabs, he would be acquitted both in conscience and law,--and that it were better to aid ten, nay, ten thousand poor, unenlightened, uninstructed creatures to escape hanging, than to incur the tremendous responsibility of consigning an innocent man to a doom worse than death itself.

But even in cases where the fugitives bring proof that they are fleeing from brutal treatment, "no rule was ever made that could determine a man's duty." We must "return to the Constitution!" Return to the gospel, rather. "Lord when saw we thee, a stranger, and did not minister unto thee? Then shall he answer them, saying, Verily, I say unto you, Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these ye did it not to me." Could not an ingenious clergyman manage to construct from this passage a rule to determine a man's

duty in case of a fugitive stranger? To suppose that one on the left hand might urge in reply, "Lord, the least of thy brethren came to my door, hungered, and athirst, a stranger, and naked; it offended my moral sense to have him taken back to involuntary servitude: but there were other interests for moral sense to be concerned about besides those of a fugitive black man. I lived in a Union, under a Constitution, which contained a 'simple provision' that he must be delivered up,--and there was a law of the land, which made it penal to minister to thy brother,--and I chose to obey man, rather than to obey God, therefore place me among the sheep." To suppose that this might be urged in reply, were taking a south-side view of the day of judgment.

A certain man on his way from Jerusalem to Jericho "fell among thieves which stripped him of his raiment, and wounded him, and departed, leaving him half dead." Leaving him! They were quite merciful compared with slave-hunters,--these take man and all. The priest and the Levite saw him but had no compassion on him,--perhaps they wanted to know whom they were helping, before they lent their aid,--or perhaps they had constitutional scruples. But a certain Samaritan put him on his own beast, and brought him to an inn. "Which now of these three, thinkest thou, was neighbor unto him that fell among the thieves? And he said, he that showed mercy on him. Then said JESUS unto him, Go, and do thou likewise." This is in illustration of the LAW, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,"--a LAW rather "HIGHER" than the Blue

Ridge, or the Black Code: and considering the source from which it emanated, possibly somewhat higher than any form of Constitution in any human government whatever: nay, than that embodiment of American civilization, that flower of human wisdom, that rarest union of exact justice and gentle mercy, the unconstitutional fugitive slave law. But until the "law of the land" is repealed, all appeals to a "higher law" are "fanaticism!" Let us strive to amend the Constitution, and to repeal the obnoxious statute,--for Constitution, and laws, and the Republic itself must come to nought, if the people subscribe to the doctrine, that the enactments of man, however unjust and abominable, are paramount to the merciful laws of the Most High God.

But with whatever tint of words oppression may be decked: with what zeal soever it may strive to bring a clean thing out of an unclean, and to prove that ignorance and degradation and man-chattelism are productive of happiness to their victims, and pregnant with some immense good in some unknown way to Africa, and to those persons in this country having less or more African blood, and who are of all shades and colors, "from snowy white to sooty;" it is a positive fact, that many thousands have fled from the "happiness" of southern servitude, and found freedom in Canada. From the ties of a common humanity and a common nationality, we feel a deep interest in those exiled men. Why have they left a government which acknowledges

that "all men are born free and equal," and given their allegiance to another which does not recognize so democratic a doctrine? What circumstances have led them to prefer a monarchy to a republic? Why have they exchanged the genial clime of the south for a realm where winter holds half the year? Why have they abandoned friends and kindred, kind masters and mistresses who were willing to take care of them, [wives, children, and home, we would add, were it not that the idea would "excite a smile at the South"] to live a life of exile among strangers? What are their views of the patriarchal institution? Which condition do they find best suited to the African race, or rather to a race partly African, partly Saxon,--slavery or freedom? Should a contest with England arise, would they enlist under the cross of St. George, or under our stars--and stripes? What is their present condition? What are their prospects for the future?

These and similar questions can be most satisfactorily answered by the refugees themselves.

The history of their sufferings and their wrongs, of their bondage and their escape, may excite in some heart hitherto unmoved a glow of sympathy for our colored brother, yet fraudulently deprived of his birthright,--it may furnish the true friends of our country,--the friends of liberty and equal rights,--additional means toward overthrowing the slave power; that scandalous aristocracy which has hitherto been allowed to a great extent to sway the destinies of our nation.

The opinions and views of those who have been held in bondage in the United States may enable us to obtain a clearer insight into the nature of American slavery,--may prompt us to perform more energetically than hitherto, our duties to the oppressor and the oppressed,--to the North and to the South,--to the national government, and to the State in which we dwell.

The writer of these pages intends to visit those Americans who have fled from the North and the South into Upper Canada to escape the oppression exercised upon them by their native countrymen. He will assure them that they have the sympathies of many friends in the United States, and advise them that their good conduct and success in life may have an important bearing on the destinies of millions of their brethren, colored and white, in this country, who have the misfortune to be descended from slave mothers. He will endeavor to collect, with a view to placing their testimony on record, their experiences of the actual workings of slavery--what experience they have had of the condition of liberty--and such statements generally as they may be inclined to make, bearing upon the weighty subjects of oppression and freedom.

Objections may be urged to the testimony of the refugees on the score of their ignorance. We may naturally expect errors and mistakes in regard to dates, ages, proceedings at law, and other matters to know which would require an amount of information not vouchsafed to American slaves. But errors of this sort

are of secondary consequence, and should rather be imputed to those who have from interest or necessity (the tyrant's plea) placed their candle under a bushel, that it might not give light to all who were in their house. With this qualification there appears to be no reason why the statements of the colored Canadians should not be received as readily as any human testimony whatever.

If verbal alterations are required care will be taken to preserve the meaning: and if any portion of a narrative is found to trench upon affairs having no connection with slavery, or is likely to involve any good Samaritan in trouble, it will receive no other attention from the writer than to be studiously omitted.

And now we will make the best of our way to Canada. From that point let us survey the institution which entails many "domestic evils deplored by the whites,"--which "impoverishes a State,"--"stays the development of its natural resources,"--is "a great curse"--"a blot on our holy religion,"--"a curse in all its relations of master and servant," exerting a "bad influence," says a slaveholder, "upon our passions, upon our children, destroying that sense of moral responsibility which ought to bear upon us:" and let us indulge a hope that the cause of emancipation may receive a new impulse from a NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

THE REFUGEE;
OR
A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

ST. CATHARINES.

REFUGE! Refuge for the oppressed! Refuge for Americans escaping from abuse and cruel bondage in their native land! Refuge for my countrymen from the lash of the overseer, from the hounds and guns of southern man-hunters, from the clutches of northern marshals and commissioners! Rest! Rest for the hunted slave! Rest for the travel-soiled and foot-sore fugitive.

Refuge and Rest! These are the first ideas which arise in my mind in connection with the town of St. Catharines.

I might mention here its pleasant situation, its commercial advantages, the Welland Canal, its telegraphic wires, its railroads, its famous mineral springs, and other matters interesting to the tourist; but we will step aside from these, and look at St. Catharines as the peaceful home of hundreds of the colored race.

Of the population of about six thousand, it is estimated

that eight hundred are of African descent. Nearly all the adult colored people have at some time been slaves.

The name, too, of a distinguished, self-denying philanthropist comes into my mind with the recollection of St. Catharines, the Rev. Hiram Wilson. With him the refugee finds a welcome and a home; the poor stranger is pointed by him to the means of honorable self-support, and from him receives wise counsel and religious instruction. The lady of Mr. Wilson warmly seconds his benevolent exertions. The wayfarer, however forlorn, degraded, or repulsive even, shares her hospitality, and is refreshed by her words of kindness and her cheerful smile.

I have seen the negro--the fugitive slave, wearied with his thousand miles of travelling by night, without suitable shelter meanwhile for rest by day, who had trodden the roughest and most unfrequented ways, fearing, with too much cause, an enemy in every human being who had crossed his path; I have seen such arrive at Mr. Wilson's, bringing with him the subdued look, the air of sufferance, the furtive glance bespeaking dread, and deprecating punishment; I have seen such waited on by Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, fed and clothed, and cheered, and cared for. Such ministrations give a title to true greatness, a title recognized by Divine wisdom, and deriving its authority from revelation itself: "Whosoever would be great among you, let him be your minister."

The houses occupied by the colored people are neat and plain without; tidy and comfortable within. Through the kindness of Mr. Wilson and other friends, I was enabled to visit many families, and was invariably received with courtesy and kindness. Such narratives

and statements as I received in St. Catharines, it is now my purpose to spread before the reader.

JAMES ADAMS.

I was raised in Virginia, about twenty miles above the mouth of the Big Kanawha. At the age of seventeen, I set out to seek freedom in company with Benjamin Harris, (who was a cousin of mine,) and a woman and four children. I was young, and they had not treated me very badly; but I had seen older men treated worse than a horse or a hog ought to be treated; so, seeing what I was coming to, I wished to get away. My father being overseer, I was not used so badly as some even younger than myself, who were kicked, cuffed, and whipped very badly for little or nothing. We started away at night, on the 12th of August, 1824. After we had crossed the river, alarm was given, and my father came down where we had crossed, and called to me to come back. I had not told my intention to either my father or mother. I made no answer at all, but we walked three miles back from the river, where we lay concealed in the woods four days. The nights we passed at the house of a white friend; a friend indeed. We set out on a Monday night, and on the night following, seven more of my fellow-servants started on the same race. They were overtaken on Wednesday night, while they were in a house on the Ohio side. One jumped from a window and broke his arm; he stayed in the woods some days, and then he returned. The other six, two women and four children, were carried back, and the man we stopped with told us that
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the two women were whipped to make them tell where we were, so they could come upon us. They told their master as near as they could. On Thursday five white men came to the house where we had been concealed, but we were then in the woods and mountains, three miles from the friend's house. Every evening, between three and four o'clock, he would come and bring us food. We had nothing to give him--it was the hand of Divine Providence made him do it. He and others on the river see so much abuse of colored people that they pity them, and so are ready to give them aid; at least it was so then. He told the white men he knew nothing about us, and nothing of the kind. They searched his premises, and then left, believing his story. He came to us and said, "Boys, we are betrayed, they are coming now round the hill after us." We picked up our bundles and started on a run; then he called us back, and said he did it to try our spunk. He then told us of those who were carried back, and of the searching of his premises. We lodged in his barn that night. On the morning of Friday, he took us twelve miles to a place where the woman would have to leave her children, because he could conceal her better without them. He pointed out a house occupied by a family of Methodists, where she could go and tell them she was going back, and so leave her children there. But when she reached the house the father and mother were absent, so she went at a venture to another house. As it was raining and dark, she was guided by a white boy, a stout lad, and a girl with a lantern. At this house, she slept on a pallet on the floor; and when all else were asleep, she put her baby, which she had all along kept in her arms, into her oldest boy's care, crept to the door and went out. We had bidden her good-by, not
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expecting to see her. When the boy and girl had come back from guiding her, I heard the boy say, "Now we shall get fifty dollars for giving her up, and she'll get a good fleecing into the bargain." The man where we had stopped intended to take her to his house after she had got rid of her children, and when opportunity offered, send her to Canada. We went to a fire which we saw burning in a clearing, and Ben slept while I kept watch. Presently the woman came towards us. I heard the cracking of sticks as she came, and awoke Ben. He raised a sort of tomahawk he had made, intending to strike the person approaching, supposing it was an enemy. Said she, "Oh Ben, don't strike me, it is I." This made me cry to think Ben was so near killing the woman. Then she begged us not to leave her until the man should come to find her. He not coming so soon as we expected, we all steered back the twelve miles through the woods. Towards night, we heard his cow-bells; we drove the cattle before us, knowing that they would go home. Just as they had guided us there, the man, who had also followed the bells, came up. He told us that the children had been carried back to their master. We supposed the boy--guide--had betrayed them, but do not know. We stayed in his barn all night, and left on Sunday morning, the woman remaining behind.

At about noon, we were near a village. He pointed out a haystack, where we were to rendezvous at night, to meet another man whom our friend was to send to take us further along on our way. At night we went to the haystack; a road ran by it. Instead of keeping watch by the stack, we were so jaded that we crossed the road and lay down to rest on the bare ground, where we fell asleep. The man, as we afterwards learned
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from him, came as agreed upon, whistled and made signals, but failed to wake us up. Thinking we had been pursued away, he went back without us. The next morning, when we awoke, the sun was rising red, right on the public road. We saw a man at his door some two hundred yards from us. I went to ask him how the roads ran; Harris told me to inquire the way to Carr's Run, near home, so we would go the contrary. By the time I got back, Ben, who had watched, saw the man leave his house with his gun, and take a circle round to come down on us; but before he could head us, we were past him in the road running. We ran and walked about four miles barefoot; then we took courage to put on our shoes, which we had not dared stop long enough to do before, for fear the man with the gun would get ahead of us.

We were now on the top of a high hill. On our right was a path leading into the woods. In this path we descended, and after walking a few minutes, we arrived at a house by the main road. We went in to ask for a drink of buttermilk. Only the woman of the house was at home. Said she, "Boys, you are the very ones my husband was looking for last night." We denied it, being right on the road, and afraid. She insisted, "for," said she, "the man who came to tell my husband, said there was a big one and a little one." I was the little one. She gave us crackers, cheese, and onions. Against her advice, we left the house and moved on. Presently we came to a toll-gate, about which there were standing several white men. We walked up boldly to the gate; one of the men then asked us, "Where are you going?" Ben answered, "We are going to Chillicothe to see our friends there." Then he made answer and said, "You can't go any further, you
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must go back with me, you are the very boys I was looking for last night." We told him we wanted to go on, but he said, "There are so many buckskin Yankees in these parts that you will be taken before you get half through the town." We then went back to his house, but we did not stop more than ten minutes, because it would be dangerous for him as well as for us if we were caught on his premises. He stuck up a pole close to his house and tied a white cloth on it; then he led us up to the top of the hill (this was Monday, quite early in the morning), and showed us a rough place of bushes and rocks where we could lie concealed quite pleasantly, and so high up that we could see the main road, and the toll-gate, and the house, and the white flag. Said he, "If there's any danger, I'll send a child out to throw down the white flag; and if you get scared away from here, come back at night and I'll protect you." Soon after he left us, we saw five white men come to his house on horseback; they were the five who had carried back the others that tried to escape. Two of them went into the house; then we saw a little girl come out and climb up on the fence, as if she were playing about, and she knocked down the flag-pole,--which meant that we were to look out for ourselves. But we did not feel that there was any immediate danger, and so we kept close under cover. Pretty soon the two came out of the house, and they all rode forward very fast, passed the toll-gate, and were soon out of sight. I suppose they thought to overtake us every minute, but luckily I have never seen them since. In the evening the man came and conducted us to his house, where we found the men we had seen at the toll-gate in the morning. They were mostly armed with pistols and guns. They guided us to a solitary
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house three miles back among the mountains, in the neighborhood of which we remained three days. We were told to go up on the mountain very high, where was an Indian cave in the rocks. From this cave we could look a great distance around and see people, and we felt afraid they would see us. So instead of staying there, we went down the mountain to a creek where trees had been cut down and branches thrown over the bank; we went under the branches and bushes where the sand was dry, and there we would sit all day. We all the time talked to each other about how we would get away, and what we should do if the white folks tackled us; that was all our discourse.

We stayed there until Friday, when our friends gave us knapsacks full of cakes and dried venison, and a little bundle of provision besides, and flints and steel, and spunk, and a pocket-compass to travel through the woods by. We knew the north-star, but did not travel nights for nearly a week. So on Friday morning we set out, the men all bidding us good-by, and the man of the flag-staff went with us half a day to teach us the use of the compass; we had never seen one before. Once in a while he would put it on a log to show us how to travel by it. When he was leaving us, he took his knife and marked on the compass, so that we should steer a little west of north.

During the six days succeeding, we traversed an unbroken wilderness of hills and mountains, seeing neither man nor habitation. At night we made a fire to sit by. We saw deer on our way; we were not annoyed by wild animals, and saw but one snake, a garter-snake. The first sign of man we met with was a newly-made road; this was on the seventh day from the time we left the house in the mountains. Our provisions held
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out well, and we had found water enough. After crossing the road, we came out from the mountains to a level cleared place of farms and houses. Then we were afraid, and put ourselves on our guard, resolving to travel by night. We laid by until starlight, then we made for a road leading to the north. We would follow a road until it bent away from the north; then we would leave it and go by the compass. This caused us to meet many rivers and streams where there were no bridges; some we could wade over, and some we crossed by swimming. After reaching the clearings, we scarcely dared build a fire. Once or twice we took some green corn from the fields, and made a brush fire to roast it. After lighting the fire, we would retire from it, as far almost as we could see it, and then watch whether anybody might come to it. When the fire had gone out, the corn would be about done.

Our feet were now sore with long travelling. One night we came to a river; it was rather foggy, but I could see a ferry-scow on the other side. I was afraid of alligators, but I swam over, and poled the scow back and ferried Ben across,--his ancle was so sore, that he did not like to put his foot in the water if he could help it. We soon reached an old stable in the edge of a little town; we entered it and slept alternately one keeping watch, as we always managed while in the neighborhood of settlements. We did not do this in the wilderness,-- there we slept safely, and were quite reconciled. At cock-crowing in the morning we set out and went into the woods, which were very near; there we stayed through the day.

At night we started on and presently came into a road running north-west. Coming to a vine patch we filled our knapsacks with cucumbers; we then met a
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white man, who asked us, "Which way are you travelling?" My cousin told him "To Cleveland, to help a man drive a drove of cattle." He then said, "I know you must be runaways,--but you needn't be afraid of me,--I don't want to hurt you." He then told us something that we knew before--that the last spring five fugitives were overtaken at his house by my master and two other men; that the fugitives took through his wheat-field,--one of them, a little fellow, could not run so fast as the rest, and master called to him to stop, or he 'd shoot him. His answer was, "shoot and be d--d!" The man further told us, that he took through the wheat-field as if he would assist in catching the slaves, but that when he got near enough, he told them to "push on!" Ben and I knew about the pursuit, and what the little fellow had said; for it got round among the servants, after master got back. That little fellow's widow is now my wife. We went to the man's house, and partook of a good luncheon. He told us to hurry, and try to get through Newark before daylight. We hurried accordingly, but it was daybreak when we crossed the bridge. We found the little toll-gate open and we went through--there were lights in a tavern window at the left of the gate, and the windows had no curtains. Just as we were stepping off the bridge, a plank rattled,--then up started after us a little black dog, making a great noise. We walked smartly along, but did not run until we came to a street leading to the right,--then we ran fast until we came to a left hand turn, which led to the main road at the other side of the town. Before sunrise, we hid in a thicket of briars, close by the road, where we lay all day, seeing the teams, and every thing that passed by.

At dark we went on again, passed through Mount
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Vernon in the night, and kept on until daylight. Again we halted in concealment until night, then we went on again through Wooster. After leaving Wooster, we saw no more settlements, except one little village, which we passed through in broad day. We entered a store here, but were asked no questions. Here we learned the way to Cleveland. In the middle of the afternoon we stopped for a little rest. Just before night we moved forward again and travelled all night. We then stopped to rest until four in the afternoon, meanwhile roasting some corn as before. At about four, we met a preacher, who was just come from Cleveland. He asked us if we were making our escape,--we told him "No." He said, "You need not be afraid of me,--I am the friend of all who travel from the South to the North." He told us not to go into Cleveland, as we would be taken up. He then described a house which was on our way, where, he said, we might mention our meeting him, and we would find friends who would put us on board a boat. We hid until dark,--then we went to the house, which we recognized readily from the preacher's description. We knocked at the door, and were invited in. My cousin told them what the minister had said. The man of the house hid us in his barn two nights and three days. He was a shoemaker. The next night after we got there, he went to Cleveland himself to get a berth for us aboard some boat for Canada. When he returned, he said he had found a passage for us with Capt. B., who was to sail the next Thursday at 10, P. M. At that hour we embarked, having a free passage in a schooner for Buffalo. On board this boat, we met with an Englishman whom we had often seen on a steamboat at the plantation. He knew us, and told us a reward of one hundred dollars
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was offered for each of us, and he showed us several handbills to that effect. He said they had been given him to put up along the road, but he had preferred to keep them in his pocket. Capt. B. took away our knives and Ben's tomahawk, for fear of mischief.

We reached Buffalo at 4, P. M. The captain said, that if there was any danger in the town, he would take us in his yawl and put us across. He walked through the town to see if there were any bills up. Finding no danger, he took us out of the hatchway,--he walked with us as far as Black Rock Ferry, giving us good advice all the way, how we should conduct ourselves through life in Canada, and we have never departed from his directions,--his counsel was good, and I have kept it.

I am now buying this place. My family are with me,--we live well, and enjoy ourselves. I worship in the Methodist church. What religious instruction I received on plantation, was from my mother.

I look upon slavery as the most disgusting system a man can live under. I would not be a slave again, except that I could not put an end to my own existence, through fear of the punishment of the future.

Men who have never seen or felt slavery cannot realize it for the thing it is. If those who say that fugitives had better go back, were to go to the South and see slavery, they would never wish any slave to go back.

I have seen separations by sales, of husbands from wives, of parents from children,--if a man threatens to run away, he is sure to be sold. Ben's mother was sold down South--to New Orleans--when he was about twenty years old.

I arrived in Canada on the 13th September, 1824.
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WILLIAM JOHNSON.

I look upon slavery as I do upon a deadly poison. The slaves are not contented nor happy in their lot. Neither on the farm where I was in Virginia, nor in the neighborhood were the slaves satisfied. The man I belonged to did not give us enough to eat. My feet were frostbitten on my way North, but I would rather have died on the way than to go back.

It would not do to stop at all about our work,--if the people should try to get a little rest, there would be a cracking spell amongst them. I have had to go through a great deal of affliction; I have been compelled to work when I was sick. I used to have rheumatism, and could not always do so much work as those who were well,--then I would sometimes be whipped. I have never seen a runaway that wanted to go back,--I have never heard of one.

I knew a very smart young man--he was a fellow-servant of mine, who had recently professed religion--who was tied up by a quick-tempered overseer, and whipped terribly. He died not long after, and the people there believed it was because of the whipping. Some of the slaves told the owner, but he did not discharge the overseer. He will have to meet it at the day of judgment.

I had grown up quite large, before I thought any thing about liberty. The fear of being sold South had more influence in inducing me to leave than any other thing. Master used to say, that if we did n't suit him, he would put us in his pocket quick--meaning he would sell us. He never gave me a great coat in his life,--he said he knew he ought to do it, but that he
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could n't get ahead far enough. His son had a child by a colored woman, and he would have sold it--his own grandchild--if the other folks had n't opposed it.

I have found good friends in Canada, but have been able to do no work on account of my frozen feet,--I lost two toes from my right foot. My determination is to go to work as soon as I am able. I have been about among the colored people in St. Catharines considerably, and have found them industrious and frugal. No person has offered me any liquor since I have been here: I have seen no colored person use it. I have been trying to learn to read since I came here, and I know a great many fugitives who are trying to learn.

HARRIET TUBMAN.

I grew up like a neglected weed,--ignorant of liberty, having no experience of it. Then I was not happy or contented: every time I saw a white man I was afraid of being carried away. I had two sisters carried away in a chain-gang,--one of them left two children. We were always uneasy. Now I've been free, I know what a dreadful condition slavery is. I have seen hundreds of escaped slaves, but I never saw one who was willing to go back and be a slave. I have no opportunity to see my friends in my native land. We would rather stay in our native land, if we could be as free there as we are here. I think slavery is the next thing to hell. If a person would send another into bondage, he would, it appears to me, be bad enough to send him into hell, if he could.
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MRS.----.

[The lady who gave the following narrative wished to withhold her name, for private reasons. She is well known at St. Catharines as a very intelligent and respectable person.]

I was held as a slave in--, without even legal right according to the slave laws. When I was ten years old, a young man was punishing me--I resisted: I was in consequence called "a rebellious wretch," and put out of the family. At the place where I was hired, it happened on communion Sunday in March, that the dogs got hold of a pig, and bit a piece off its ear. In consequence of this misfortune to the pig, a boy of sixteen years, or thereabouts, was whipped in the barn; and a man-slave was tied up to a tree, with his arms extended, and whipped. I was peeping and saw the man whipped. The blood ran as they whipped him. His wife had to take care of him and dress his wounds. It affected me so that I cried and said I would n't stay at the place,--then the same man--the man of the house--whipped me. At twelve o'clock that night, I ran away to my owners. He came to the folks where I was, and requested them to send me back, lest the others should follow my example. I went back and stayed two weeks,--when I had got within a mile of home, my master got on his horse, and trotted along behind me, to let folks see that he had got the runaway.

After my escape from slavery, I married a free colored man. We were comfortably settled in the States, and were broken up by the fugitive slave law,--compelled to leave our home and friends, and to go at later than middle life into a foreign country among strangers.

I look upon slavery as the worst evil that ever was.
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My life has been taken from me in a measure by it. If any are disposed to apologize for slavery, it would be well for them to try it awhile.

REV. ALEXANDER HEMSLEY.

[The famous decision of Judge Hornblower, of New Jersey, some years ago, in a case of a fugitive, will doubtless be recollected by many readers. The narrative subjoined was given by the individual more immediately interested in that decision. Mr. Hemsley is confined to his bed a great part of the time by dropsy. He is a very intelligent man, and his face wears, notwithstanding his many trials and his sickness, a remarkable expression of cheerfulness and good-will. His dwelling is clean and nice, and he is well nursed and cared for by Mrs. Hemsley, a sensible, painstaking woman, the very impersonation of neatness. As it does not appear in the narrative, it may properly be stated here, that Mr. Hemsley has lost two children by death, since his removal to St. Catharines; their sickness, alluded to in the narrative, extending through three consecutive years. If any capitalist is looking about him for an opportunity to invest, I think he might profitably employ two hundred dollars in lifting the mortgage from Hemsley's house and garden. Rev. Hiram Wilson of St. C. who has managed to keep himself free from the care of riches, by giving to the needy, as fast as he earned it, every thing which he might have called his own, will be happy, without doubt, to attend to the business without fee or commission. Apropos, of Mr. Wilson,--we know "there is that scattereth, and yet increaseth." But in Mr. W's case it requires but little financial skill to perceive, that while "scattering" to relieve the sick and suffering,--the fugitive and the oppressed,--to an extent sometimes fully up to the means in his hands, any "increase" must come from those who may feel disposed to let their means assist his abundant opportunities of benevolent action. But to the narrative.]

I was in bondage in Queen Anne County, Maryland, from birth until twenty-three years of age. My name in slavery was Nathan Mead. My master was a professor
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of religion, and used to instruct me in a hypocritical way in the duties of religion. I used to go to church on Sunday to hear him talk, and experience the contrary on Monday. On the Sabbath he used to catechize us, and tell us if we were good honest boys, and obedient to our master, we should enjoy the life that now is, and that which is to come.

My idea of freedom during my youth was, that it was a state of liberty for the mind,--that there was a freedom of thought, which I could not enjoy unless I were free,--that is, if I thought of any thing beneficial for me, I should have liberty to execute it. My escape was not owing to any sudden impulse or fear of present punishment, but from a natural wish to be free: and had it not been for near and dear friends, I should not have remained in slavery so long. I had an uncle who was a preacher. He had a good many boys. I confided to him that I wanted to leave, and would like to have his boys accompany me. He said he would not dare to tell his boys, for if we were to undertake it, and get caught, it would ruin us all. The fear of being caught was then, I think, a greater restraint than it is now. Now there is a different spirit in the slaves, and if they undertake to escape, it is with a feeling of victory or death,--they determine not to be taken alive, if possible to prevent it even by bloodshed.

I was accustomed to leave home every Saturday night to visit friends seven miles inland, and to return on Sunday night. One Sunday night when I had got back from my visit, I took leave of my friends, they not knowing what I intended, as I had often told them on the Saturday nights, in the same way, that I never expected to see them again. After I bade them farewell, I started for New Jersey, where, I had been told,
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people were free, and nobody would disturb me. I went six miles, and then ambushed. On Monday night, I went thirty-three miles, and found a good old Quaker--one [we omit the name, but it will be published one day]--with whom I stayed three weeks. At the expiration of which time, I went to Philadelphia. I made no tarry there, but went straight over into New Jersey. After a stay of two months at Cooper's Creek, I went to Evesham, where I resided eight or nine years, being hired and getting my money. No one disturbed me all this time. I heard that I had been pursued by the son of my master, but that not hearing from me he went back. I then received favorable offers to go to Northampton, and I removed there, taking with me my wife whom I had married at Evesham, and my three children. At Northampton I remained unmolested until October, 1836. Then some four or five southerners, neither of whom had any legal claim upon me, having found out that I had escaped from bondage, went to the executor of my old master's estate (my master having been dead six or seven years) and bought me running,--that is, they paid some small sum for a title to me, so as to make a spec. out of poor me. To make sure of the matter, they came about my house, pretending to be gunning,--meanwhile looking after my children, and appraising their value in case they could get them. This I know, for they promised a lawyer my oldest son, if he would gain the case.*

* Mrs. H. was from Caroline Co., Md. Her parents were made free "by word of mouth,"--but as her mother had no free papers,--it was feared that the daughter might be enslaved. She was enabled to avoid the danger by emigration.

They hung round my house from Wednesday to Saturday morning, when, while it was yet dark, they surrounded my Page 35
house. It was my usual way to open the door, put my shoes on, and go off to work. Just as I opened the door that morning, an officer of the town followed the door right in, put his hand on me, and said, "You are my prisoner!" I asked him "what he meant by that?" He said he had received a writ to bring me before the court of common pleas. I told him "I have no master, but I will go with you." I sat down to put on my shoes,--then the five southerners flung themselves upon me and put me in irons. Then one of them pretended to be a great friend to me. "Now," said he, "if you have any friends, tell me who they are, and I' ll go for them." I showed him the house where my employer lived, and told him to step up there, and ask him to come to me immediately. He came, and commenced reproving the constable for being in so low business as to be arresting slaves for slave-hunters. "Poor business!" said he. I told him I was afraid they were going to smuggle me off, without taking me before the judge. The constable then, at his request, pledged his honor, to take me safe to the court at Mount Holly. They put me in a carriage, handcuffed, between two armed men of the party. One of these had been a boy with whom I had played in my young days in Maryland. He was there to swear to my identity. On the way, he tried to "soft soap" me, so as to get some evidence to convict me, when we got before the judge. But I made strange of him and of every thing he said,--I would n't know him nor any of his blarney. At Mount Holly, the judge told me, that it was alleged that I had escaped from the service of Mr. Isaac Baggs of Maryland,--and that, if that were proved I might be sure that I would be sent back. The judge being a Virginia born man, brought up in New Jersey, was
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found, like the handle of a jug, all on one side, and that side against me. The friends employed counsel for me, and by the efforts of my counsel, the trial was put off to Monday. On Monday, the case was called, and the other side had an adjournment of a week, in order to get an additional witness. I was imprisoned during the week. A brother of the former witness was then brought forward--one whom I had known when a boy. The two brothers, who were both mean fellows, as they appeared against me to get money, swore to my identity, and that they knew me to have been the slave of Isaac Baggs. My counsel were David Paul Brown, John R. Slack, George Campbell, and Elias B. Cannon. The trial was not concluded until the lapse of three weeks. Then the judge decided, that my wife was a free-woman and might remain with her children,--"but as for you, Alexander or Nathan, the case is clear that you were the slave of Isaac Baggs, and you must go back."

Then Mr. John R. Slack went up to the judge, and laid the writ of habeas corpus before him. The judge looked it over in quick time--his color came and went tremendously. He answered in a low tone of voice, "I think you might have told me that you had that before." The lawyer answered, "We thought it would be time enough, after seeing how far your Honor would go." A good old friend--one Thomas Shipleigh--had ridden forty miles to get that writ. On the next day the sheriff took me before Judge Hornblower; two of my counsel went also, and one of the other party. My oppressor planned to take me out of New Jersey on the route, as if we left the State, Judge Heywood's certificate would take effect. Our party, however, were wide awake, and kept within N. J., but they prepared
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bull-dogs (pistols) in case any attempt were made at carrying me off. When we arrived at the court, Mr. Brainard Clark, my claimant's lawyer, in the course of his argument, stated what great expense the claimants had been to for jail fees, &c., "even seventy dollars." Judge H. answered, "If it had been seven times seventy, it would create no sympathy in me for them,--we can't expect to pass away human liberty for a mere trifle,"--or words to that effect. It was concluded that I should be given into the custody of the sheriff until February term,--then to be brought before the supreme court at Trenton.

I remained in jail until the February term, about three months, as comfortable as a man could be, imprisoned, and with the awful doom of slavery hanging over his head. The case was then taken up by Hon. Theodore Frelinghuysen. The other side could not meet Frelinghuysen's argument. In about three weeks the court declared me a free man. I was then let out of jail; but as I had become so well known, my friends were afraid that my claimants would waylay and smuggle me, and thought I had better leave for the North, which I did. I travelled some two hundred miles, most of the way on foot into Otsego county, N. Y., where I gave out through fatigue. I was sick when I got there. Here I was joined by my wife and children. I remained here until navigation opened,--we were forty miles from the canal at Utica. Then, from visions of the night, I concluded that I was on dangerous ground, and I removed with my family to Farmington. Years before I had had visions of the road I was to travel, and if I had obeyed the visions, the trouble would not have occurred. I had dreamed of being pursued, and that they had caught me, and so it turned out. From
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Farmington, I went on directly to Rochester, where I remained but one night. My health was good, with the exception of my eyes, which were dim of sight and inflamed, owing to the change from imprisonment to exposure to pelting storms of rain and snow. I felt that my persecutors who brought this trouble on me were actuated by a demonlike principle. We embarked from Rochester, on board a British boat, The Traveller, for Toronto.

When I reached English territory, I had a comfort in the law,--that my shackles were struck off, and that a man was a man by law. I had been in comfortable circumstances, but all my little property was lawed away. I was among strangers, poverty-stricken, and in a cold country. I had been used to farming, and so could not find in the city such assistance as I needed: in a few days, I left for St. Catharines, where I have ever since remained.

My master did not use to do much at buying and selling, but there was a great deal of it in his neighborhood. The unwillingness to separate of husbands and wives, parents and children was so great, that to part them seemed to me a sin higher than the heavens,--it was dreadful to hear their outcries, as they were forced into the wagons of the drivers. Some among them have their minds so brutalized by the action of slavery, that they do not feel so acutely as others, the pangs of separation. But there are many who feel a separation from their offspring as acutely as human beings can possibly feel.

Masters sometimes show respect toward some particular persons among their slaves. I was never an eye-witness to a punishment where a man seemed to inflict it in any spirit of kindness or mercy. I have heard of a
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merciful disposition at such times, but never witnessed it: as a general thing they would manifest malignant, tyrannical feelings. I have seen a woman who was in state of pregnancy, tied up and punished with a keen raw hide.

Contrasting my condition here with what it was in New Jersey, I say, that for years after I came here, my mind was continually reverting to my native land. For some ten years, I was in hopes that something might happen, whereby I might safely return to my old home in New Jersey. I watched the newspapers and they told the story. I found that there would be a risk in going back,--and that was confirmed by many of my fellow men falling into the same catastrophe that I did,--and the same things happen now.

When I reached St. Catharines I was enfeebled in health. I had come to a small inferior place; there were pines growing all about here where you now see brick houses. I rented a house, and with another man took five acres of cleared land, and got along with it very well. We did not get enough from this to support us; but I got work at half a dollar or seventy-five cents a day and board myself. We were then making both ends meet. I then made up my mind that salt and potatoes in Canada, were better than pound-cake and chickens in a state of suspense and anxiety in the United States. Now I am a regular Britisher. My American blood has been scourged out of me; I have lost my American tastes; I am an enemy to tyranny. I would as lief meet serpents as some people I know of in the States. If I were to meet them, my fighting propensities would come up. To meet one here, I would not mind it; there I would be afraid of the ghost of a white man after he was dead. I am no scholar, but if
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some one would refine it, I could give a history of slavery, and show how tyranny operates upon the mind of the slaves. I have dreamed of being back on my master's farm, and of dodging away from my master; he endeavoring to get between me and the land I was aiming for. Then I would awake in a complete perspiration, and troubled in mind. Oh, it was awful! When you go back home, remember poor Joseph in Egypt.

I am now about sixty years of age, and have been lying sick about nine months. I have here a house and a quarter acre of land. I have had a deal of sickness in my family, and it has kept me comparatively poor: it would take two hundred dollars to clear my estate from incumbrances. Had it not been for sickness, it would have been paid for long ago.

I have served the people in the provinces as a minister in the Methodist persuasion for some twenty years. My pay has been little, for our people all start poor, and have to struggle to support themselves. My mind has ever been to trust the Lord. I have never prayed for wealth nor honor, but only to guide his church and do his will.

JOHN SEWARD.

The man that owned me, was not fit to own a dog. I had been wanting to get away for the last twenty years. I grieved over my condition, and groaned over it. A few months ago I succeeded in escaping. After I got among abolitionists, I was almost scared; they used me so well, I was afraid of a trick. I had been
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used so ill before, that I did not know what to make of it to be used decently.

JAMES SEWARD,
BROTHER OF THE FOREGOING.

Where I came from, it would make your flesh creep, and your hair stand on end, to know what they do to the slaves.

I had a niece, who was married and had two children; one at her breast. The estate being in debt, I was imprisoned. Before I went to jail, my niece was hired out; then her owner concluded to sell her. She was taken away from her children, handcuffed, and put into the jail where I was. Her irons were taken off; she was in great grief, crying all the time, "Oh, my children! my poor children!" till it appeared to me, she would kill herself for grief. She was sold and carried away, leaving her children behind. I have been in Canada but a short time.

MRS. JAMES SEWARD.

The slaves want to get away bad enough. They are not contented with their situation.

I am from the eastern shore of Maryland. I never belonged but to one master; he was very bad indeed. I was never sent to school, nor allowed to go to church. They were afraid we would have more sense than they. I have a father there, three sisters, and a brother. My
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father is quite an old man, and he is used very badly. Many a time he has been kept at work a whole long summer day without sufficient food. A sister of mine has been punished by his taking away her clothes and locking them up, because she used to run when master whipped her. He kept her at work with only what she could pick up to tie on her for decency. He took away her child which had just begun to walk, and gave it to another woman,--but she went and got it afterward. He had a large farm eight miles from home. Four servants were kept at the house. My master could not manage to whip my sister when she was strong. He waited until she was confined, and the second week after her confinement he said, "Now I can handle you, now you are weak." She ran from him, however, and had to go through water, and was sick in consequence.

I was beaten at one time over the head by my master, until the blood ran from my mouth and nose; then he tied me up in the garret, with my hands over my head,--then he brought me down and put me in a little cupboard, where I had to sit cramped up, part of the evening, all night, and until between four and five o'clock, next day, without any food. The cupboard was near a fire, and I thought I should suffocate.

My brother was whipped on one occasion until his back was as raw as a piece of beef, and before it got well, master whipped him again. His back was an awful sight.

We were all afraid of master: when I saw him coming, my heart would jump up into my mouth, as if I had seen a serpent.

I have been wanting to come away for eight years back. I waited for Jim Seward to get ready. Jim had
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promised to take me away and marry me. Our master would allow no marriages on the farm. When Jim had got ready, he let me know,--he brought to me two suits of clothes--men's clothes--which he had bought on purpose for me. I put on both suits to keep me warm. We eluded pursuit and reached Canada in safety.

MR.--BOHM.

I escaped from slavery in Norfolk, Va.

I think that the institution of slavery is of no utility whatever to the colored race. Slavery is the worst kind of robbery.

JAMES M. WILLIAMS.

I came from bondage in Norfolk, Va. Slavery is horrible! horrible! horrible!

JOHN ATKINSON.

I escaped from Norfolk, Va. A man who has been in slavery knows, and no one else can know, the yearnings to be free, and the fear of making the attempt. It is like trying to get religion, and not seeing the way to escape condemnation.
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MRS. ELLIS.

It is more than a year ago, that I left slavery in Delaware, having been thirty-two years a slave. I was treated tolerably well, compared with others. I was brought up in ignorance. I felt put down--oppressed in spirit. I did a great deal of heavy out-door work,--such as driving team, hauling manure, etc. I have been whipped with a wagon whip and with hickories,--have been kicked and hit with fists. I have a bunch on my head from a blow my master gave me, and I shall carry it to my grave. I have had four children--two died there, and two I brought with me.

I thought I had paid my master for raising me, and I wanted some time of my own: and when he threatened to sell me, and keep my children, I left him. I got off without much trouble. I suffered a great deal from wet and cold, on the first part of the way--afterwards, I was helped on by kind white men.

Rents and provisions are dear here, and it takes all I can earn to support myself and children. I could have one of my children well brought up and taken care of, by some friends in Massachusetts, which would much relieve me,--but I cannot have my child go there on account of the laws, which would not protect her. This is a hardship: but had I to struggle much harder than at present, I would prefer it to being a slave, Now, I can lie down at night in peace,--there I had no peace even at night, on account of my master's conduct.

Slavery is a wicked institution. I think if the whites were to free the slaves, they would incur no danger. I think the colored people would go to work without any trouble.
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DAN JOSIAH LOCKHART.

I belonged in Frederick county, Va. I was sold at five years of age; and when I first saw my mother to know her, I had a wife and child. My business was to clean knives, forks, candlesticks, etc., until my mistress died, say when I was twelve or thirteen. My master remained a widower some time--say eighteen months,--when he married the daughter of a farmer, upon which he quit merchandise, and went on a small farm. The hands in a rainy day worked in the shop with tools. I was made overseer. The management was pretty much left to me. I would carry my gun down into a hollow, and have a book,--the children had taught me to read. Every thing worked pretty comfortably with me.

One of the women called me a liar. I punished her. My master took me to the granary to whip me,--he told me to take off my coat. Said I, "master, whip me with my coat on!" I prayed hard for him to whip me with my coat on. He did finally whip me with my coat on, and slightly at that. He was an Irishman. He said he would whip me till I was as striped as a zaybra.

I was harder on the servants than he wanted I should be. At another time he undertook to whip me, and I told him I would leave him if he did. I had my mind on my wife, Maria. She was sold to a man in Winchester, eight miles. This was too far,--so I wanted to be sold. He said if he sold me, he would sell me where I would never see her. At this time I was studying divinity, having met with a change of heart. I took my books and started off in daytime. I went on five
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miles,--then I met Mr.--, who asked me where I was going. I told him I was sold. He persuaded me back. I was thinking of trying to be free. Mr.--said he would buy me. I told him, "I will do the best I can for you." He slapped his hand on his pocket and said, "I've got the money in my pocket for you." He then rode forward to see my master. The bargain was made there, and money paid to--, a Methodist preacher. Mr.--took me, and southern traders who came for me were too late. I lived with my new master three years and two months. Then he whipped my wife and children,--(I had now ten children by Maria). I could not stand this abuse of them, and so I made up my mind to leave. I told my wife so. She said she was afraid they would catch me and bring me back and--you know what then.

It was in the year 1847, that I made my escape. My master had gone to Philadelphia. I told my mistress that my father was sick, and she gave me permission to go and see him. Between two and three o'clock next morning, Sunday, I got up and dressed myself to leave. One of my little children came to me when I had stepped out. Said I, "Jane, where are you going?" "Daddy, I'm looking for you." My feelings were very tender at the time. I took her up in my arms, and carried her and laid her back in the bed with her mother and the other little child, Julia. I sat down and waited till they were all asleep; I then got up, looked at the mother and the two little children,--said "Farewell!" and started on my journey.

The night previous I had got some meat and bread, and had taken my master's saddle-bags, cramming both ends full of provisions. By daybreak I was out of the neighborhood of the folks that knew me. . . . .
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When I reached the Potomac River, the ferry-boat had left the shore for the last time. I sung out "Ferry, ahoy!" They put about and came for me. I got in and seated myself with a colored man and a white man. I inquired the damage for crossing? Ferryman said "Fippenny bit." I gave him a ten cent piece, and told him may be I'd be passing again, and he could make it right next time. The colored man asked me, "Are you a free man?" It staggered me at first to think that a colored man should ask me that question. The white man reproved him. "What the d--l do you ask that question for? do you think a man dressed like him can be a runaway?" I got across safely. . . . . [Some highly interesting portions of Lockhart's narrative are omitted from prudential considerations.]

I got employment in Pittsburg, but my mind being uneasy, I wrote to a friend to tell my wife that I was there, and assuring her of my continued affection. My old master got hold of this letter, and so pursued me with two officers, K--and J--, with a bill of sale specifying the sum paid for me. They secured themselves in Crawson's Hotel, Pittsburg,--set their trap, baited their hook, put out a reward of one hundred and fifty dollars for my arrest. One very smart gentleman came down to Diamond Square,--I was there looking at a busy knife-grinder with a crowd around him: the smart gentleman, knowing by the description who I was, selected me from the crowd, under the pretence that he wished me to carry a trunk--told me he would give me a quarter of a dollar for it. I went to the place where he directed me, expecting to find the trunk,--went to the Monongahela House,--he conducted me up stairs: going down the hall, to a lady, sweeping, he says; "Where is the 160th room?" "Yes, that middle
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door." "Sure enough," said he,--then to me, "Open the door, and bring out my trunk." However, he opened the door,--when lo! up jumped the old man! He gave me a pat on the shoulder,--"Hallo, Dan! don 't you want to go back and see your wife and children ?" I said nothing,--I could n't say any thing. Then came up K. and J. to me,--"Dan, you 've got the best master in Virginia,--come, go back with me." The old man then left the room and went away. I began to feel like speaking--had a watch in my pocket,--I put my hand to it, to see if it was safe, and K. said, "Dan, you need n't do that,--we knew you 'd fight, but we 've come prepared to take you--don 't want to hurt you." This was on a Friday, between eleven and twelve o'clock, A. M. Said I, "Gentlemen,"--this was the first time I had spoken, and I called no name,--"let me go; you have no business with me here." This was all out in the hall; they had irons in the room, but they could n't get me in there. We were now engaged very smartly for a time, each man for himself. The noise reached the people in the house, and some of the servants came up to see what was the trouble; I called them,--"Come to me;" some of them were colored, but being alarmed, they did not interfere. I spoke out,--"You go to John--, and tell him that I am in trouble here; that I am in kidnappers' hands." In a short time, the landlord came up stairs. Says he to the officers, "This man has got to go down, or there 'll be bloodshed here,--it will ruin my house to have the word go abroad that there are kidnappers here." By this time John--, Peter--, Hadley--, and old Uncle Sammy--, had marshalled a troop; they came and surrounded Crawson's Hotel, started in, and came up the stairs. I was hollowing "murder!" and "fire!"
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being in the hands of K. and J. I said to the colored men,--"I thought I had friends in Pittsburg" They answered,--"Mr. Lockhart, you have friends,--we did not know you were here until just now." John--and Peter--took hold of me, and told K--to let go. He answered,--" You let go--if you don 't I'll shoot you." Peter said,--"Shoot, and make a sure shot, if you don 't the next is mine." Then Peter knocked J--down, and from that they got me out of the hands of the Philistines.

My friends conducted me to a house not far from Crawson's, and told me to lie down. I was fatigued, but not hurt. Peter--said,--"We are going to get K. and J. in where your master is,--he is safe." They were arrested and tried for breaking the peace of the city, so it was told me. Some new act had been passed, and the judge wanted some time to see how it differed from the former law. On Monday afternoon he decided that there was no violence on the part of the whites, but that the colored men had been seen to knock down some persons; that my master had a right to take me; and that K--and J--had acted in discharge of their duty as officers. I was told on Tuesday morning how the law was, and that I could be carried back if I remained in the United States. I then started off for Canada by the underground railroad. . . . .

My work is as hard here as it was in slavery. The hardest thing in slavery is not the work,--it is the abuse of a man, and, in my case, of a man's wife and children. They were not punished severely,--but I did not want her whipped at all--I do n't want any man to meddle with my wife,--I bothered her enough, and did n't want anybody else to trouble her at all. It
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is ignorance that keeps the slaves there. I was told before I left Virginia,--have heard it as common talk, that the wild geese were so numerous in Canada, and so bad, that they would scratch a man's eyes out; that corn would n't grow there, nor any thing else but rice; that every thing they had there was imported.

I attended a church for colored people in Virginia, and had good privileges in religion. The children showed me to read and write.

MRS. NANCY HOWARD.

I was born in Anne Arundel county, Maryland,--was brought up in Baltimore. After my escape, I lived in Lynn, Mass., seven years, but I left there through fear of being carried back, owing to the fugitive slave law. I have lived in St. Catharines less than a year.

The way I got away was,--my mistress was sick, and went into the country for her health. I went to stay with her cousin. After a month, my mistress was sent back to the city to her cousin's, and I waited on her. My daughter had been off three years. A friend said to me,--"Now is your chance to get off." At last I concluded to go,--the friend supplying me with money. I was asked no questions on the way north.

My idea of slavery is, that it is one of the blackest, the wickedest things that ever were in the world. When you tell them the truth, they whip you to make you lie. I have taken more lashes for this, than for any other thing, because I would not lie.

One day I set the table, and forgot to put on the
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carving-fork--the knife was there. I went to the table to put on a plate. My master said,--"Where is the fork?" I told him "I forgot it." He says,--"You d--d black b--, I 'll forget you!"--at the same time hitting me on the head with the carving-knife. The blood spurted out,--you can see. [Here the woman removed her turban and showed a circular cicatrice denuded of hair, about an inch in diameter, on the top of her head.] My mistress took me into the kitchen and put on camphor, but she could not stop the bleeding. A doctor was sent for. He came, but asked no questions. I was frequently punished with raw hides,--was hit with tongs and poker and any thing. I used when I went out, to look up at the sky, and say, "Blessed Lord, oh, do take me out of this!" It seemed to me I could not bear another lick. I can't forget it. I sometimes dream that I am pursued, and when I wake, I am scared almost to death.

Slaveholders ought to be prayed for. I find it harder to get work here, than I did in Massachusetts. It is a sin on the slaveholders that I had to leave and come here. It has brought me lower to the ground. I think the slaveholders do n't read the Scriptures the right way,--they do n't know their danger.

My master bragged one day to his friend, that I would not lie. He said, "I came nigh laying that d--d b--'s side open, and she stuck to it she was telling the truth, and it turned out she was." We ain't no more than the brutes, at the South. I used to think they would speak better to a dog or cow. Then they would say, "Get out of the way,"--they would n't put the other to it.

One Sunday, my master promised me and my boy, that he hoped God would damn him, if he did not tie
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us up and whip us the next morning. I went into a corner and prayed to God, to allow me to take all the whipping, but to spare my boy. By and by, my mistress ran for me; she said "your master is dying!" I blew the horn to call people to us. My master lay on the floor--he never spoke afterwards, but he lived a week. He seemed to have his senses--he would make signs with his head. He would allow no one to pray with him. I prayed for him all the time he was sick. To the last, when they asked him to have prayers, he would shake his head.

GEORGE JOHNSON.

I arrived in St. Catharines about two hours ago. [1855, 4, 17.]

I was raised near Harper's Ferry. I was used as well as the people about there are used. My master used to pray in his family with the house servants, morning and evening. I attended these services until I was eighteen, when I was put out on the farm, and lived in a cabin. We were well supplied with food. We went to work at sunrise, and quit work between sundown and dark. Some were sold from my master's farm, and many from the neighborhood. If a man did any thing out of the way, he was in more danger of being sold than of being whipped. The slaves were always afraid of being sold South. The Southern masters were believed to be much worse than those about us. I had a great wish for liberty when I was a boy. I always had it in my head to clear. But I had a wife and children. However, my wife died last year of
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cholera, and then I determined not to remain in that country.

When my old master died, I fell to his son. I had no difficulty with him, but was influenced merely by a love of liberty. I felt disagreeably about leaving my friends,--but I knew I might have to leave them by going South. There was a fellow-servant of mine named Thomas. My master gave him a letter one day, to carry to a soul-driver. Thomas got a man to read it, who told him he was sold. Thomas then got a free man to carry the letter. They handcuffed--, the free man, and put him in jail. Thomas, when he saw them take the free man, dodged into the bush. He came to us. We made up a purse, and sent him on his way. Next day, the man who had carried the letter, sent for his friends and got out. The master denied to us that he intended to sell Thomas. He did not get the money for him. Thomas afterward wrote a letter from Toronto to his friend.

I prepared myself by getting cakes, etc., and on a Saturday night in March, I and two comrades started off together. They were younger than I. . . . . We travelled by night and slept by day until we reached Pittsburg. When we had got through the town, I left the two boys, and told them not to leave while I went back to a grocery for food. When I returned, they were gone,--I do not know their fate. I stopped in that neighborhood two nights, trying to find them--I did not dare to inquire for them. The second night, I made up my mind to ask after them, but my heart failed me. I am of opinion that they got to Canada, as they knew the route. At length I was obliged to come off without them.

I think that slavery is not the best condition for the
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blacks. Whipping and slashing are bad enough, but selling children from their mothers and husbands from their wives is worse. At one time I wanted to marry a young woman, not on the same farm. I was then sent to Alabama, to one of my masters's sons for two years. When the girl died, I was sent for to come back. I liked the work, the tending of cotton, better than the work on the farm in Virginia,--but there was so much whipping in Alabama, that I was glad to get back. One man there, on another farm, was tied up and received five hundred and fifty lashes for striking the overseer. His back was awfully cut up. His wife took care of him. Two months after, I saw him lying on his face, unable to turn over or help himself. The master seemed ashamed of this, and told the man that if he got well, he might go where he liked. My master told me he said so, and the man told me so himself. Whether he ever got well, I do not know: the time when I saw him, was just before I went back to Virginia.*

* Mr. Johnson had already engaged work when I saw him.

ISAAC WILLIAMS.

My master's farm is in Virginia. When my first master died, his widow married a man who got into debt and was put into prison. The woman gave up her rights to get him out. Then we were sold. Every man came to be sold for her lifetime,--then to revert to the heirs. The heirs bought in all they could--among them my two sisters. They were sent straight
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to a slave-pen at Richmond. Where they went I know not: that was the last I heard of them; we could not help it,--they went off crying. My purchaser bought also the interest of the heirs in me, and I remained with him ten years--until my escape, near the close of 1854.

Before I was sold I was hired out to work: at one time to a man on the Rappahannock. Three of his men got away--went as far as Bluff Point. Then they were overtaken, tied to his buggy by the overseer, who whipped up, and they had to run home. One, our employer and his overseer whipped, taking turns about it, until they cut him through to his caul, and he died under the lash. The employer, it was said, caused the man's heart to be taken out and carried over the river, so as not to be haunted by his spirit. He was arrested, and heavily fined. The other two runaways were sold south. Then I worked for another person, being hired out to him. Directly after I went to him, I went to a haystack to feed cattle: accidentally I set fire to the haystack which was consumed,--for which I received three hundred lashes with hickory sticks. The overseer gave me the blows and Jo--counted them. His feeding was herrings and a peck of meal a week--never enough--if one wanted more he had to steal it.

My last master's allowance was a peck and a half of corn meal a week, and a small slice of meat for each dinner. If any thing more was got it had to be obtained at night. He had but one overseer, and that for but one year. He was a sharp man--whipped me with a cowhide. I've seen him whip women and children like oxen. My master owned a yellow girl, who, he feared, would run away. I was his head man and had to help do it. He tied her across the fence, naked,
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and whipped her severely with a paddle bored with holes, and with a switch. Then he shaved the hair off of one side of her head, and daubed cow-filth on the shaved part, to disgrace her--keep her down. I tried hard to avoid the lash, but every year he would get up with me for a whipping in some way. I could not avoid it,--he would catch me on something, do how I would. The last time he whipped me, was for stealing corn for bread for Christmas. George--was with me. He tied our wrists together about a tree, and then whipped us with a carriage whip--that was six years ago. He whipped till he wore the lash off; then he tied a knot in the end, and gave me a blow which laid me up limping three weeks,--the blood ran down into my shoes. After that he used to whip the others. George and others would have their shirts sticking to their backs in the blood. I have seen him strip my wife and whip her with a cobbing board or cowhide. . . .

One Sunday he sent me into the woods to look for hogs. I could not find them, and I told him so on my return. Said he, "They are killed and eaten, and you know the going of them." I told him the truth that I did not know of it. He then seized me by the collar, and told me to cross my wrists. I did so,--but when he laid a rope across to bind them, I jerked them apart. He then undertook to trip me forward with his foot, and as I straightened back, to avoid it, it threw him. He kept his hold on my collar and called for help. The servants came pouring out,--they seized me, and he tied my wrists together with leading lines, eleven yards long, wrapping them about my wrists as long as there was a piece to wrap. Then he led me to the meathouse and said, "Go in there--I'll lay examples on
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you for all the rest to go by--fighting your master!" Whilst one was making a cobbing board, and another was gone to cut hickory switches, and he was looking up more leading lines, I got a knife from my pocket, opened it with my teeth, and holding it in my mouth, cut through the lines which bound me. Then I took a gambrel, and broke open the door. I had made up my mind, knowing that he would come wellnigh killing me, to hit with the gambrel any one who came to seize me. When I burst the door open, no one was there,--but master was coming. I sprung for the flats: he hailed me to come back. I stopped and told him that I had worked night and day to try to please him, and I would never come back any more. I stayed away nine days--then he sent me word, that he would not whip me, if I would come back. I went back, and he did not whip me afterward. But he used to whip my wife to spite me, and tell her, "you must make Isaac a good boy." This is true, God knows.

At one time, one of the hands named Matthew was cutting wheat. His blade being dull, our master gave him so many minutes to grind it. But Matthew did not get the blade done in the time allowed. Trouble grew out of this. Matthew was whipped, and kept chained by the leg in one of the buildings. One day when master was at church, I showed Matthew how to get away. He went away with the chain and lock on his leg. The neighbor's people got it off. He then took to the bush. After two or three weeks, my master sent me to look for him, promising not to whip him if I could get him in. I did not see him, but I saw Matthew's sisters, and told them master's promise not to whip. On a Saturday night, soon after, he came in. He was chained and locked in the house until Sunday.
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Then he was given in charge to Wallace (a colored man employed in the kitchen) to take care of him. On Monday, he was whipped. Then master got me to persuade Matthew not to run away. He would n't tell Matthew he was afraid of his running, but would tell him he could n't get away,--that times were so straight with the telegraph and railway, that he could n't get away. And that's what keeps the poor fellows there: that, and knowing that some do set out, and get brought back, and knowing what is done with them. So Matthew stayed on the farm. This occurred last summer, [1854].

In the fall, I was making money to come away, by selling fish which I caught in the creek, and by other means, when a woman on Mr.--'s farm came to see me about some one that she feared would leave. As we talked, she said, "You would n't go away from your wife and children?" I said, "What's the reason I would n't? to stay here with half enough to eat, and to see my wife persecuted for nothing when I can do her no good. I'll go either north or south, where I can get enough to eat; and if ever I get away from that wife, I'll never have another in slavery, to be served in that way." Then she told her master, and he let on to my master, that I was making money to go away.

By and by I saw Mr. E--, who had a little farm in the neighborhood,--then I said to one of the men, "There's going to be something done with me to-day, either whip me or sell me, one or the other." Awhile after, as I was fanning out some corn in the granary, three white men came to the door--my master, Mr. E--, and a neighboring overseer. My master came walking to me, taking handcuffs out of his pocket,
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--"Come, Isaac," says he, "it's time for you to be corrected now; you 've been doing wrong this year or two." Said I, "What's the matter now, master--?" He answered, "I'm not going to whip you; I've made up my mind to sell you. I would not take two thousand dollars for you on my farm if I could keep you. I understand that you are getting ready to go off." He had then put his handcuffs on me: "Well, Sir, it is agreed to go as freely as water runs from the spring,"--meaning that I would go with him without resistance or trouble. "I have done all I could for you, night and day, even carting wood on Sunday morning,--and this is what I get for it." "Ah, Sir," said he, "you are willing to go, but 't will be none the better for you." "Well, master--, there's good and bad men all over the world, and I'm as likely to meet with a good man as to meet with a bad one." "Well, Sir, if there's not less of that racket, I'll give you a good brushing over." I was going over to the house then, from the granary. I answered, "Well, master--, you may do as you please, I am your nigger now, but not long." Then I met my wife, coming crying, asking,--"What's the matter?" I told her, "Eliza, no more than what I told you,--just what I expected was going to be done." His word was, "Take her away, and if she don 't hush, take her to the granary, and give her a good whipping." She was crying, you see. He took me to his bedroom, and chained me by one leg to his bedpost, and kept me there, handcuffs on, all night. He slept in the bed. Next morning, he took me in a wagon and carried me to Fredericksburg, and sold me into a slave-pen to George Ayler, for ten hundred and fifty dollars. Here I met with Henry Banks. He entered the slave-pen after I had been there
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three days. He had run away since May, but was taken in Washington, D. C.

On a Thursday evening, came a trader from the south, named Dr.--. He looked at Henry, and at a man named George Strawden, and at me, but did not purchase, the price being too high. I dreamed that night that he took us three. Next morning I told Henry, "That man is coming to take you, and George, and me, just as sure as the world; so Henry, let's you and me make a bargain to try and get away; for I'm never deceived in a dream,--if I dreamed master was going to whip me, he would surely whip somebody next day." That's as good a sign in the south as ever was.

About breakfast time, Dr.--came and stripped us stark naked to examine us. They frequently do, whether buying women or men. He says, "Well, boys, I'm satisfied with you all, if you are willing to go with me, without putting me to any trouble." He had his handcuffs and spancels (ancle-beads, they call them for a nickname) with him. I said to him, "Yes, we are willing to go with you, and will go without any trouble,--I came without any trouble, and will go without any trouble,"--but he did not know my meaning. "I have no farm to keep you on myself," said he, "I live in Tennessee,--I am going on to Georgia, and will take fifteen hundred dollars apiece for you--I'll get as good places for you as I can--'t is not so bad there as you have heard it is." I said, "Oh, yes, Master--, I know you'll do the best you can; I'm willing to go." "Well, get up all your clothes against the cars come from the Creek, and then we'll go to Richmond." "I suppose, Master--, we'll have time to get 'em,--how long will it be before
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the cars come along?" "About three quarters of an hour, boy." Then he went to George Ayler to give him a check on the Richmond Bank for $3,400 for the three men. Henry and I then got up our clothes,--I put on two shirts, three pairs of pantaloons, two vests, a thick coat, and a summer coat in the pocket,--Henry did the same with his; so we had no bundles to carry. We were afraid to let George know, for fear he would betray us.

Dr.--left the gate open, being deceived by our apparent readiness to go with him. We told George, "Stop a minute, we are going to get some water. Then we walked through Fredericksburg--having left the city we crossed the bridge to Falmouth, turned to the left, and made for the bush. Then we heard the cars from the creek, as they were running to Fredericksburg. On looking round, we saw a number of men coming after us on horseback. The way we cleared them was, we went into the bush, turned short to the right, leaving them the straightforward road,--we then moved on toward the very county from which I was sold. We were out three weeks, during the last of which we made a cave by digging into a cliff, at the head of the creek. The southern men who saw the cave (as we heard afterward when we were in jail) said they never saw so complete a place to hide in.

All this time I had visited my wife every day, either when the white folks were occupied, or before day. One Saturday night we hunted about for something to eat, without finding any thing until midnight. It then came into my head about the man who had persuaded my master to sell me,--so we went to him, and got a dozen chickens, which we took to our cave. This made us late,--it was sunrise when we reached our cave,
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and then H--, who was standing in the woods, looking for my brother Horace, saw me, and saw us going into our den. Then he went off and got N--, with a double-barrelled gun, and T--with a hickory club; and himself returned with a six-barrelled revolver.

Then I heard N--asking, "Who is in here?" I looked up, and there was the gun within two feet of my head, up to his face and cocked. "Surrender, or I'll blow your brains out!" I looked out, but saw no way of escape, but by going across the creek,--N--was on one side with his gun, H--on the other with his revolver, and T--over the entrance with his hickory stick. I said to Henry, "What are we to do? I started for death, and death we must try to go through. I want to see the man that bought us, no more." N--hailed me by name, for he had now seen my face, "Surrender, for if you come out, I'll blow your brains out." "Then," said I, "You will have to do it." Then I came out, bringing my broadaxe weighing seven and a half pounds in my hand,--he just stood aside and gave me a chance to come out by the muzzle of his gun. We sprung for the creek, I and my partner. In the middle it was over my depth, but I reached the other side, still holding on to the axe. While I was struggling to get up the bank, N--fired, and shot the broad axe out of my hand, putting twenty-nine shot into my right arm and hand, and seven into my right thigh. I ran until I got through a piece of marsh, and upon a beach near some woods.

I was standing looking at my arm; and on looking around for Henry saw him in the sedge. By this time H--had crossed the creek too. I called to Henry to come on, and as he rose from the hedge, N--shot him. He fell; then he got up, ran a little distance, and
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fell again. Then he rose up, presently fell a third time, but again recovered himself and came to me.

Finding ourselves wounded and bleeding, so that we could do nothing further towards escape, we gave up. They tied our hands behind us with a leather strap, which was very painful, as my wounded wrist swelled very much. I begged them to loosen it but they would not. They took us to jail in--county. Dr. H. there counted ninety shot in Henry's back, legs, and arms. We stayed in the jail, a month lacking three days,--two weeks in a sort of dungeon in the cellar: then, Henry being sick with fever, from the effects of the shooting, they put us up stairs, one story higher. We were kept on water and collots (outside leaves of cabbage half cooked). I begged the Lord, would I ever get out, and if 't was so that I was to be caught after I got out, not to let me get out. In my dream, I saw myself prying out, and heard a man speaking to me and saying, "As long as there 's breath there 's hope." His voice awoke me. I told Henry, and we got up, and went to the place where I had dreamed of trying, but we could not open it. This was after three weeks. Then the agent of Dr.--came to examine us. He found we were shot so badly, that he would not take us to Richmond, unless he first heard from Dr.--, as there was said to be some dispute between Dr.--and Ayler about the money. On a Thursday, three days before the month of November was out, we expected Dr.--. But he did not happen to come.

I had been trying several days at one of the windows, but despaired of getting out there,--so I took a stove leg and a piece of a fender, and tried at another window facing the jailer's house. Then conscience said to me, "Go and try that window that you left, and see if
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you can't get out." I looked at Henry to see if he was talking, but he said he had not spoken. I then returned to the first window, and pried off a short plank by the window to see how it was built. The jail was of brick, and the window frame was secured in its place by an iron clamp, spiked. On removing the plank I found behind it a short piece of iron spliced on. This I pried off with the stove leg; then I replaced the plank.

At night, just after dark, I went to work at the window. Henry was too sick to work, but when I needed his help, he would come and aid me. With the piece of iron I had taken from the wall, I got a purchase against the clamp. We took the bedstead to pieces, and using the short or long pieces as was convenient, we started the frame off on one side, splitting the sill at the bottom, where the grates were let in, and bending all the cross bars. Where the sill split off, it left a place so wide, that by removing the bricks underneath the window, we enlarged it sufficiently to get through. I stretched out of the opening full length, and let go, falling to the ground. Henry followed me, I assisting him down.

We walked eight miles that night, to my master's farm, and hid ourselves in the neighborhood, until Saturday night. Then I went out for something to eat. On my return, I saw as many as fifteen men hunting for me, some on horse, some on foot, with four hounds. I squatted close behind a thick cedar bush: the hounds came around me, and I gave them portions of the food I had collected, to keep them quiet, until the white men were out of sight,--then I scared away the hounds. I then rejoined Henry at our tent. If the runaways knew enough they could keep clear of the hounds by rubbing the soles of their shoes with red onion or spruce pine.
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It now came on to rain, so that we were obliged to dig a den in the ground, expecting to stay there until spring, as we thought it would be too cold to travel in the winter, and that in the warm season we might live on fruits by the way. About this time, a neighboring farmer had two mules killed by a boar. His overseer, H--, the same who found me before, told him that Henry and I had done it,--then S--D--and others sent to Fredericksburg for men and hounds to drive night and day, and take us, dead or alive, with orders to shoot us down at the very first sight. This we learned from some of our good friends,--and we then determined to leave. Here I come to speak of Kit Nichols, a slave on another farm. Kit had been beaten, and had run away,--he laid down in a wet ditch to avoid his pursuers. I met Kit in the woods. He was anxious to go with us, and we all three started on Monday night, the 1st day of December, 1854.

We walked eighteen miles the first night, to . . ., kept on through the towns of--and--, up to M--. At M--, I met a colored man, and asked him for food, as I had been fasting a long time. He directed us to a place where he said we could get food. Then he went away, and soon we saw him returning with three white men. Kit and Henry dodged, and I went on and met the white men face to face. Kit and Henry heard them say there were "three boys going to Warrenton." They passed on to the place where the colored man had sent us. We travelled on towards Warrenton, until we struck the railroad, and then footed it to Alexandria. On the way we went up to a house, where was a white man and his wife,--we asked him to sell us some bread. Said he, "Have you got a pass?" Said I, "I have no pass, but we want some bread,
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and we will pay you for it." He went on, "You can't travel without a pass." We told him we were hungry,--he kept on talking about a "pass." Finding we could get no bread we left him, and he then set his dog on us.

On the Virginia side of the bridge, we bought cigars and a few cakes. We lighted our cigars, and I walked on, swinging a little cane. We passed through Washington city. It now rained. We wandered about all night in the rain in Maryland. Just at daybreak we heard cars, and walked for the railroad. Before reaching it, we went into the bush, and with some matches which I had kept dry in my hat, made a fire and dried our clothes. We remained in the bush all day, watching and sleeping, and at night went on to the railroad. On our way, we met two white men, who asked us, "Where are you going?" I told them, "home." "Where?" "In Baltimore." "Where have you been?" "Chopping wood for John Brown." They asked, "Are you free?" "Yes." "Where are your papers?" "At home, in Baltimore." They went into a shanty to arm themselves. While they were doing this, we ran as fast as we could.

We reached Baltimore just at light, and laid down in a small piece of bush in the corporation. We watched as the trains came in through the day to see where the depot was, as we wished to get on the track for Philadelphia. At night we walked boldly past the depot, but we were bothered by the forking of the roads, and came out at the river. Then we tried back,--by and by we saw a long train moving out from the city. We followed it, and went on to Havre de Grace,--but we did not cross the bridge--we could not cross over as we had wished. We moved in another direction. We
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concealed ourselves the next day, and again travelled all night. In the morning, we met with a friend, a colored man, who guided us about ten miles, and then directed us to a place where we had abundance of food given us, the first we had tasted since Thursday, although it was now Saturday night. We met with no more trouble. We reached Canada the morning after Christmas, at 3 o'clock.

It is the wickedest thing a man can do to hold a slave--the most unconscionable sin a man can do. If there were any chance to fight for the slaves' freedom, I'd go and stand up at the south and fight as readily as I would now go out of doors. I believe it would be just, and a righteous cause. I feel great pity for the poor creatures there, who long for a way, yet can see no way out. They think if Great Britain were to get into a war with America, it would be the means of freeing them. They would slip round and get on the English side.

If slavery were abolished, I would rather live in a southern State,--I would work for some one, but I should want to have a piece of land of my own.

CHRISTOPHER NICHOLS.

I made my escape from slavery in Virginia; do n't know my age,--suppose some forty odd. I belonged to but one man until after I was married. I tried to do my work. The lash was used in season and out of season. The whip was cracking from Monday morning to Saturday night. We were up before day--when the rooster crowed, the horn blowed. By the
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time one could see his hand before him, he was at work, and we were kept at work until late. If a man ran away after he had been whipped, the rest of us were put on half allowance till he came back, and the runaway must make up his lost time by working Sundays.

If I were to sit here until to-morrow morning, I could n't tell you half as bad as I have been used since I can remember.

One Sunday, when I was about nineteen years old, the white children were playing in the stack-yard. The boys (slaves) had hooked a sheep, and these children found the hide in the straw. Master had all the slaves brought up Sunday evening. The overseer came home half drunk--worse than if sober. They whipped one hard; I and another thought of running,--but I was innocent, and thought they would n't whip me. I went up and pulled off my jacket,--they stripped me and whipped me until I fainted. Then they carried me to the kitchen and sent for the doctor. I was out of my head two or three days: the master told the boys I was playing 'possum. They never found out who took the sheep. They whipped four--the rest dodged.

At about twenty-one or twenty-two, I went to live with a man who had married my master's daughter. The first word he ever said to me was, "Where's the key to the corn-house?" "I do n't know, Sir." Said he, "Has the horse been fed?" "Yes, Sir." "Has he had enough?" "I do n't know, Sir." "Do you think you are talking to a poor man, or to a nigger, like yourself?" He then seized a stake from the fence, and said if I talked so to him any more, he would "lay me sprawling."

After he found that by my old master's will, I belonged to him, he began to beat me. He came down
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to the mill one day,--I tended a mill--I was picking,--I had stopped to fix the spindle; he thought me asleep, and hit me one or two blows. Then he went out and cut some hickory sticks. He came to the door and called me. I came to him with the pick in my hand. "Lay that down." I did so. While he was looking for a place to tie me up, I went by him and ran into the woods. At night I went back for my clothes; then, with two more boys, I started for the free States. We did not know where they were, but went to try to find them. We crossed the Potomac and hunted round and round and round. Some one showed us the way to Washington; but we missed of it, and wandered all night; then we found ourselves where we set out. In a week's time, we got to Washington--then to Scatterway, and were caught. They took us to Marlborough jail, and we were kept there two days and nights. Then the masters took us out handcuffed together. On the next morning, we went to Alexandria and were put in jail. Then the traders came from Washington to examine us. One of the boys was sold to go south. Jarvis and I were chained together, and our hands were together. On our way back, we encountered Mr. S--, M--'s father, who seized a large club and hit Jarvis over the head with it, drawing blood terribly. Young M--stopped him. Then they took us to Mr. S--'s house, and chained us to different trees, where we stayed all day. Young M--came to me and slung my leg up into the tree so that I fell on my back. Said I, "Master M--, you hurt me." Said he, "I want to hurt you, because you give meal to my boys."

By and by Mr. M--W--came and took me home, chained to a horse. My master I saw coming
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with a cobbing-board full of auger holes, and somebody was cutting switches. Said he, "How are you? how are you? this country is too hot for you, is n't it? You were making for the north where it's cool." Then he told Mr. W--to take me to the barn, in the late afternoon, and said he would get it out of me. He used the cobbing-board until he burst it to pieces, then a boy came with an arm full of switches. The boy was going, but he stopped the boy to see it done, so that he might tell the others. Then he began to whip me, and he whipped, and he whipped, and he whipped, and he whipped; I was in hopes the switches would break up, but it seemed as if one would last all the evening. When he had done whipping it was dark, and I was hardly able to get to the house. His wife sent me down a piece of mutton suet to grease my back. My shirt was as if it had been dipped in a barrel of blood. The next day, I had to go and stand before the drum of the wheat machine, and tend the machine all day. At night I was compelled to stack straw. I could not get along with my master at all. He was all the time hitting or whipping me--I was "a bad example for the boys," he said, "but he 'd get it out of me yet." One day he found some wheat in the mill, which I was going to grind for the boys. Then he took me to the carriage-house and tied me to the carriage wheel, and whipped me as badly as when I had run away. After the whipping, he made a boy take spirits of turpentine and rub on my back. Next day, every one who saw me--the white people who came to the mill--said it was a shame to use anybody in that way. This was in the summer of 1854.

I always had it in my mind, that if I could get to a free State, I should be better off than where I was.
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But I had been told by N--W--that I could not get away: there were guards at every corner of the street in Washington, etc.

My master used to allow us one piece of meat a day, and a peck and a half of corn meal a week.

He whipped a woman before I came away, Wm. Dunkan's wife, who had a young child. He laid her on a bench, and threw her clothes up over her head, and made a boy and a woman hold her. He whipped her with a cobbing-board until she fainted,--she was so bad that they sent for Dr. W--; but he was so angry at what my master had done, that he would not go. A week or two after, I saw the woman about again.

Another case on the same farm was that of Mary Montgomery, who had a small child at her breast. She had been sick for two or three days, but went out to get some ice for her master. The foreman told her to go back to the house, as she was too sick to work. She went back, and then master drove her out to go again for ice. Then she took to the woods, and he has not seen her since. It was said, that she got to the North, but nobody knew. Her child was taken care of by another woman, who tried to bring it up by hand, but it died.

My master used me so, that I was determined to start off, live or die. I made up my mind that I would rather die than be taken. I took no pistol--no knife--nothing but a stick to walk with. I came away with Isaac Williams and Henry Banks. When I found that Isaac was going, I determined to start, as I thought it would be a poor chance for me, if he got off before I did.

I left a wife and three children, and three grand-children,
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--I never expect to see them again in this world--never.

I have seen parents and children, husbands and wives, separated by sale.

It seems not right for slavery to be. I do not think it does any good to the colored men. I feel no inclination to go back--I don't want to cross the line. All the time I was in slavery, I lived in dead dread and fear. If I slept it was in dread--and in the morning it was dread--dread, night and day. It seems to me I must have been dead by this time, if I had not got away. My master was killing me as fast as he could when I got away.

HENRY BANKS.

I was born in Stafford Co., in 1835. I was brought up on a farm. I did not go to school. I learned to read of my brother-in-law, but I cannot write. There was a Sunday school, but not for colored children.

One of the earliest things I remember is my being sold to Mr. N--, a farmer in the neighborhood. My mother and brothers and sisters were sold at the same time to N--. I lived with N--until about fifteen years old. When I was eight years old, I was put to work regularly on the farm, ploughing, hoeing corn, and doing farm work generally. I have belonged to several owners, but I have no recollection of any one of them ever coming to my cabin to inquire into my wants, nor to ask whether any thing was necessary for my comfort or convenience,--nor whether I was well used by the overseer or foreman. If I were sick, the
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overseer attended to me,--if he thought it needful, he would give me medicine,--if he thought it a hard case, he would send for a doctor. I had the doctor once, but the owner did not come to see me. This was nothing strange,--it was so with all, so far as I have heard. N--'s overseer whipped me often--stripped me, and tied me up when he did it, and generally drew blood,--sometimes he would not be so severe as at others, but I have frequently had to pull my shirt from my back with a good deal of misery, on account of its sticking in the blood where I had been lashed. Let daybreak catch me in the house, instead of currying the horses, that was as good for a flogging as any thing else,--if caught standing at the plough, instead of moving, that was good for fifty lashes more or less,--the least of any thing would provoke it. I was whipped once because the overseer said I looked mad: "Come here, you d--d selfish son of a b--h, I'll please you by the time I've done with you." Then he whipped me, so that I could n't hollow. I always tried to do the work faithfully that was assigned me,--not because I felt it a duty, but because I was afraid not to do it: I did not feel it right, however, to be compelled to work for other folks.

N--broke up,--sold the farm and all his people. We were scattered, but not very far apart--some six or seven miles. I was sold to R--S--, in Spotsylvania county, across the Rappahannock. I was the only one of the family that S--bought. I lived with him about a year and a half. He had a colored slave foreman, who had to do as he was commanded, and I hardly had so much consideration as from a white overseer. S--did not clothe nor feed his hands well. We were worked very late at night and were at it
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again before day. Sundays differed little from other days. Sometimes he would give us Sunday or part of a Sunday; but if he were in the least angry, we had to work all day. I did not hear a sermon preached during the time I lived with S--, there was no meeting for us to go to. I would sometimes hear of there being meetings about there, but I had no chance to go. At this place there was no colored minister--there were no Christian people on that place. I never heard any religious songs while I was there. It was work, work, and nothing else; that's all they asked of me,--and if we did not do it, we were whipped. Nobody was excused--we were all used one way--all kept at it. I left him on account of work. It was in harvest--harvesting wheat. I was cradling--I couldn't make the cradle cut well. S--said, "You can make that cradle cut better if you choose to,--but you do n't choose to." I told him "I had tried to make it do the best I knew how." Then he said to the men, "Come here and take hold of this d--d nigger, I'll make it all right with him." Then they took me to the barn, stripped me stark naked, and then he tied my hands together and my feet together, and swung me up so I could move neither way. While he was tying me up, I told him, "I will do all I know how to do." He said "'t was a d--d lie,--I did n't do it,--but he knew I could do it,--and when he was done with me, he'd show that I would do it." Then he commenced whipping me with a cowhide, made keen at the end; he put on the blows forward and backward--every blow bringing the blood. He must have whipped me a solid half hour. Before he took me down, he said, "Now will you go and do the business?" I told him then, that "I had told him before that I would willingly do all that I knew how."
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He said, "I'll try you with this--if I tie you up again, I'll give you five hundred." Then he took me down. I was then unable to do any work. He told me to go to work, but I could not even stand. He then had me carried by the hands into the shade of a tree, where I laid just as I could,--I could not lie any way long. The men brought buckets of water and threw on me,--I knew what it was for--they thought I was dying. I did no more work for S--. I ran away that same night into the woods.

I ran away in order that master might sell me running,--I did n't care much whose hands I fell into, if I got out of his. He put out advertisements for me, as I was told, of twenty-five dollars reward, for bringing me home not injured. I had heard tell of a free country--but I did not know where it was, nor how to get there. I stayed in the woods three months; I then thought I would start for a free country somewhere. I got as far as the city of Washington; there I went aboard a vessel which the captain told me was going to Boston. But it was not. He asked me for free papers--I told him I had none. Then he suspected me, and said I could not ship without them. He said, if I were a slave, he would make a free man of me,--that he had a habit of doing so,--but he lied. I believed him, however--I trusted him, and told him my case, how my owner treated me, and all,--he said he thought it was very wrong. Then, after he had got it all out of me, he went into the city, and told me to stay aboard till he came back; to get what I wanted to eat, and cook it, but not let myself be seen, because I might be taken up. He was gone a short time, and then he came back, and asked me to go with him to his house, to bring some provisions down for his vessel. I went
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with him up the street--there were several persons standing on a corner. The captain said, "Come this way; there's a constable--do n't let him see you!" Then the constable came along behind us. The captain led me into an office and said, "Here's a runaway I've took up." There was some questioning, and I was put in jail.

In one week's time, R--S--came and shook hands with me through the grates. He asked, "What made me run away?" I told him, "I would n't have run away if he hadn't whipped me." "Do you want to go home?" "I'll go back if you won't whip me any more." He made no promise, but took me home. Directly he sold me to George Ayler. I escaped from Ayler's slave-pen in company with Isaac Williams. . . . .

In the den we were; three white men came upon us. We took across the creek. I was in the den when they fired at Isaac. I then jumped for the creek. I was shot by one of the white men. I caught the shot from my legs to my shoulders--all over my back. About a hundred shot holes were counted in my back,--they were ducking shot, and are mostly in me now. I suffer from them now in my right arm, if I do any work.

I do not think it was intended for any man to be a slave. I never thought so, from a little boy. The slaves are not contented and happy. They can't be: I never knew one to be so where I was.
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JOHN W. LINDSEY.

[Mr. Lindsey reached St. Catharines in an entirely destitute condition. He is now reputed to be worth from eight to ten thousand dollars, acquired by industry and economy.]

I was born free. At the age of seven, I was kidnapped by S--G--, and carried to West Tennessee. When I was about twenty-five years old, I went to a man who had been Postmaster General, and asked him if he would do any thing toward restoring my freedom, as I had been kidnapped wrongfully, and was unlawfully detained by Mr.--. He answered, that "Mr. G--had settled all that," and advised me to "Go home and be a good boy." Finding that I was to get no assistance from any quarter, and that justice was refused me, I resolved to free myself. I was whiter then than I am now, for it was twenty-one years ago, and I worked under cover at blacksmithing. A person across the street could not tell whether I were a white or a colored man. Whether I was pursued or not I am unable to say. I walked by day and rested at night.

I passed people working in the fields, and once I heard one ask another, "Do you think that is a white man?" I took no notice of this, and walked on. At one time I met a man on horseback who stopped and talked with me. I spoke so familiarly of this great man and of that great man, and talked in so important a way, that he did not dare ask me if I were a slave! At one place, I was somewhat afraid of pursuit, and there seemed to be some suspicions entertained in regard to me. I walked away from the town on the bank of the river and prayed to the Lord for deliverance.
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Just then a steamboat came along--she was bound for Pittsburg. I got a passage on board. The cook, who was a very black man, asked me "if I was free?" I told him that I had heard of a man in Maryland who got rich by minding his own business, and that he would find it for his own interest to attend to his own affairs. However, I found little difficulty in reaching the frontier and crossing the line.

I have travelled in Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. If a man says slavery is a good institution, he might as well say there is no God--only a devil. Slavery is like the bottomless pit. You hear people say to the negro, "Why don't you accomplish something?" You see the colored men, their faces scarred and wrinkled, and almost deprived of intelligence in some cases,--their manliness crushed out; stooping, awkward in gait,--kept in entire ignorance. Now, to ask them why they do n't do some great thing, is like tying a man or weakening him by medicine, and then saying, "Why don't you go and do that piece of work, or plant that field with wheat and corn?" Slavery is mean. The slaveholders want their slaves for pocket-money. The slaves are their right hand to do their work.

HENRY ATKINSON.

I belonged in Norfolk, Va., from birth until thirty-four years of age. I never saw my owner, but when I was a little boy. I was hired out by the year by an agent of my owner. Sometimes I was well cared for, sometimes not, according to the man's disposition that employed me. There was one man who was a kind
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hearted man, who hired me nine years of the time. He treated me well, giving me enough to eat, drink, and wear, and a quarter of a dollar every Saturday night to support my wife. She lived in the city, being a slave: I could not see her when I wished always,--sometimes I was not permitted to see her. The way we were married was, a few words were read out of a book; no license was granted, as to free people. During all these nine years, my mind was continually running upon this,--how am I to get out of this bondage?--for, as well as I was used, I felt that I was under a hard bondage. I studied upon it long. I have lain awake more than half the night, many a time, studying on that one thing--should I ever be able to get clear? But I could not see my way out.

At one time I was hired out to a man whose treatment of me was very bad. Many times I would be sick and could scarcely hold up my head: this man would do nothing for me on the plea that it belonged to the agent to do it,--the agent would say it was not his duty, but my employer's,--and so I suffered from neglect. If neither of them would help me, I had nowhere to go for relief. He would allow me no money: if I wanted a few cents for myself or my wife I had to work nights to earn them.

I had no chance to learn to read or write. The agent never came near me to see if I were well used or abused by the people who hired me. All I ever saw of him was when the year was up and he came to get his money. Excepting the nine years' time I have spoken of before, I was put up in the ring and let to the highest bidder,--I was hired out, did the work, and others got the money,--that was mean and hard too.

In regard to religious instruction, I was allowed to
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go to church on Sunday, to a white clergyman--no colored preacher being allowed in Norfolk. We call some colored men, ministers, but they read nothing from the Bible--they exhort a little sometimes,--but 't is n't preaching. The white clergymen do n't preach the whole gospel there. Since I have been here, I have heard the passage about the fast that the Lord hath chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke. I never heard that down South. If a colored man were to say it, he'd have the handcuffs put on quick,--if a white man were to say it, he'd have to leave, because they'd say he was "putting too much into the niggers' heads." I've seen white children driven away from among the colored, when they said something the old folks did not like, because it was "putting something into the nigger's head."

I was a member of the First Baptist church. I heard the white minister preach, and I thought within myself, I will seek a better world above,--here I am in bondage, and if there is a better world above where I shall not be pulled and hauled about and tormented as I am in this, I will seek it.

The person I termed my owner was a woman who removed to England, and lived in London. When I was about twenty years old, I heard of her death, and that she had made a will leaving all her slaves, fifteen in number, free; and that the property and money which had belonged to her, was to be divided amongst us. I was told so by a white person--a lawyer. But she had one son living in Calcutta. He was written to, to find out who were the heirs to these people and this property. He returned word that he had no heirs for the people and property, and that he did not want
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them,--but that he wished them to do what his mother requested--liberate the slaves, give them the property, and let them go where they pleased. My employer told me and my fellow-servants--all relatives of mine--that we should have our time,--but still we were hired out. He kept feeding us with the tale that we should have our time, and still kept hiring us out. This was done to keep us from running away.

By and by, to blind us, the agent told us that my mistress' son was dead, and that we had fallen to his nearest relations, Mr. W--, of Philadelphia, and Mr. M--, of Washington: but they were no more his relations than that lamp. Mr. W. and Mr. M. came to Norfolk, and actually divided us as equally as they could. The family consisted of two sisters with seven children each, and an uncle. In the division, I was taken from my mother's family, and put with my aunt's, and with them fell to Mr. M. We still remained in Norfolk, but it grieved me so that I knew not what to do to think that I was so robbed. For my mistress, when I was a little boy, sat at the table with me, and she put her hand on my head and said, "My poor little servant, you shall never serve any one after I am dead, but shall have enough to live on the rest of your days." To remember this, and that she had died and left it in her will as she had said, and then to be cheated out of it, grieved me so, that I knew not how to bear it. I was hired out a short time, but expected every day to be carried up to Washington.

At last, I found an opportunity to escape, after studying upon it a long time. But it went hard to leave my wife; it was like taking my heart's blood: but I could not help it--I expected to be taken away where I should never see her again, and so I concluded that it
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would be right to leave her. [Here Atkinson's eyes filled with tears.] I never expect to see her again in this world--nor our child.

I reached Canada about a year ago. Liberty I find to be sweet indeed.

I think slavery is the worst and meanest thing to be thought of. It appears to me that God cannot receive into the kingdom of heaven, those who deal in slaves. God made all men--He is no respecter of persons--and it is impossible that he should, on account of my color, intend that I should be the slave of a man, because he is of a brighter skin than I am.

WILLIAM GROSE.

I was held as a slave at Harper's Ferry, Va. When I was twenty-five years old, my two brothers who were twelve miles out, were sent for to the ferry, so as to catch us all three together, which they did. We were then taken to Baltimore to be sold down south. The reason was, that I had a free wife in Virginia, and they were afraid we would get away through her means. My wife and two children were then keeping boarders; I was well used, and we were doing well. All at once, on Sunday morning, a man came to my house before I was up, and called me to go to his store to help put up some goods. My wife suspected it was a trap: but I started to go. When I came in sight of him, my heart failed me; I sent him word I could not come. On inquiry in a certain quarter, I was told that I was sold, and was advised to make my escape into Pennsylvania.
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I then went to my owner's, twelve miles, and remained there three days, they telling me I was not sold. The two brothers were all this time in jail, but I did not then know it. I was sent to the mill to get some offal,--then two men came in, grabbed me and handcuffed me, and took me off. How I felt that day I cannot tell. I had never been more than twenty miles from home, and now I was taken away from my mother and wife and children. About four miles from the mill, I met my wife in the road coming to bring me some clean clothes. She met me as I was on horseback, handcuffed. She thought I was on the farm, and was surprised to see me. They let me get down to walk and talk with her until we came to the jail: then they put me in, and kept her outside. She had then eight miles to go on foot, to get clothes ready for me to take along. I was so crazy, I do n't know what my wife said. I was beside myself to think of going south. I was as afraid of traders as I would be of a bear. This was Tuesday.

The man who had bought us came early Wednesday morning, but the jailer would not let us out, he hoping to make a bargain with somebody else, and induce our owners to withdraw the bond from the man that had us. Upon this, the trader and jailer got into a quarrel, and the trader produced a pistol, which the jailer and his brother took away from him. After some time, the jailer let us out. We were handcuffed together: I was in the middle, a hand of each brother fastened to mine. We walked thus to Harper's Ferry: there my wife met me with some clothes. She said but little; she was in grief and crying. The two men with us told her they would get us a good home. We went by the cars to
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Baltimore--remained fifteen days in jail. Then we were separated, myself and one brother going to New Orleans, and the other remained in B. Him I have not seen since, but have heard that he was taken to Georgia. There were about seventy of us, men, women, and children shipped to New Orleans. Nothing especial occurred except on one occasion, when, after some thick weather, the ship came near an English island: the captain then hurried us all below and closed the hatches. After passing the island, we had liberty to come up again.

We waited on our owners awhile in New Orleans, and after four months, my brother and I were sold together as house servants in the city, to an old widower, who would not have a white face about him. He had a colored woman for a wife--she being a slave. He had had several wives whom he had set free when he got tired of them. This woman came for us to the yard,--then we went before him. He sent for a woman, who came in, and said he to me, "That is your wife. I was scared half to death, for I had one wife whom I liked, and did n't want another,--but I said nothing. He assigned one to my brother in the same way. There was no ceremony about it--he said "Cynthia is your wife, and Ellen is John's." As we were not acclimated, he sent us into Alabama to a watering-place, where we remained three months till late in the fall--then we went back to him. I was hired out one month in a gambling saloon, where I had two meals a day and slept on a table; then for nine months to an American family, where I got along very well; then to a man who had been mate of a steamboat, and whom I could not please. After I
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had been in New Orleans a year, my wife came on and was employed in the same place, (in the American family).

One oppression there was, my wife did not dare let it be known she was from Virginia, through fear of being sold. When my master found out that I had a free-woman for a wife there, he was angry about it, and began to grumble. Then she went to a lawyer to get a certificate by which she could remain there. He would get one for a hundred dollars, which was more than she was able to pay: so she did not get the certificate, but promised to take one by and by. His hoping to get the money kept him from troubling her,--and before the time came for her taking it, she left for a distant place. He was mad about it, and told me that if she ever came there again, he'd put her to so much trouble that she would wish she had paid the hundred dollars and got the certificate. This did not disturb me, as I knew she would not come back any more.

After my wife was gone, I felt very uneasy. At length, I picked up spunk, and said I would start. All this time, I dreamed on nights that I was getting clear. This put the notion into my head to start--a dream that I had reached a free soil and was perfectly safe. Sometimes I felt as if I would get clear, and again as if I would not. I had many doubts. I said to myself--I recollect it well,--I can't die but once; if they catch me, they can but kill me: I'll defend myself as far as I can. I armed myself with an old razor, and made a start alone, telling no one, not even my brother. All the way along, I felt a dread--a heavy load on me all the way. I would look up at the telegraph wire, and dread that the news was going on ahead of me. At one time I was on a canal-boat--it did not seem to go
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fast enough for me, and I felt very much cast down about it; at last I came to a place where the telegraph wire was broken, and I felt as if the heavy load was rolled off me. I intended to stay in my native country,--but I saw so many mean-looking men, that I did not dare to stay. I found a friend who helped me on the way to Canada, which I reached in 1851.

I served twenty-five years in slavery, and about five I have been free. I feel now like a man, while before I felt more as though I were but a brute. When in the United States, if a white man spoke to me, I would feel frightened, whether I were in the right or wrong; but now it is quite a different thing,--if a white man speaks to me, I can look him right in the eyes--if he were to insult me, I could give him an answer. I have the rights and privileges of any other man. I am now living with my wife and children, and doing very well. When I lie down at night, I do not feel afraid of oversleeping, so that my employer might jump on me if he pleased. I am a true British subject, and I have a vote every year as much as any other man. I often used to wonder in the United States, when I saw carriages going round for voters, why they never asked me to vote. But I have since found out the reason,--I know they were using my vote instead of my using it--now I use it myself. Now I feel like a man, and I wish to God that all my fellow-creatures could feel the same freedom that I feel. I am not prejudiced against all the white race in the United States,--it is only the portion that sustain the cursed laws of slavery.

Here's something I want to say to the colored people in the United States: You think you are free there, but you are very much mistaken: if you wish to be free men, I hope you will all come to Canada as soon
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as possible. There is plenty of land here, and schools to educate your children. I have no education myself, but I do n't intend to let my children come up as I did. I have but two, and instead of making servants out of them, I 'll give them a good education, which I could not do in the southern portion of the United States. True, they were not slaves there, but I could not have given them any education.

I have been through both Upper and Lower Canada, and I have found the colored people keeping stores, farming, etc., and doing well. I have made more money since I came here, than I made in the United States. I know several colored people who have become wealthy by industry--owning horses and carriages,--one who was a fellow-servant of mine, now owns two span of horses, and two as fine carriages as there are on the bank. As a general thing, the colored people are more sober and industrious than in the States: there they feel when they have money, that they cannot make what use they would like of it, they are so kept down, so looked down upon. Here they have something to do with their money, and put it to a good purpose.

I am employed in the Clifton House, at the Falls.

DAVID WEST.

I came from King and Queen county, Va., where I left a wife and four children. I was treated well--I paid my master two hundred dollars a year, and acted honorably all through the time I remained there. My
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master died, and I heard that I was to be sold, which would separate me from my family, and knowing no law which would defend me, I concluded to come away.

When my master died, I made his coffin and buried him. I am a carpenter, and well known in King and Queen county. I did not believe that slavery was right, but as I was born there, and had a family there, I tried to content myself to remain, and should probably have done so, but for the dread of being sold south. My mistress told me that I was not to be sold, and my master's brother told me the same,--but I had seen him carry away my father, sister, and aunt to Alabama to be sold: my father being then sixty years old. When he returned, I asked him "what he had done with my father?"--all he said was, " Sir?" and that was all the answer he made me. Of course I could not believe him, when he said I was not to be sold: for he had fooled my father with the story that he was going to remove to Alabama himself. Gentlemen in the neighborhood told me I was going to be sold.

When I left, I told my purpose to no one. I studied a plan by which I might get away, and I succeeded.

I am now in Canada doing well at my trade, and I expect to do yet better. My only trouble is about my wife and family. I never should have come away but for being forced away.

A Baptist preacher told me once, when I was working for him, that there was no country in the world equal to Virginia. My answer was, "Yes, I believe it is the greatest country in the world: for one third of the people are doing nothing, and the other two thirds are working to support them." He then spoke of something else.
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My family are perpetually on my mind. I should be perfectly happy if I could have my wife and the four children. If my wife had known it, and had said half a word, I should have stayed to the moment of being sold.

I look upon slavery as a disgrace, and as breaking the laws of God: that no man can keep the laws of God and hold to slavery. I believe my own master was as good a man as there is in the whole South: I loved him in health, and I loved him in death,--but I can read the Bible, and I do not see any thing there by which he could be justified in holding slaves: and I know not where he has gone to.

It is a common remark that they have a right to hold the slaves, because they were given them by their fathers,--justifying their own sins by those of their fathers: would it excuse them for stealing or drinking, to say that their fathers were thieves and drunkards?

I was taught, secretly, to read, but never taught to write: I feel that I have been wrongfully deprived of the knowledge of writing. I could have done better for myself every way had I known how to write.

I was led to religious knowledge, by hearing old colored people talk, and by the preaching I heard. I was constrained to seek repentance, was converted, and joined the Pokaroan church, [Baptist]. I used to partake of the sacrament after the whites had had their communion. We could have no night meetings without fear of the patrols, who would lash those they could catch during or after service.

I wish well to the members of that church; and, although my name is now taken off the records with scorn, I have done nothing wrong, nor have I offended my Maker by the course I have pursued. I hope to
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meet them in heaven with the hundred and forty and four thousand whom John saw in Mount Sion (or the New Jerusalem), where we all shall meet and no more to part.

We shall never be able to meet in that city holding that which does not belong to us.

I want to ask the southern people if their own consciences do not tell them it is wrong to hold slaves, knowing that it is against the laws of God?

I have seen the slaves to be underfed and half clothed, and the masters would say they were well taken care of. I have known this of three or four counties. I have known a slave to be sick, and to be neglected until he was about to die, and then a great stir would be made,--and if he died, they would say, "The best nigger is dead," although when living, it would seem as if he could do nothing to please them. I have seen separations of families every year for many years.

The slaveholders so far as I know are generally mean people. I have been cheated by a rich slaveholder out of half a bushel of corn in buying half a barrel. I knew it and he knew it; but he knew I would not dare say any thing about it,--the law was such that he could have me whipped, if I were to contradict him. He was worth ten thousand dollars, and I was not worth ten cents: I believe that trade was just as much right as it is to hold slaves. I told some white people of this before I left, and they cried out "shame!"

I believe that if the slaveholders were to say, "Here, boys, you are free; you may go to work for me at so much a day,"--if 't was done all over the South, there would be no trouble: 't would be no great credit to set them free, for 't is no more than their duty.
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I have known slaves to be hungry, but when their master asked them if they had enough, they would, through fear, say "Yes." So if asked if they wish to be free, they will say "No." I knew a case where there was a division of between fifty and sixty slaves among heirs, one of whom intended to set free her part. So wishing to consult them, she asked of such and such ones, if they would like to be free, and they all said "No:"--for if they had said yes, and had then fallen to the other heirs, they would be sold,--and so they said "No," against their own consciences. But there will be a time when all will be judged. The Lord, He made us out of the dust of the earth, and He is the greatest Judge of the earth, yet even He does not compel us to serve Him: but among men, who are so frail, the stronger takes the weaker by force, and binds them slaves, and murders them.

These views I have not got since I left the South; they were in me all the time I was there. I have often tried to love my minister and brethren in Pokaroan church, but when I heard them say, "Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you," and saw what they were doing to their own brethren in Christ, I thought with the disciples, "Who, then, can be saved?" I never knew in all my living in the South, a colored man to separate a family of whites by sale or in any way, but have often known this to be done by the whites.

HENRY JACKSON.

I was born free at Chatham Four Corners, N. Y. State. I was sent to school and learned to read and
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write. My parents were free at the time of my birth, but had been slaves under the old laws of New York. At about the age of sixteen, my father bound me out to a man named G--, to remain till twenty-one, then to receive two hundred and fifty dollars. G--went to California, where he remained over a year, and then came back for his wife and children and me to take us to that State. Then I went with him by railway and by water: the vessel was a steamer,--took us into some port, the name of which I do not know; there G--and another man came on board, and asked me to go up into the town,--it was a middling-sized town. They took me to an auction room where were other colored people, and I was sold at auction to the highest bidder for four hundred and fifty dollars. I thought it a strange transaction, but I felt that I was in their power,--I was among strangers, had no friends there, knew it would be of no use to remonstrate, and so said nothing. A man by the name of W. K. S. bought me. I saw no papers passed,--there might have been. S. said, "You are in my hands now, and you must obey my orders." I answered him nothing,--did not say a word to him. As soon as I was sold, G--left, and I have not seen him since. I was taken into S.'s family, and went to work for him and the family, doing house-work, errands, etc. I was treated kindly,--had enough of every thing,--his son gave me a little change occasionally. My mind was all the time occupied by the thought of my freedom, and I made up my mind to escape on the first opportunity. I said nothing to Mr. S. about my past life: he never said any thing about setting me free. Whether he knew it was illegal for G--to sell me, I do not know. I had some fears in regard to running away--fears that something
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--I could not tell what--would be done with me. At last I started on foot for Philadelphia, which I reached in due time, without any trouble on the way, except being worn out with fatigue.

I did not travel about much while in slavery: but from my own experience of it, and from what I have seen, I pronounce it a very great curse.

I think G--'s conduct is mean. I think it would be a good thing for him to be sold for a few years down South,--I think that by the time he had been there five years, he would be glad to set all the slaves free.

I think it necessary for all free people of color to be on their guard.

I had the privilege of going to church every Sunday. I belonged to the Methodist church before I went away, as did my father and mother. Mr. S. was a member of the same church with myself,--we heard the same preaching and sat at the same communion table. The colored people partook after the others had done. I have not seen S. since I came away, and have no desire to see him.
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TORONTO.

THE population of this wealthy, enterprising, and beautiful city is estimated at forty-seven thousand, of whom about one thousand are colored persons. Of these no separate count is made in taking the census. The greater part of the colored people reside in the north-western section of the city. Their houses resemble those of the same class of persons in St. Catharines: but as they have not generally so extensive gardens, more time can be allotted to the beautifying and general care of their dwellings than in St. Catharines.

Many of the colored people own the houses in which they dwell, and some have acquired valuable estates. No distinction exists in Toronto, in regard to school privileges. One of the students in the Normal School was a fugitive slave, and colored youths are attending lectures in the University. There are three churches exclusively belonging to the colored people--a Baptist and two Methodist churches. They are excluded, however, from none of the churches, and in all of them a few of the African race may be found.

The colored people in Toronto are, on the whole, remarkably industrious. Their condition is such as to gratify the philanthropist, and to afford encouragement to the friends of emancipation everywhere. A portion
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of them sustain a lyceum or debating club (which is attended by both sexes) where debates are held, and original essays are read. A large majority of the adult colored people are refugees from the South. Several of these furnished their testimony in regard to the institution under whose fostering care they were reared. They gave their statements readily and with every appearance of truth. Their evidence is as reliable as any which can be obtained. No longer dreading the lash, they are free to utter their real sentiments, and to communicate their actual experiences. Some of the details would appear too shocking for credence, were it not admitted on all hands, that the only limit to the cruelty of a mean, ill-tempered, virtually irresponsible tyrant, is the capacity for suffering with which the victims of his malignity may be endowed.

Those who have been most cruelly treated and unjustly used, are most likely to undertake an escape. Those who have succeeded in the undertaking, therefore, may fairly be expected to give a very dark picture. Ought slavery then, as a whole, to be condemned by the evidence they present? We answer, that every slave is liable to the same maltreatment and abuse from which the fugitives in Canada have escaped; and that an institution which holds such liabilities over the heads of millions, and inflicts the most enormous evils on many thousands, might as well be set aside.

Again, in forming a judgment of slavery as to its merits and demerits, this testimony should receive at least as much weight as a class of anecdotes so readily chronicled, and so widely circulated, of individual slaves who have manifested great attachment to their masters, or refused to receive their freedom. The excellence of pious masters who exhort and pray with their slaves
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from the best of motives, is also deemed worthy of record; and if from such anecdotes, of slaves loving slavery, and of the kindness of some masters, inferences are drawn favorable to the continuance of slavery, facts of the opposite class, although it is a more ungrateful task to expose them, ought also to be fully stated, lest humanity and benevolence be lulled to sleep over evils which they should do their utmost to remove.

Let it not be understood, however, that in this work we intend to make a selection of the most atrocious cases of abuse. Any instances of kind, self-sacrificing masters, or humane, benevolent overseers, will be mentioned at greater length and in greater fulness than those of opposite character, to relieve, if possible, the canvas which truth is reluctantly obliged to crowd "with bitter and with black."

What is here incidentally said in regard to the narratives of the fugitives in Toronto, applies with equal force to all statements of fugitives in Canada West in this work.

CHARLES HENRY GREEN.

I was a slave in Delaware from birth, until twenty-three years of age: am now twenty-four. I never had any religious or other instruction from my master. I picked up a knowledge of reading, and some religious knowledge among people where I was hired out. I was well used--have been hit over the head with chunks of wood,--hit over the back with a pitchfork handle, but was never whipped with a cowskin.
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Slavery is horrid. I think if the slaves were set free, they would readily go to work for money.

JAMES W. SUMLER.

Arrived in Canada, March 3, 1855. I came from Norfolk, Va.; was in bondage twenty-six years. I was not sent to school--never. My first master and mistress gave me no religious instruction at all, nor any other. I learned to read: the way was, I hid in a hayloft on Sunday, and got the younger white children to teach me. I bought the book with a ninepence that a man gave me for holding his horse.

My master was a Methodist. I used to get his horse ready, and hold him when master was going to meeting, but he never asked me to go. At twelve years, my first master died and I was hired out. I was put to work in a lumber-yard. I generally had enough to eat, but was sometimes short for clothes.

My second master and mistress never gave me any instruction about God, and Christ, and the Bible: they used to object to my going to meetings. It was nothing but come and go. They were Methodists. I was never punished very severely, but I have seen servants of the same family punished in various ways. I have seen them tied down, stripped bare, and struck with the paddle, bored with auger holes, until they could n't walk straight. This was because they did not perform the tasks assigned them. I consider the tasks given them were such they could not perform them. I have seen them tied up and whipped until the blood ran
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down to the ground. I have seen a man--Elick Smith--so badly whipped with the cobble and cow-hide, that he could not lie down any way. The use of brine after whipping is very common.

After I got to years of maturity, and saw the white people sitting in the shade, while I worked in the sun, I thought I would like to be my own man. The first that started me was, they sold my brother down south, and I have not seen him since. I thought my chance would come next, and so I put out.

A white man--a Baptist, used to preach to us. The white people took the communion in the morning, and we took it in the evening. The minister used to tell us not to be disorderly on taking the sacrament--I thought he was disorderly himself, for he kept slaves.

I left home at 2 P. M., and walked a very considerable distance. Then I saw fit to remain concealed nine months. Meanwhile I was advertised, and a reward of $200 was offered for me. On seeing this I felt somewhat troubled in mind,--at last I started, but I had to run back to my hiding-place. A second time I got very near a place where I would have been safe, but I was pursued, and had again to put back. A third time I was successful.

I enjoy myself here more than I did in slavery. I believe that liberty is the true and proper state for the colored man, and for every man. I came here with nothing. I think I can make a living here, and am disposed to try. I left slavery with the expectation that I would have to work, and I am glad to get work.

I look upon slavery as wrong, and as a curse upon the masters. I do not believe that there is any religion in the masters. The slaves are not religious in consequence of slavery; they have often impediments in the
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way of their going to meetings. I believe that the slaveholders know that that they are guilty in holding slaves. If the slaves were all set at liberty, I think it would be better for the slaves and for the slaveholders too. The abolitionists have helped me a great deal.

PATRICK SNEAD.

I belonged in Savannah, Georgia. I am as white as my master was, but I was born a slave. My first master dying, I fell to one of the sons, who died when I was about fifteen. He was a sporting character. He had always promised my mother to give me my freedom at some time,--as soon as I could take care of myself. I was sent to school a little while by mother, so that I could spell quite well,--but I have lost it all. My master gave me no religious instruction, but I was allowed to attend a Sunday School for colored children. I was put to the cooper's trade, which I learned in five years. While my master lived I was well used. But at length he was taken sick with consumption; I attended him, and took care of him. I said nothing to him about my freedom, not feeling any great interest in the matter at that time. I have good reason to believe that he was persuaded not to set me free. At length he departed this life.

After his death, the doctor's bill of three hundred dollars had to be satisfied out of the estate. Other property being deficient, I was given up, and was for one day the property of the physician. I was then sold to a wholesale merchant for five hundred dollars. The
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merchant employed me about the store four years; he found me smarter than many others, and I had to work hard, lifting heavy bales of goods. This lifting caused me to wear a truss some time before I left. In the easiest time of the year, the summer, my working hours were from 6 in the morning to 7 in the evening. In the fall and spring I worked from 6 in the morning until 12 at night, the bales of goods being opened in the night: in the winter from 6 to 6. I had plenty of food and good common clothing. The merchant's manner of address to me was generally pleasant: I had the privilege of going to church on Sundays, if I pleased.

He never on Saturday nights allowed me any money: I liked female society as well as he did, and wanted some spending money. I was not provoked to ask for it by seeing others have money, but I felt that I ought to be allowed something for my encouragement, after performing so much hard labor. His answer was, that he gave me enough to eat. I told him that he would have to sell me, "for to work in this way I shall not." He grinned and bore it.

About a year before this I had been attentive to a young free-woman who lived with her aunt. One evening, on leaving, the aunt cautioned me to tell Billy (a boy on the place) to fasten the gate after me, as the night before he had left it open. Accordingly, on coming out, I said, "Billy, be careful to fasten the gate, for you did not fasten it the night before." There was, as I afterwards learned, a white man concealed behind a tree close by,--he heard me, and fancied that what I said was meant to hit him in some way; for he meanwhile was, unbeknown to me, sustaining a peculiar relation to the very girl that I was visiting. The next day that man said he would buy me, if it cost him a
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thousand dollars, so that he could give me a hundred lashes. My master heard of this threat,--I heard of it, and believe I told my master. Some days after I met the man, told him what I had heard,--that it was a mistake,--that I did not know he was behind the tree, or that he had any thing to do with the person I was visiting, and that I would not be in his way any further. So it blew over.

After my talk with my master about the money, he, remembering the affair just mentioned, went to that party, and offered to sell me to him. Then the same man who had made the threat to buy me, asked me if I was willing to belong to him. I told him I would as lief belong to him as to anybody, if he would allow me a living chance. He told me that he would hire me out at my trade of coopering, and provide me with tools. He bought me--giving for me a woman and two children, and a hundred dollars. I went to work as he had promised. My task was eighteen barrels a week: I could make more than twice as many, so then I began to have money. My treatment was good.

I went on in this way four years; then my colored employer was going to Liberia, with a ship load of emigrants--free people of color. He bade me goodby, and shook my hands; at this I felt an anxious wish to go with him, and from that moment I felt what liberty was. I then told him, that I hoped one day to be my own man, and if so, that I wished to go to Liberia. He said, "I hope so, my son." He had baptized me, and was pastor of the church to which I belonged. After he left, I went on working nearly one year more, with his partner, who had bought him out.

During this time my desire for liberty grew stronger and stronger. I had spent my money as I went along.
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My master refused to buy me new tools after my old ones were worn out--said I dressed better than he, and must buy tools for myself. I thought this ought not to do, and I made up my mind, "it sha' n't do either." I had now come to a resolution, and I started for a land of liberty. I left in July, 1851, at 3 on a Monday morning. I reached Canada safely, and had no difficulty until two years had elapsed. Then I was employed in the summer of 1853 as a waiter in the Cataract House, on the American side of the Falls. Then a constable of Buffalo came in, on Sunday after dinner, and sent the barkeeper into the dining-room for me. I went into the hall, and met the constable,--I had my jacket in my hand, and was going to put it up. He stepped up to me. "Here, Watson," (this was the name I assumed on escaping,) "you waited on me, and I 'll give you some change." His fingers were then in his pocket, and he dropped a quarter dollar on the floor. I told him, "I have not waited on you--you must be mistaken in the man, and I don 't want another waiter's money." He approached,--I suspected, and stepped back toward the dining-room door. By that time he made a grab at me, caught me by the collar of my shirt and vest,--then four more constables, he had brought with him, sprung on me,--they dragged me to the street door--there was a jam--I hung on by the doorway. The head constable shackled my left hand. I had on a new silk cravat twice round my neck; he hung on to this, twisting it till my tongue lolled out of my mouth, but he could not start me through the door. By this time the waiters pushed through the crowd,--there were three hundred visitors there at the time,--and Smith and Grave, colored waiters, caught me by the hands,--then the others
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came on, and dragged me from the officers by main force. They dragged me over chairs and every thing, down to the ferry way. I got into the cars, and the waiters were lowering me down, when the constables came and stopped them, saying, "Stop that murderer!"--they called me a murderer! Then I was dragged down the steps by the waiters, and flung into the ferry boat. The boatmen rowed me to within fifty feet of the Canada shore--into Canada water--when the head boatman in the other boat gave the word to row back. They did accordingly,--but they could not land me at the usual place on account of the waiters. So they had to go down to Suspension Bridge; they landed me, opened a way through the crowd--shackled me, pushed me into a carriage, and away we went. The head constable then asked me "if I knew any person in Lockport." I told him "no." Then, "In Buffalo?" "No." "Well, then," said he, "let's go to Buffalo--Lockport is too far." We reached Buffalo at ten o'clock at night, when I was put in jail. I told the jailer I wished he would be so good as to tell lawyer--to come round to the jail. Mr.--came, and I engaged him for my lawyer. When the constables saw that, pretending to know no one in Buffalo, I had engaged one of the best lawyers in the place, they were astonished. I told them that "as scared as they thought I was, I wanted them to know that I had my senses about me." The court was not opened until nine days; the tenth day my trial commenced. The object was, to show some evidence as if of murder, so that they could take me to Ballimore. On the eleventh day the claimant was defeated, and I was cleared at 10, A. M. After I was cleared, and while I was yet in the court room, a telegraphic despatch came from a Judge in Savannah,
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saying that I was no murderer, but a fugitive slave. However, before a new warrant could be got out, I was in a carriage and on my way. I crossed over into Canada, and walked thirty miles to the Clifton House.

This broke up my summer's work at the Falls, and threw me back; and as I had to pay money to my lawyer, I have hardly got over it yet.

There is great difference in the modes of treating slaves on the plantations, according to the character of the owners,--I have seen enough of slave life to know this, and I have seen slaves in Savannah used as badly as any on the plantation. I saw a man in Savannah, who had been whipped severely, and thrust into a dark hole or dungeon in a cellar. The maggots got in his flesh, and he was offensive to the sense in consequence. When they turned him out, I saw the man, and saw the maggots in his flesh. I knew a Methodist minister, on--Street, who had a colored woman for cook. Something which her mistress told her to cook did not suit. The mistress complained to the minister; he shut up the cook in a stable or barn and beat her, having first tied something over her mouth.

At one time, I resided with the family in the jail-building. While there, I used to see whipping, five or six a day, or more, with a large cowskin. It is the most common thing in the world to have them whipped in the jail,--that will be no news in Savannah,--not over thirty-nine lashes in one day, by law. Sometimes slaves are whipped in the guard-house.

I consider that the slaves in Savannah, where I was born and raised, are poor ignorant creatures: they don't know their condition. It is ignorance that keeps them there. If they knew what I know, they could not be kept there a moment. Let a man escape, and have but
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a month's freedom, and he will feel the greatest animosity against slavery. I can't give slavery any name or description bad enough for it.

CHARLES PEYTON LUCAS.

My name in slavery was Peyton Lucas; I changed my name in running, to Charles Bentley.

I was raised in Leesburg, Loudon county, Va. My master never sent me to school, nor gave me any instruction from the Bible, excepting one passage of Scripture which he used to quote to me,--"He that knoweth his master's will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many stripes." He was a Baptist Minister--and after he had quoted the text, he would take me to the barn-yard and give me a practical explanation with raw hides. My mistress used to beat me over the head with a dairy key about as big as a child's fist.

I was kept mostly at the quarters until twelve or thirteen, wearing nothing in the summer but a coarse crocus shirt. Many a time have I taken it by the two ends, and pulled it round a post to break down the sticks. When I was taken to the house, my mistress used to find fault with me before him. "Oh, I can't stand this!" Then he would give me a kick or two in the house, then take me to the barn-yard, and finish it off with the cowskin. Both before and after, he would reason with me,--"now, you know better than to aggravate your mistress as you do, for you 've often heard me read, "He that knoweth," etc. I used to hear him preach. While the whipping was going on and he was
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quoting Scripture, I thought of another way,--I yelled until the people and children climbed up and looked over the fence or peeped through, to see what was going on: so he gave it up. Then he gave me a note to carry to the overseer, and he followed after me. I went a short way, delivered the note and was off before he got there. He appeared to feel ashamed that I had circumvented him. Thus things went on for a year or two. My mother and myself came by the mistress,--my master thought more of his slaves than of her's.

One day my brother was playing with one of the boys of his side of the house. There was a dog there, which, when you said, "Help, Bull," would take hold of anybody. My brother said "Help, Bull," and the dog nipped the other boy. On the next morning, Saturday, the overseer, a good Baptist brother, told my master of the fray, whereupon he dismounted, (he was just starting for a place where he was to preach next day,) tied up the boy, and laid twenty-five lashes on his bare back with a cowskin: then he turned to the overseer,--my mother was there and heard him,--"Brother--, take your satisfaction out of the dog, (meaning my brother,) and then let him down." Upon this, he mounted his horse and went off a preaching. At night, my brother went to the stable, took the halter from a very valuable horse, broke or divided it, leaving the pieces on the floor, and broke the doors, to make it appear that the horse had got loose; then he took the horse and ran away. Being a wagoner, and well acquainted, he was accosted by flour merchants on his way, about bringing flour on the morrow. He rode that horse forty miles before daylight. He got off clear. My master recovered his horse in Baltimore, after a great deal of trouble. He then stamped his foot in anger, and told us all to
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go. He had, some little time before this, sold my other brother, my sister, and her two children into Georgia.

At fifteen, I was hired out to the blacksmithing business. I served at it five years, and was then hired out as a journeyman, my Reverend master taking my wages. I worked out five or six years, and was well fed, well clothed, and well used. I enjoyed life then very well, and had many privileges: nor did I run away for either fear of my master, or of the man I lived with, nor in consequence of ill treatment.

My sister worked in the house where I lived. My master had come into the shop where I worked, bringing a stranger with him, and they had talked with my employer. On inquiry of her, she told me that the stranger had dined there, and that while she was clearing away the table, she heard master say, "I won't take less than fifteen hundred dollars; he is a first-rate blacksmith." We knew it meant me, as I was the only blacksmith on the place. This was in 1841.

In one week's time I started for the North with two companions; but it was cock-crowing before we reached the Potomac; so we went on a hill, and hid until the next (Sunday) night. Then we came down, and tied our provisions into bundles on our backs, and started for Potomac river,--whether to wade it, swim it, or get drowned, we knew not. We waded and swam, changing our ground as the water deepened. At last we reached the opposite bank in Maryland: we merely stopped to pour the water out of our boots, and then travelled on all wet, until morning: then we hid in the bushes. We travelled by night and concealed ourselves by day, for ten days and nights, suffering greatly from hunger and from rain, without shelter. One day in September, we sat on a mountain, exposed to a hot,
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broiling sun, and without food or drink. We could hear people at their work about us, but we did not dare ask for aid. For three days, we had neither food nor drink, excepting green corn. We sucked the juice for drink, and the corn itself was our only food. The effect of this was to weaken us very much.

One night we came to a farmer's spring-house,--I broke the lock and got a good pan of milk, but before I could find any thing else, the dogs began to bark, so that we had to hurry off. We quaffed the milk with a good relish and it did us a deal of service. We drank at times muddy water from horse tracks: on one occasion, we were run very severely by dogs and men, but we got away from them. One morning between two and four o'clock, we came to a white man tending a lime-kiln,--he was asleep. We knew nothing of the way; so we concluded to awaken him, and ask the way, and if he tried to stop us, or have us caught, that we would kill him and throw him into the kiln. We awoke him and told him that our harvesting was done, and we were hunting for work, as we had two days to work in. He did not believe it,--said we were runaways. I took out my pistol, cocked and capped it, and the others produced, one a bayonet, and the other a bowie knife. The man approached us, saying still we were runaways. Had he offered to touch us we would have killed him, but he proved to be the best friend we had ever had. He told us our way, and regretted that he had no food. Said he, "If you travel on, by day-light you will cross Mason and Dixon's line, and get among the Dutch. Keep away from the big road, walk near it, but not in it,--walk in the daytime, but keep in the woods." We followed his directions, and at ten o'clock, next morning, we reached a Dutchman's house.
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The man was out,--but the woman and girls set the table. We ate all they had in the house,--I ate till I was ashamed. The good woman told us to avoid Shippensburg, as six had been carried back from there just before. She told us, if anybody questioned us, to say that we were going to Horse Shoe Bottom camp meeting on the Susquehanna. We did accordingly, and soon struck the track of the underground railroad, which we followed into the northern free States.

At--, I went to work on a building. One day a druggist came to me, and said an advertisement describing me was in the tavern,--"tawny colored man, tall, spare, and of a pleasing countenance when spoken to, and he works at blacksmithing. No scars recollected, except one on his neck. Any person who will return him to me, or lodge him in jail, so that I can get him, shall have a reward of five hundred dollars." My friends advised me to remove further. I worked in Geneva, N. Y., until the passage of the fugitive slave law, when my friends advised me to go to Canada, with which advice I complied, at a great sacrifice, on account of some property which I was trying to buy.

I feel that I am out of the lion's paw, and I feel that THERE IS NO CURSE ON GOD'S EARTH, EQUAL TO SLAVERY.

I think that emancipation ought to be so arranged, as that the sick and infirm should be taken care of by those who have had the benefit of their labor. Provision for education ought also to be made. It would take a generation to accomplish this: but the practical mode of emancipating ought to be planned by the South.
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BENEDICT DUNCAN.

I was a slave in Maryland, twenty-eight years. My father taught me my letters, and I had sometimes the privilege of going to the Sunday school, where I was further taught by a white teacher, and I read through a spelling-book. My father had a few other books and I had help from him in learning to read them. I received religious instruction in the Sunday school. My master and mistress belonged to the Presbyterian church, but never gave me any insight into their doctrines. I became a Methodist. My master had no overseer,--was boss himself. We considered him not so good as the generality of masters. Sometimes I did not get enough to eat, nor have clothes enough to make me comfortable. I could get straw enough, but I never had any bed,--wore the same clothes at night that I wore by day, the whole week. The other hands were not so well used,--the truth is, I was rather ahead of them. They used to get whipped with hickories or a club: I never had any severe punishment.

I left through fear of being sold, as my master's business was going down hill. I experienced no trouble in getting off. I walked one hundred and fifty miles of the way. I remained in the States four months and then came over here a short time since.

I had rather have a day free, than a week of life in slavery: I think slavery is the worst evil that ever was.
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WILLIAM HOWARD.

I was raised in Baltimore county, Md.--was a slave from birth, until twenty-seven years old. I had no master,--my mistress was a widow lady. She gave me no religious instruction, neither taught me to read nor write--did n't want I should know any such thing as that. She was kind to me, but I did n't hardly thank her for it. I hired my time, giving her seven dollars a month, although I could earn a great deal more. The reason she did this was, she was afraid I would come away: she never sold any of her servants. I married a free-woman, and had two children there. My mistress died, and I was told that the farm was to be sold. Upon this, I came away, and had no difficulty in doing so. My wife and children followed.

I stopped a while in the free States, but came here on account of my friends being here. I did not feel concerned as regards the fugitive slave law.

Slavery made the colored people where I lived, very unhappy. One thing was, they did not get enough to eat or to wear--some I knew did not. I have known that if some were not at work by daylight, they were tied up and received a hundred and fifty lashes with a raw hide, and then had brine put on their backs, and an iron yoke put on their necks afterward, for fear they would run away. Frequently they would have no bed to lie on. Sometimes when a young man and woman were attached to each other, the masters would interfere, and, may be, would sell one of the parties. I have known children to be dragged away from their parents, and wives from their husbands: that's no new thing
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to me. I knew one man who had children by his slave, a yellow girl, and then sold his own children.

My opinion is, that the yoke ought to be taken from every man, and that every one should be loosed. It looks quite strange to me when I look back into the country where I was born, and see the state of things there. If they would set the slaves free, they would go to work and make a living. If any people can make a living they can. All they want is a little education, and something to start upon. I do not think the masters would incur any danger by setting the slaves free. I thought it honorable to carry to my mistress the money I earned: it seems to me now that she was not honorable in taking it, if I was in giving it.

I expected to work for a living, go where I would. I could not be stopped from working. Canada is the best place that ever I saw: I can make more money here than anywhere else I know of. The colored people, taken as a whole, are as industrious as any people you will find. They have a good deal of ambition to go forward, and take a good stand in the community. I know several who own houses and lands. They are a very temperate people.

ROBERT BELT.

I came from Maryland,--I was in slavery about twenty-five years. I had heard that there was a notion of selling me. There was a mystery about it--some saying that I was born free. A white man told me that he thought I would be sold, as there was a dispute.
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In about one month after, I came away. In one place where I was concealed, I saw people from the neighborhood hunting for me. I travelled more than a hundred miles on foot, and suffered a great deal by getting sore feet, and from cold and want of food.

I got work soon after my arrival here, which was quite recent: since I have been here, I have prospered well. My calculation is, to own a house and a piece of land by and by.

I feel much better satisfied for myself since I have been free, than when I was a slave: but I feel grieved to think that my friends are in slavery. I wish they could come out here. My wife came on with me from an adjoining farm.

ELIJAH JENKINS.

Last winter I came away from Norfolk, Va. I am thirty-six years of age.

My mistress, a young woman, died, and I fell to her mother, an old woman. Knowing that on her death I would have to be sold, I ran away, and did not meet with much difficulty in doing so.

We are told in Norfolk that they would set us free, but we could n't get along without them to take care of us. But since I have got here, I find that colored people do get along without masters, better than those who are slaves.

I have no wish to go back, although I am sick. I intend to get work, as soon as I am well enough.

Since I grew up to be a man, slavery has never looked
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to me right. It seemed hard when I had earned any money to have to carry it to another man, when my wife needed it herself. I have left a wife and five small children. I had a good wife, and, if I could, would have her and the children here this minute. I never heard of a man running away from slavery to get rid of his wife.

JOHN A. HUNTER.

I feel more like a man,--I feel that I am a man a great deal more than I did a year ago. A year ago I was in bondage.

I was raised in a city in Maryland, and was a slave from birth until twenty years of age. The slaves in cities are better treated than those on the farms and plantations. When I was young, while my first master lived, I was sent to a school for white children. My mistress's sister kept the school, and I was allowed to go to keep me out of the way. When I was about ten years old, my first master died. My mistress married again, and my new master said they ought not to have sent me to school--that I knew too much any how. So I was taken from school. I remained at home doing work for the family. At fourteen, my master wished to hire me out on a farm, but my mistress not giving her consent, I remained in the city.

I heard from a colored man that I was going to be sold; afterward from a white man, that I was sold, and that my master had the money in his pocket. . . . . I came away, and met no difficulty in reaching a land of
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freedom. I now attend the Normal School, to get an education if I can.

A great many slaves know nothing of Canada,--they do n't know that there is such a country.

Whether the slaves as a body in the city are contented or not, I am unable to say. I know that I myself was discontented and unhappy in my servile condition. My impression of those slaves with whom I associated is, that they were dissatisfied. I have heard poor ignorant slaves, that did not know A from B, say that they did not believe the Lord ever intended they should be slaves, and that they did not see how it should be so.

I think that slavery is the greatest evil that ever existed.

I consider that the efforts of the abolitionists for the slaves are salutary.

SAM DAVIS.

I was in bondage, in Virginia, from birth until thirty years of age. I have had no instruction at all. My mistress used me only tolerably well--she used the switch. At sixteen she began to hire me out at farming. I have worked on several different farms. Sometimes my employers would be good, sometimes bad: three bad masters to one good one.

I have seen a great deal of punishments. My brother and I were once set to breaking stone for a turnpike: he stopped work to straighten up for a minute or two, when the overseer threw a stone and hit him on the ankle. My brother said, "If you have not any thing
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better to do than to throw stones, you had better go home." For this he was tied up to a chestnut tree, stripped, and whipped with hickories until his back was raw. My brother's owner sued the man he was hired to, and a white man who happened to be a witness, swore that he counted a hundred lashes. The master recovered, I believe, two hundred dollars and the doctor's bill, but my brother received none of the money. I have been whipped by different persons I have been hired to: once with a cowhide, several times with hickories,--not over thirty-nine lashes at one time.

The man I was last hired to did not give me enough to eat, and used me hardly otherwise: I then thought I would leave for a better country. I travelled on three days and nights, suffering for want of food. When I was passing through Orangetown, in Pennsylvania, I went into a shop to get some cake. Two men followed me with muskets. They had followed me from a village I had passed through a little before. They took me, and were going to carry me before a magistrate,--they said to Chambersburg. I walked just before. By and by, watching my chance, I jumped a fence and ran. They were on horseback. I got into a piece of woods,--thence into a wheat field, where I lay all day; from 9, A. M. until dark. I could not sleep for fear. At night I travelled on, walking until day, when I came to a colored man's house among mountains. He gave me a good breakfast, for which I thank him, and then directed me on the route. I succeeded, after a while, in finding the underground railroad. I stopped awhile at one place sick, and was taken good care of. I did not stop to work in the States, but came on to Canada. I arrived here a few months ago.

I know that liberty is far preferable for every colored
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man, to slavery. I know many who are very anxious to be free, but they are afraid to start. Money is almost necessary to start with. When I set out, I had seven dollars: it cost me five to get over a river on my way. They knew I must cross, and they charged me as much as they thought I could pay.

I have had work enough to support myself since I have been here. I intend to work, and save all I can.
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HAMILTON.

THIS thriving city, by actual count in 1854, contained two hundred and seventy-four colored persons, namely,

St. Lawrence Ward . . . . . 51

St. George's Ward . . . . . 37

St. Patrick's Ward . . . . . 12

St. Mary's Ward . . . . . 34

St. Andrew's Ward . . . . . 140

Total, . . . . . 274

The public schools of Hamilton contain about one thousand seven hundred pupils, of whom twenty-five are colored. Eight hundred scholars attend the Central School; and on the 12th of June, 1855, when the writer visited it, there were present but seven colored children, six of whom were girls.

It is much to be regretted that the colored people do not to a greater extent avail themselves of the advantages presented by the perfect equality of the English laws. Yet it is scarcely to be wondered at, when we consider that prejudice against them prevails to too great an extent in Hamilton. If the colored children were universally sent to school, prejudice would probably die out before many years: for those who attend the Central School, I have the best authority for saying,
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are as orderly and well behaved, and make as good progress in their studies, as the whites.

The commiseration felt for the colored population on account of their sufferings in the United States, seems to have been unduly modified by the disorderly conduct of a few among their number: still, the presence of "a moral and religious element to restrain and elevate" is perceptible in Hamilton. If the people can but "conquer their prejudices" much of good may be done. On the other hand, it is a question whether the colored people would not do well to give up their separate religious organizations, and separate schools, wherever they exist in Canada.

Many of the colored people in Hamilton are "well off;" are good mechanics, and good "subjects" in the English sense of that word.

REV. R. S. W. SORRICK.

I was born in Maryland, Washington Co., two miles from the city. At a year old, I was sold with my parents, and lived in Hagerstown some years, and then sold back to my first master,--then he sold me to Mr. H. near Hagerstown. Then I was sold to Mr. M. I was then twenty-five years old. Mr. M. in 1841, put me in prison on the 16th of March for preaching the gospel to my colored brethren. I remained in the prison three months and eight days; then Mr. H. bought me back again. I must speak well of Mr. H., for he stood by me. I stopped with him more than a year after he redeemed me from the prison. Mr. H. remembered me in the prison.
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It pleased the Lord to work a way through Mr. H., who believed I had a call to preach, to give me a chance for freedom, by offering me my liberty on condition I should earn and remit to him the sum of four hundred dollars. He gave me a pass and I went to Pennsylvania, in 1843, Oct. 11. Thence I remitted him a portion of the money. The balance I have never paid.

I came into Canada in 1845. Stopped at Toronto, where I found the colored people prompt, doing well, ready to help. I went to Oro, where I found some fifty persons settled; many comfortable and doing well, but many suffer a great deal from poverty. I showed them about agriculture, and instructed them as far as my limited learning would go. When I came away, many were poor, but they were not vicious: I never lived among a more teachable people. I never knew a fight among them or their children. The worst fault was, some tendency to slander each other: but they have been instructed by the missionaries to read and write.

On leaving Oro, I came on to the conference in Hamilton, where I have principally made it my home, since 1847,--although I have been absent a portion of the time in Canada East.

In regard to the colored people in Hamilton, I found them not in a very good condition, when I first came here, although some were wealthy. I never saw so much spirit consumed by the colored people as at that time, but most of those who were among the vicious, are dead and gone. Now the evil of drinking is comparatively slight, pretty much done away, and those who have come in within a few years, are generally well behaved and industrious. We have two respectable churches, in one of which I preach,--the A. M. Episcopal. My people come into this country with
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nothing, and they have to work for what they do get. One cannot expect a great deal at once from such people. Every thing is to be hoped for them,--but the main obstacle is a prejudice existing between colored and white.

Slavery is the worst system I have ever seen. Although I have been poor here, I can repeat, "give me liberty, or give me death." I have seen children at a month old taken from their mother's arms and sold. I have seen children sold from their parents and many separations of families, where the parties never could see each other again.

EDWARD PATTERSON.

I was a slave in Maryland, till thirty-three years of age.

The prejudice in Canada is amongst the whites to the colored, and amongst the colored to the whites. The colored fancy that the whites are a little against them, and so they do not treat the whites as they would otherwise,--this brings back a prejudice from the whites. When the colored people here are insulted it is by the ruffians in Canada.

I was well used, as it is called in the South, but I do n't think my usage was human. For, what is good treatment? Look at the dress,--two pairs of pantaloons and two shirts in the summer; in the fall, one pair of shoes, one pair of pantaloons, and one pair of stockings. If they want more, they must buy them themselves if they can. No more till summer. Look at the eating,--a bushel of corn meal a month, sixteen
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pounds hog meat a month, rye coffee sweetened with molasses, and milk if they have any; for a rarity, wheat bread and butter. This is what I called good treatment. Look at the bedding,--sometimes they have a bed, sometimes not. If they have one, it is filled with straw or hay, and they have one blanket, and must get along as they can. Those who have no beds must sleep how they can--in the ashes, before the fire, in the barn or stable, or anywhere they can get. Now look at the privileges where they are well used,--what is called good treatment. After eleven days and a half hard labor, the kindest masters give their slaves half a Saturday, and then the slave, through ignorance, goes to ask his master the privilege of going to see his neighbors and friends. He may allow this if he sees proper. All this is good usage to the slave.

Now I come to the great evil: it is,--recollect the human mind is progressive,--the raising up of a generation of people under gross ignorance, in the place of their being cultivated as they ought to be. Cut off from all proper human enjoyments, they are only instructed enough to do their master's will--the same instruction which is given to asses. If the slave happen to take to himself a woman, (marrying a wife would be too high phrase,) and there is any increase, his children are considered of no more consequence to him than the calf is to the cow. If the slaveholder becomes involved, or takes a dislike to any of these children, or to the woman, he takes them to a slave-market and puts them under the hammer. And all this in presence of the husband.

If any man has a wife and family, and has human feelings for them, can he call this humanity?

I was never sent to a day school--I went to a Sabbath
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school four Sundays. I have, however, picked up a knowledge of reading, writing, and ciphering.

WILLIAMSON PEASE.

[A white man with blue eyes.]

My name in slavery was Williamson. I was born in Hardeman county, Tenn. I remained in slavery until January, 1854. I was a house-servant. At about six or seven years of age, the family I belonged to, removed to Haywood county, carrying my mother, her two sisters, and myself. I do not know who my father was, but have heard that he was a white man. My mother was called there a mulatto. I passed for a white man when among strangers. My master and mistress tried to teach me at home, but never sent me to school. I would get out of the way when they tried to teach me, being small and not knowing the good of learning. I have since learned to read and write.

In Haywood county I ploughed some, but when wanted, served in the house. While I lived with my first master, I was well used, and suffered nothing, except for want of education, which I now feel to be a great depriving.

When I was about eighteen years old, my master died, and I fell to his grandson, then, I believe, between twenty-two and twenty-three. All the property fell to him, my mistress having died some time before. My first master was an Englishman and had been a sailor.

Under this master I went on as before, and the
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change made no difference in my treatment or work. In about a year and a half, he sold out the place--the house and farm--and two children; and a woman he sold, or swapped off. Then he removed to Arkansas, to a place about fifteen miles east of Saline River, and about forty or forty-five miles from Gaines's Landing. Here he rented a plantation of cotton, I think of about one hundred and fifty acres. When we got there, we were put to picking out cotton in a field for the man who was moving off. I then drove the wagon, hauling rails, etc. When he had got the land partly prepared, but before the planting season, my master rented the place to another man. Then he sold all his slaves except me, at private sale to one man. Me he kept to go with him to California. I went there with him across the Isthmus to San Francisco, in 1850; from there to Mercès River, in the southern mines. There my master and I worked in the mines about six weeks. We went out with a company, but had now left it. We got some gold, about eighty dollars' worth, but not enough to pay expenses. Then we went back to San Francisco. My master was sick before he got to the mines: his health continued rather bad, and he concluded to return. I told him I should stay in the mines until I got money enough to buy my freedom. He said I could do better in San Francisco. For that reason, I went back with him to that city. He went about with me to find a place. I was offered forty dollars a month as a waiter. Master said that would hardly pay my washing and clothing bill.

Before we left home, he had told me that I should be free after two years in the mines; and if we cleared enough over his expenses, he would give me five hundred dollars. After humbugging me about San Francisco,
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and even promising to make me out free papers, he urged me, on account of his sickness to go home with him. I told him if I went back, I would only be free myself, but my mother would still be a slave; while if I remained in San Francisco, I would be free, and might earn enough to buy her. He then told me that if I would go back, he would buy my mother back again, and so I would be sure that she would be just as well off, as if I were to buy her and set her free. I know now that it was foolish in me to go with him back, but I had been fooled and humbugged about so much that I did not know what to do. I was offered five dollars a day to drive a dray, but my master tried and discouraged me from every thing they would offer me. I have wished a great many times since, that I had stayed there: but at last he persuaded me so hard, saying that he only wanted me for company to take care of him, as he was sick, and might get worse, and none of the company who went out with him were going, that I concluded to return with him.

I worked my passage on board a sail vessel with him, bound to Panama,--but the wind being ahead, we were thirty days at sea, and then put into Acapulco, being short of provisions. There the passengers made a fuss in regard to their passage-money: some, among whom were my master and myself, took horses and rode across the country through the city of Mexico to Vera Cruz. My master was now perfectly well.

At Vera Cruz I was after him for my papers again. He said he would give them to me. I walked out to look at the town. On my return my master was snuffling as if he was crying, and he said that if he gave me my papers, and took me back through New Orleans, both him and me would be put in the penitentiary.
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After declining to give me the papers, he told me that if I would go back with him, and stay until he got married and settled, I could leave him if I wished, and he would give me thirty dollars to start with, to go where I liked. He said he would give me a bill of sale there in Vera Cruz, if I would not let anybody see it. I could not read, and supposed it would be some paper of no consequence, and I knew it would do no good if nobody else was to see it: so I concluded to go on with him on his promise that I was a free man, and that he would have no claim on me at all.

We embarked for New Orleans in a Spanish schooner, and reached port without any thing worthy of notice. We went on directly to Monticello, near the place whence I came, where he had sold out. We stayed with his cousin, until he went to New Orleans and got a stock of goods, and opened a dry goods store, which I tended with him. Before he went for the goods, I spoke to him for my papers, and he said he would fix it in a day or two: but it was not done. This was in the spring; I remained with him until July. I did not say any thing more to him about the papers; I had got tired of fooling with him, and gave it up, not expecting to get them.

Just them a man who kept a billiard saloon was sick with rheumatism, and he hired me to tend the saloon, which I did seven months, boarding with him. Soon after I entered the saloon, my master got married, and about a month or six weeks before I left it, it was rumored that I was sold to his father-in-law. I went to him and asked him about it, but he denied it. Then his father-in-law came into the town from his plantation two miles out, and told me that he had bought me. After this, the saloon man proposed to buy me to keep
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his saloon, but I refused, and told him I would rather not: I had now made up my mind to leave on the first opportunity. I then went to my master again,--I took him away from the house about a hundred yards, and said to him, "There cannot be so much smoke without some fire; everybody has got it that you have sold me: your father-in-law has told me that he has bought me." Then he swore that it was a lie: that they were just trying to get me to run away. He told me to go to the man I was living with, and get my clothes, and come back and live with him; that he was going to Texas to open a grocery store, and put me in, and would give me one third of the clear profits. The saloon man wished me to remain, but my master and his father-in-law refused. My master told me I might have a balance of wages due, say fourteen dollars, and I afterwards got it. About the beginning of March, they told me to prepare to go to New Orleans next morning with the father-in-law, to wait on him; afterwards my master came out, and I told him that I knew I was going to New Orleans to be sold. He denied it, and offered to bet fifty dollars that I would come back. I rode over to see my mother, and told her how matters stood. She was very much hurt, but said it was my own fault,--meaning that I ought not to have returned from California. On my way back I met the father-in-law on horseback, bringing my clothes, but not my watch. I requested to go after it, but he would not let me, saying he would get me another. My watch was a good silver watch, which I did not carry, because the crystal was broken. I then rode with him to a place on Saline river called Long View; here we took a small boat, and sailed down to the Washita river, where we took a steamer for New Orleans. There were several slaves on board the boat.
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One day, during the passage, a man who owned some of these slaves, came to me as I was alone, leaning against a stanchion, and putting his hand to his chin, gave his head a twist, and said, "I hear bad news about you." Said I, "What is it?" Said he, "They tell me you are a slave." I told him I was. Then he said, " You a slave! you 're as white as my daughter there;" he pointed to her,--all you' ve got to do when we get to a landing is to take your clothes and walk; you won 't want no testimony nor nothing; just take your clothes and go."

Afterwards, a man who was on board came to me, and asked, "Have you been to California?" I told him I had. Then he asked me, "Don 't you think you ought to be free?" I answered carelessly, "I don 't know--maybe I ought." Then he took my hat off, felt of my hair, and looked at my head, and said, "Your hair is as straight as mine, and you 've got as good a forehead as mine: by G--d, I know that you ought to be free, and if you were mine, I'll be d--d if I wouldn 't set you free." I made no answer.

Soon after, a colored man came to me, and told me he had overheard the father-in-law trying to sell me to the man who had examined my head.

We went to a hotel in New Orleans for a day or two; then to a private boarding-house. He was trying all through the town to sell me, but could not. After he had tried a while, he came to me and told me that he wanted to sell me, and would get me a good place, and if I would go and help him to sell me, that he would make it profitable to me. I told him "very well,"--for I preferred to take my chances in New Orleans as a slave, rather than return to Arkansas as a slave. We went to three or four trading-houses; none would buy, saying
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I was too white for them. He took me to one house kept by a swarthy-looking man, and told him what a smart boy I was; that I could read and write, and had been to California, etc. Said the trader, "Can you read and write?" I told him "Yes." Then said he, "I do n't want you in here,--I should have to chop your fingers off." Then we went to a cotton merchant whom he was owing, and offered me in payment. The cotton merchant objected, that I was too white, and knew too much, and might prove too smart for him. Finally, as the father-in-law was about leaving town, he came and asked me if I would go back with him. I told him that I did not want to go back,--that he had better leave me with the cotton merchant, or put me into some shop, or to learn a trade, until he could sell me. I suppose he expected to make a great trade out of me, but he got tripped up. I do not know what passed between the father-in-law and the merchant, but the latter told me he had bought me for nine hundred dollars, in part pay for a debt.

I went to the merchant's warehouse, and remained there four or five days: then my master told me that his family lived in a free State, and if he were to carry me there, it would be in my own will whether to stay or not,--that he had nothing for me to do, and would sell me to a good man who would use me well. He sold me to a man back in Arkansas, where I was employed in the house, and sometimes went round with him with guns to shoot squirrels off the corn. He had about a hundred slaves on this place, and he owned a part in two or three others. I stayed there from March, 1852, to January, 1854, when I was about twenty-one years old.

My master got rather against me,--he had no particular
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cause that I know of. He said, so I heard from others, that I thought I was white: that I was a good boy, but would have to be whipped to let me know that I was a "nigger;" for "niggers always should be whipped some, no matter how good they are, else they'll forget that they are niggers."

He told the blacksmith to be fooling with me in the shop some time, and get my measure for a pair of stiff-legs. These are, one iron ring around the ancle and one up on the thigh, joined together by an iron rod behind. When these are put on a man, he cannot bend his knees at all, and so cannot run away. I saw one pair of these on a man on this plantation. My master's plan was to whip me, as I have the best reasons to believe, then put on the stiff-legs, and chain me to work in the smith's shop. I then made preparations as quick as I could and left. I took my clothes and a few biscuit from the table at supper. I walked forty miles through the Arkansas Swamp to the Mississippi, along a muddy road, and at 2 o'clock the next day, got to Napoleon, on the Mississippi River. Nobody questioned me. . . . .

I like living in Canada better than in the States. I had chills in Arkansas, but have had first-rate health ever since I have been here. I am treated here as a man ought to be treated. I could not be pulled back into Arkansas,--I would have my head pulled off first.

Almost all the colored people that I know are doing well. It was so in London, where I stopped a while, and it is so here. There is some prejudice here among the low class of people, but it has not the effect here it has in the States, because here the colored man is regarded as a man, while in the States he is looked upon more as a brute.
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I saw a great deal of oppression in Tennessee. People were kept from leaving the plantations on Sundays and evenings, when they might have gone as well as not. The excuse for this was that "the niggers would get whiskey, and then steal." Some of them were not more than half clothed.

In Arkansas, on the river, or on the farm where I lived last, the people were treated worse than brutes. Horses and mules have food by them all the time, but the slaves had four pounds of fat bacon a week, and a peck of corn meal,--not enough to last some men three days. On this account it is, that the slaves help themselves when they can get a chance. I do n't see how any one can blame them for it. They are up at daybreak and work till dark and sometimes after dark, carrying cotton to the gin, and then have to prepare their food, or else at the first bell-ringing in the morning. Generally, in Arkansas, the men had good clothing so far as I saw, but there were some exceptions. Most I think of was, depriving them of the privilege of going off the place. It was worse imprisonment than the penitentiary. In the penitentiary, a man expects to get out in a few months, but on the plantations they do not expect to get out until they are dead. I never went to church while I was on that last farm: the people did not go. I heard my master say it was "perfect nonsense to have a preacher preaching to niggers: the driver was a good enough preacher for them." This driver was a colored man, as ignorant as the rest of the slaves, but he used to hold a sort of prayer-meeting on Sundays. He knew nothing at all of a book, and did not know enough to preach.

In Arkansas they whip men with a leather strap about three fingers wide at the handle, and tapering
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down to two fingers at the end. It is about three feet long, and has a very short handle. I was told that several who were buried while I was there, had strap marks on them. I saw the overseer and the driver together give a man a terrible whipping in the night. The man had been promised fifty lashes, and ran to avoid them, but they caught him, and showed no mercy. They beat him the head with the handle of the strap. They stripped him naked and drove four stakes in the ground to which they tied his hands and his feet. I saw it done--I was looking through the palings. Then they whipped him with the strap and then with a piece of white oak made limber. I saw his back, and it was all raw. The man was sent to work next day, but he gave out, and was laid up from August until some time in the fall--until the cotton had been picked over three times. I have often seen men with their clothes sticking to their backs in the blood. The women who do out-door work are used as bad as the men.

There was a great deal of excitement among the farmers there at one time about a woman on a plantation below, who had been whipped very badly and was then tied out naked all night in a swamp where the mosquitoes were very thick: there was a great deal said about it.

I think the slaves ought to be set free: I do n't think they would cut their masters' throats,--if they would do that the time would be while they are oppressed. I believe if they were set free at once, they would go to work at once, except a few loafers,--for there are some loafers among the colored as well as among the white people.
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HENRY WILLIAMSON.

I came from the State of Maryland, where I was a slave from birth until thirty-three years of age, in a small town.

Around that part of the country, the slaves are better treated than in some other parts because they are so near the line. They are better used than they were a few years ago. I was taught to read but not to write I used to tell my boss that I would n't stand such treatment as the people got on some farms. He used to laugh and say "you would n't, eh?" There was one Gen.--had a slave, and it was town talk, that his overseer, by his order, dug a hole in the ground, and set a man in it as if he had been a post, and then cut him so badly with a whip that he died in about half an hour.

My father was sold about twelve years ago, and taken west. About two years ago, I came away because I wanted to be free. The circumstances were these. I had then been married about ten years. My wife's sister was sold at private sale to a trader to go south, and was carried away. Her father and mother were dissatisfied with this, and concluded to go to Canada. I concluded to start with them with my family. In all eighteen of us came away at one time. We were more troubled on the way from want of money than from any other cause.

Those who came out with me, are scattered in various parts of Canada. I have heard from them and they are doing well. We came like terrapins,--all we had on our backs. We took a house together when
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we came,--the house was bare of furniture: there was nothing in it at all. We had neither money nor food. It was in the fall: we gathered chips and made a fire. That is the way the principal part of our people come: poor, and destitute, and ignorant, their minds uncultivated, and so they are not fitted for business. In the face of these drawbacks, they have to do the best they can. I went to work on a railroad,--to which I was wholly unused, having been a waiter. I worked at it till I found something I could do better. I enjoy better health here than I ever did before in my life.

I heard when I was coming that Canada was a cold and dreary country; but it is as healthy a place as a man can find. The colored people tell me the climate agrees with them, and I do know it is so.

Some of our people are very jealous of the white people. If they approach them with the best intentions in the world, they are suspicious, and will not communicate any thing, even if it were to their own benefit. This is because they have been so much deceived and kept down by the white people. I have seen people who had run away, brought back tied, like sheep, in a wagon. Men have told me, that when making their escape, they have been accosted, invited into a house in a friendly way, and, next thing, some officer or their owner would be there. The lowest class of people do this to get money,--men who might get an honest living,--some having good education, and some good trades.

Others who owned servants used to find fault with my master and mistress for using us so well. They did use us well, and I would not have left them only for the love of liberty. I felt that I was better off than many that were slaves, but I felt that I had a right to be free.
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In all places and among all kinds of men there are some loafing characters: so with my color. Some few of them get in with poor, low, white young men, and get into bad ways. But the better part are disposed to elevate themselves.

I am a member of the Methodist church, having had good religious instruction from Bible and catechism from my youth up.

I have heard that my master has set his older slaves free.

Contrasting what I feel now and what I was in the south, I feel as if a weight were off me. Nothing would induce me to go back,--nothing would carry me back. I would rather be wholly poor and be free, than to have all I could wish and be a slave. I am now in a good situation and doing well,--I am learning to write.
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GALT.

THIS is a busy, growing place, numbering about three thousand inhabitants: forty colored. An account of the colored population will be found in the testimonies which follow.

WILLIAM THOMPSON.

I was born eighteen miles from Richmond. My master was my father and used me kindly, but gave me no instruction at school. I witnessed no barbarity myself, but have seen slaves handcuffed and kept in jail. I have heard their cries when they were punished. Slavery has no pleasances: it is cousin to hell. A slave cannot pray right: while on his knees, he hears his master, "here, John!"--and he must leave his God and go to his master.

There are in Galt about forty colored people. As a general thing, they are more industrious, frugal, and temperate than the whites. There is but one colored person in this town who has been here longer than myself. There are six heads of families and one single man who own real estate.

I know the sentiments of the colored people here,
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and they have the greatest detestation of slavery. Freedom is sweet to them. They have tried the bitter and the sweet: nearly all the grown people have been slaves.

My master set his slaves free,--some three hundred of them. Some were sold again, by breaking of the will, or in some way. My brother George and I should have received some fifteen thousand dollars a piece, but for the same reason. I went to meeting on a Sunday after I had seen the gang chained, but the preaching did me no good.

I knew a man at the South who had six children by a colored slave. Then there was a fuss between him and his wife, and he sold all the children but the oldest slave daughter. Afterward, he had a child by this daughter, and sold mother and child before the birth. This was nearly forty years ago. Such things are done frequently in the South. One brother sells the other: I have seen that done. True, I have not seen any barbarities, as some have.

The colored children can all go to school here in Galt, and are generally sent to school. The black horse and the white are both ignorant: there is prejudice on both sides. When I came here, colored children were not received into the schools. I fought, and fought, and fought, and at last it got to the governor, and the law was declared, that all had equal rights. Colored people were scarce in Canada twenty-six years ago. There were but five in Toronto.
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HENRY GOWENS.

I have had a wide experience of the evils of slavery, in my own person, and have an extensive knowledge of the horrors of slavery, in all their length and breadth, having witnessed them in Old Virginia, North Carolina, New Virginia, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi. I belonged in the State of Virginia, and am, I suppose, about forty years old. Were I to write out all my experiences and what I have observed, (and I intend to do this, having commenced already) it would make quite a large volume. In Humphreys Co. on the Tennessee River, were one hundred and ten slaves; I witnessed their treatment with a heartache. In Alabama, I know how two plantations, of one hundred and fifty, and one hundred and thirty each, were managed, who were whipped and slashed under the kindest overseers they had,--and when they had a hard overseer, there was no peace at all. It was whip, whip, continually, old and young; nobody got too old to be clear of the lash. It seemed as if the whipping had to be done, whether the work was done or not. My own master was kind at first, but as he grew older, he grew more and more severe, getting overseers who were harder and harder.

About the first of Gen. Jackson's Presidency, my master employed an overseer, named Kimball, over one hundred and thirty slaves, in Lauderdale Co., Alabama. This Kimball was one of the most cruel men I ever saw. When he commenced, all the field hands were called together on Sunday morning, up to the great house, and then Mr. Kimball, a well dressed gentleman in appearance, and a fine looking man, walked out in
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company with my master. The master said, "These are my hands, that I now give up to you; take charge of them and manage them to the best of your judgment." He gave the names of the foremen of the gangs, and pointed them out to Mr. K.: then the names of the men who had charge of the women in ploughing; then the name of the man who had charge of the women in grubbing: and so he went through all the different portions of work that were done on the plantation.

Then Mr. Kimball spoke to Donnison, one of the principal men, a field hand, and to each one severally, so that all could understand what his charges were. He told them what his rules were, and what should be law: "I give you a horn, Donnison, to blow two hours before day: and recollect, every one of you, every man, every woman, and every boy and girl who is able to work, is to be up within the hour after the horn blows: at the end of that hour, every one is to be found starting out of their doors, making ready for the field. If you have any morning bits," (these they are to provide for themselves in the best way they can, otherwise, they have nothing to eat until 12 o'clock; the calculation being, for the slaves, two meals a day,) "you can take them with you: but no time will be allowed to eat them until twelve. This is my law, and I give it not thinking that you will forget it. If you forget it, I will not, but will remember it by throwing the lash well on your hide." A most horrible man! "You recollect I do n't whip any of you with a chemise on, nor with a jacket on your backs. I get at the naked skin. If I find any of you lagging back after the last horn blows, I shall whip you up to the spot where the work is to be done." My master gave Donnison a first-rate English watch to keep his time and blow the
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horn by. After Kimball had given his charge, my master spoke to all the people again: he said, "I want every one of you to remember that you are not to come to me with any complaints against the overseer, for I have nothing to do with you. If you have any complaints even among yourselves, you must go to the overseer; nor are you to go to your mistress at any time with any complaints against the overseer. If I know one of you to do it, either man or woman, I will give a note to the overseer, and he shall not hit on you less than a hundred lashes on your bare back."

On Monday morning, all were up to the mark. Tuesday morning, I was awakened by the noise of the lash, with cries and groans. From this time the lash was going every morning, and in the course of the day. I was a house-servant, and so was exempt from Kimball's orders, but my heart ached to see the suffering and punishment that our people had to undergo. Things went on so the whole year. The people were afraid to go to the master or mistress under the sufferings they endured from the torment and sting of the lash. In the course of about six months from the time Kimball took charge, some two or three ran away, he was so severe. That was a new thing to my master. He sent word by slaves that if they saw the runaways, to tell them if they would come home and go to work, they should not be whipped. Then they would come in. This running off happened occasionally all through the remaining part of the year.

In the picking cotton season, Mr. K. would punish the women in the severest manner, because they did not pick cotton fast enough. He would thrust their heads into a cotton basket. What I say now would scarcely be believed only among those who are in that neighborhood,
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because it looks too cruel for any one to do or to believe, if they had no experience of such things or had not seen the like,--they would not dare lift up their heads, as perhaps he would punish them twice as much. Then he would throw their clothes up over their heads and the basket, and flog them as hard as he could with a rugged lash, cutting their flesh terribly, till the blood ran to their heels. Sometimes they would from the torment lift their heads, when he would perhaps give them a third more than he otherwise would; and this without reference to any particular condition they might be in at the time. The men he would generally place across a log, tie their hands together, and their feet together, and put a rail through under the log with the ends between their feet and hands; and in this condition, which is itself painful, he would apply the lash. Sometimes, to cramp down the mind of the husband, he would compel him to assist in the punishment of his wife. Who will tell of the good of slavery? I would rather be a brute in the field, than to endure what my people have to endure, what they have endured in many parts of the slave-holding States.

There was one religious old woman, Aunt Dinah,--very pious: all believed she was, even my master. She used to take care of the infants at the quarters while the mothers were out at work. At noon, the mothers would come home to nurse their children, unless they were too far off--then the infants were carried to them. Aunt Dinah, knowing how cruelly the women were treated, at last, when the master was absent, picked up courage to go to the mistress and complain of the dealings of the overseer. My mistress belonged to the Presbyterian Church; Aunt Dinah to the Baptist. The mistress then began to my master about the cruelty on
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the place, without disclosing how she got her information. I do not think the master would have interfered, were it not that the mistress also told him of the overseer's intimacy with some of the female slaves. She being a well-bred lady, the master had to take some notice of the management. He told the overseer to change his mode of punishing the women; to slip their clothes down from their shoulders, and punish them on their backs. No interference was ever made except in this one instance.

The overseer had one child by a slave woman. I left the child there a slave. At the expiration of a year Kimball left. Three months after, or thereabouts, he was hanged in Raleigh, N. C., for the murder of his step-father. The slaves were rejoiced at his being hung, and thought he ought to have been hung before he came there to be overseer.

I effected my escape about sixteen years ago. I was questioned twice about papers, but got through it without much difficulty. I escaped from Alabama. I shall give the particulars more in detail when I publish the whole history of my life to the people of the United States and Canada.

The colored people can do as well in Canada as they could in the United States under any circumstances. Even in the free States they are accounted as nothing, or next to nothing. But in Canada, all are really free and equal. Color is not recognized in the laws of the land. During all the time I have lived in Canada, no white person has suffered any inconvenience, or had cause to complain, because I was placed on an equality with him. They come here destitute of any advantages--but they are getting along in a respectable, upright way, and there is plenty of work for them. If the colored
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people had come into Canada with a knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic, there would now be no difference between them and white people, in respect to property or business. They would have been just as skilful, just as far advanced in art and science as the whites. But they have to contend with the ignorance which slavery has brought upon them. Still they are doing well,--no one could expect them to do any better.

Every thinking, every candid man that knows me, knows that I would not utter any thing that is not true.

How much longer, in the name of God, shall my people remain in their state of degradation under the American republic?

MRS. HENRY GOWENS.

My name in the South was Martha Martin. When I came to the North I took the name of Martha Bentley--Bentley being my mother's name before she was married. My father was my master, Mr.--, who died in 1843. He lived in Georgia, but removed with one set of farm hands to Mississippi. He had one other child by my mother, but it died young. He liberated all the children he had by my mother, and one other slave woman, with one exception--that was a daughter whom he had educated and put to the milliner's trade. After she had learned the trade, he went to the place where she was, with money to establish her in business. But he found she had two children by a white man. This so enraged him, that he carried her
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and her two children back to his farm, and put her to work in the field, and there, he said, she was to die. The father of the two children came on, and offered two thousand dollars for the woman and the children, as he wished to marry her. But her father would neither let him have her nor his children. Afterwards he offered three thousand dollars,--then five other grown-up slaves, for Minerva and the two children; but my master told him he would not, but if he ever set foot on the farm again, he would blow his brains out. So, I suppose, they are slaves yet, and will be: for their mistress never was disposed to sell; she would rather keep them and punish them, on account of his having so many wives. But he had told her beforehand, and said she need not find fault with it: all his wives were equally well used. Keep on the right side of him, and he was very kind: every slave would be well treated. He did not mind if they stole from him, but if they stole from another man, he would whip them. He was Scotch Irish.

My mother had been set free on the eastern shore of Maryland, in this way. My mother's mistress promised my mother's mother (who was at the time free) that on her death she would set my mother free. When she died, she left her to wait on her niece until the niece died, she being very low,--then her free papers were to be given her. That was in the white woman's will. The niece died in two or three weeks, and then they talked of selling my mother to the traders, because they had got so little work out of her. Then they all--the whole family--ran away into New Jersey. My master bought them running, and kidnapped my mother and her cousin's family, although he knew the circumstances, and that they were entitled to their freedom.
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When I was twelve years old, my father took me to Cincinnati. He charged me to marry neither a white man nor a black man: if I should, he would take me back south, and put me on the farm. There he paid one year's tuition in advance, and money for shoes,--we had clothes enough. Two others went with me,--one a half brother, the other a half sister. But I was cheated out of my education: for the guardian in Cincinnati kept the money, but did not send me to school, excepting one year: whereas I was to have gone three. When my father heard of this, he started on to see to it, but fell sick and died before he got there. He was a large, heavy man, and had been liable to sudden fits of illness. When these came on, he would be frightened very much, and would send for some of the pious slaves to come in and pray for him. He was a very wealthy man, and always said he would leave me in comfortable circumstances. But the money which he sent us at different times was kept from us, and it may be that he died without a will.

I remained in the northern States a few years, and then came to Canada. I have five smart children, and send all to school but the two youngest. I mean they shall have a good education; what little knowledge I have, has just made me hungry for more.

My mother was in expectation of being set free, but did not get her free papers. She was religiously inclined, and being afraid of sinning, and thinking she might be left a slave after all, she married a colored man against my father's consent. For this reason, she remains a slave to this day, as I suppose, but I have not heard from her for thirteen years.

I remember enough of slavery and have heard and seen enough of it to know that it is unfavorable to
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virtue. I have known many owners to have two or three colored women for wives, and when they got a white wife, keep all. If the slave woman would not comply she would be whipped, or else sold to the lowest, meanest fellow he could find. Some of the masters have their slave children's hair shaved off, so that people need not notice that they favor them. I have known cases of this kind close by me in Mississippi.
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LONDON.

THIS city contains twelve thousand inhabitants, three hundred and fifty of whom are colored persons. Some of the latter are among the most intelligent and respectable citizens; but others do not improve their time and opportunities as they ought. "The tyrant who held their persons in the chains of slavery, stifled their souls also in the rude grasp of ignorance and vice."

The common schools are open to all, without distinction of color. The Union School has an average daily attendance of 184. On the 21st of June, 1855, when the writer visited it, there were present 174 pupils of both sexes, of whom 13 were colored. In the St. George School, which has on some fortunate days, an attendance of 190, but 4 colored children were present.

The principal reason for this neglect of common school advantages by the colored people, is the prejudice of the whites. Many of the whites object to having their children sit in the same forms with the colored pupils; and some of the lower classes will not send their children to schools where the blacks are admitted. Under these circumstances, it is unpleasant to the colored children to attend the public schools--especially if any of the teachers happen to be victims of the very prejudice which they should induce others to overcome.
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An interesting scene was presented in the school very recently organized by Rev. M. M. Dillon, (late Rector of Dominica,) and Mr. Ballantine, lay-assistant, under the patronage of the English "Colonial Church and School Society." Here were one hundred and seventy-five pupils of both sexes in attendance, fifty of whom were colored. The writer entered the school-room at the hour of recess. The children were neat and cleanly--not one wore the appearance of dejection; all were playing in the inclosure or amusing themselves in the room, in the most perfect good-humor. There was no separation into cliques,--black was playing with white, and white with black.

Rev. Mr. Dillon's mission is to minister to the spiritual wants of the refugees, and to establish schools of a high order, which shall afford religious and secular instruction especially to the children of fugitive slaves; the schools, however, to be free to all who may see fit to profit by their advantages. Both the Rev. Mr. Dillon and Mr. Ballantine are devoted friends of the negro race. They have very capable assistants in two young colored ladies from the West Indies.

At a signal, the scholars arranged themselves in lines on the floor, and then filed to the parts of the room allotted for recitations. Something of the monitorial system was observable; and two or three colored pupil-teachers attended to the reading from the Scriptures, of as many classes, composed indiscriminately of whites and blacks.

The "Colonial Church and School Society" is a union and extension of the "Newfoundland School Society," organized more than thirty years ago, and of the "Colonial Church Society," which has existed about twenty years. It is composed of the highest dignitaries
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of Great Britain both in church and State. The object of the Society is "to send Clergymen, Catechists, and Schoolmasters to the Colonies of Great Britain, and to British residents in other parts of the world." "The religious instruction in all schools maintained wholly or in part by the Society, shall be in the Holy Scriptures, and (except in cases where the parents or guardians of the children formally object) in the formularies of the Church of England."

The accommodations for the Society's school in London are found to be insufficient, as the numbers in attendance are rapidly increasing. A new building is shortly to be erected, which will afford ample room for five hundred pupils. Five or six similar schools are to be organized forthwith in other parts of the province. This is a noble charity, and full of the most hopeful auguries for the colored population of Canada.

The condition of the colored people in and about London, may be gathered from the testimonies which follow, given by those who are able to draw from their own experience the contrast between slavery and liberty.

ABY B. JONES.

I was formerly a field hand in Madison Co., Ky.,--remained there until thirty years of age. My treatment was not harsh,--nor was there any hard treatment in the neighborhood.

My brother was set free in this way: his master was a millwright, and told him if he would serve him so many years he would set him free. He did so,--meanwhile
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building a large merchant mill, and employing my brother in it. My brother was subsequently employed in this mill as a miller and received high wages, his employer thinking there never was such a man, from his trustworthiness and the general confidence he could repose in him. His good opportunities enabled him to advance nearly money enough to free myself and a younger brother,--the deficiency we borrowed, and afterward paid up. The sum paid for the two was seven hundred dollars; our master favoring us in the price.

I was never sent to any school. Since I have been free I have learned to read and write.

Yet, although I was nominally free, and had free papers, I did not consider myself free in the eye of the law: the freedom was limited. The papers said I was to have as much liberty as was allowed to a free man of color. I saw at once that I was not really free; that there was a distinction made. I wished then to emigrate to some place where I could be really a FREE MAN.

I heard that in Canada colored men were free; therefore I came here, and am only sorry to say that I did not come years before I did.

When I came here I was not worth one cent. I neither begged nor received a farthing of money. I went to work at once, and, by the blessing of the Lord, I was prospered, and have placed my family beyond the reach of want.

I am satisfied, that any colored man coming to Canada, can, in a few years, accumulate property to give himself and family a living.

Slavery is, I believe, the most abominable system that ever men were subjected to. Although my treatment
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was not severe, I never could form a good opinion of slavery. I believe it ruinous to the mind of man, in that it keeps the key of knowledge from him: it is stupefying to man. I believe that all men should be made free at once.

The future prospects of the colored people of Canada are very favorable. All that is required of them is, to use industry in common with white people. The colored children and white children are educated together in this place, and I see as fair an advancement in one as in the other.

The colored people usually attend divine service: some in the same societies with the whites; others maintain separate churches. But I do not think it advisable to have separate churches. In this place the door is open into all the churches of the denominations that the colored people profess, therefore I think those lines of distinction drawn by the colored people themselves will soon be put down. I speak of London.

I think there is as much morality and temperance among the colored people as among any others.

The amount required for supplying the wants of fugitives is so small, that it is hardly worth talking about. It can be silently raised in the towns by contribution, without any stirring appeals to the public. Where there is work to be done and money to pay for it, pecuniary assistance does more hurt than good.

[Mr. Jones, whose testimony is given above, resides on Gray St. in a brick dwelling-house, as good or better than the average of houses in London. In front is a garden of choice flowers, and it has a well-ordered kitchen garden in the rear. The estate, deducting the incumbrance of ground-rent, is worth about four thousand dollars. Mr. J. owns other property in various parts of the city,--a brick building, in the business quarter, comprising two stores which rents for between seven hundred and eight hundred dollars per annum,--and several
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building lots in the immediate vicinity of the freight depot of the Great Western Railway. Mr. J. is of unmixed African blood.]

ALFRED T. JONES.

I keep an apothecary shop on Ridout street. I belonged in Madison Co., Ky. I have made an arrangement with my master to purchase my freedom for $350. This was in 1833, when I was twenty-three years old. But before the business was completed, I learned that my master was negotiating with another party to sell me for $400. Upon this, I wrote for myself a pass--it was not spelled correctly, but nobody there supposed that a slave could write at all. I had to exhibit it but once on my way.

I stopped a month at St. Catharines, then came to London, and have remained here ever since.

The people from the old country, being many of them unaccustomed to colored people, have some strange ideas respecting us: a sort of "second-hand prejudice," as Ward calls it. The majority of the people of color who come over here are not such as give a very good idea of what the people of color really are. They are not refined and educated. But as some years are passed since the colored men began to come in, there is an improvement perceptible.

There are colored people employed in this city in almost all the mechanic arts; also in grocery and provision stores, etc. Many are succeeding well, are buying houses, speculating in lands, and some are living on the interest of their money.

I expect to go to England shortly on a suit at law
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involving my title to a large property on Dundas street, valued at $45,000. The case has been through chancery in the provincial court, and I have now appealed to the House of Lords. I am winding up my business preparatory to leaving.

NELSON MOSS.

I have lived in a slave State all my life until seven years ago. I am now forty-five. I lived three years in Pennsylvania, in which State I suffered more from prejudice than in Virginia, and there is a great deal here in London, but not so much as in Pennsylvania. I got along well, having energy to attend to business properly. I carry on the boot and shoe business. I was never sent to school in my life, and it is a loss to me not to know how to keep accounts; but I am able to employ another to do it for me.

I did not leave Pennsylvania so much on account of the prejudice, as on that of the fugitive slave bill. I did not like to live in a country which was governed by a partial law. I made considerable sacrifice in breaking up.

The laws here are impartial. We have access to the public schools here, and can have our children educated with the white children. If the children grow up together, prejudice will not be formed.

There are a large majority who are industrious; a few are wealthy; a good many are well off. There are not many who are dissolute and abandoned--not so many in proportion as of the whites, taking every thing into consideration. If there are some who are not so
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industrious as they should be, it is easily accounted for. Solomon says, "Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old, he will not depart from it." It's a bad rule that do n't work both ways: they have been trained in a way they should not go. Accustomed to be driven when they work, it is no wonder that they do n't work so smartly as they would otherwise. But in the face of this, I know many colored men who came here fugitive slaves, who came here without any thing to help themselves with, not even money for a night's lodging, and who had nothing given to them, who now have a house and land of their own. It is not necessary to give a fugitive money--it may make him lazy and dependent. All he needs to have given him is work.

Nearly all the grown colored people have been slaves. Of course, they are not capable of instructing their children well themselves,--but, under the free schools, I am of opinion that we are progressing

FRANCIS HENDERSON.

I escaped from slavery in Washington City, D. C., in 1841, aged nineteen. I was not sent to school when a boy, and had no educational advantages at all. My master's family were Church of England people themselves and wished me to attend there. I do not know my age, but suppose thirty-three.

I worked on a plantation from about ten years old till my escape. They raised wheat, corn, tobacco, and vegetables,--about forty slaves on the place. My father was a mulatto, my mother dark; they had thirteen children, of whom I was the only son. On that
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plantation the mulattoes were more despised than the whole blood blacks. I often wished from the fact of my condition that I had been darker. My sisters suffered from the same cause. I could frequently hear the mistress say to them, "you yellow hussy! you yellow wench!" etc. The language to me generally was, "go do so and so." But if a hoe-handle were broken or any thing went wrong, it would be every sort of a wicked expression--so bad I do not like to say what--very profane and coarse.

Our houses were but log huts--the tops partly open--ground floor,--rain would come through. My aunt was quite an old woman, and had been sick several years: in rains I have seen her moving about from one part of the house to the other, and rolling her bedclothes about to try to keep dry,--every thing would be dirty and muddy. I lived in the house with my aunt. My bed and bedstead consisted of a board wide enough to sleep on--one end on a stool, the other placed near the fire. My pillow consisted of my jacket,--my covering was whatever I could get. My bedtick was the board itself. And this was the way the single men slept,--but we were comfortable in this way of sleeping, being used to it. I only remember having but one blanket from my owners up to the age of 19, when I ran away.

Our allowance was given weekly--a peck of sifted corn meal, a dozen and a half herrings, two and a half pounds of pork. Some of the boys would eat this up in three days,--then they had to steal, or they could not perform their daily tasks. They would visit the hog-pen, sheep-pen, and granaries. I do not remember one slave but who stole some things,--they were driven to it as a matter of necessity. I myself did this,--many a time have I, with others, run among the stumps
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in chase of a sheep, that we might have something to eat. If colored men steal, it is because they are brought up to it. In regard to cooking, sometimes many have to cook at one fire, and before all could get to the fire to bake hoe cakes, the overseer's horn would sound: then they must go at any rate. Many a time I have gone along eating a piece of bread and meat, or herring broiled on the coals--I never sat down at a table to eat, except in harvest time, all the time I was a slave. In harvest time, the cooking is done at the great house, as the hands are wanted more in the field. This was more like people, and we liked it, for we sat down then at meals. In the summer we had one pair of linen trousers given us--nothing else; every fall, one pair of woollen pantaloons, one woollen jacket, and two cotton shirts.

My master had four sons in his family. They all left except one, who remained to be a driver. He would often come to the field and accuse the slaves of having taken so and so. If we denied it, he would whip the grown-up ones to make them own it. Many a time, when we did n't know he was anywhere round, he would be in the woods watching us,--first thing we would know, he would be sitting on the fence looking down upon us, and if any had been idle, the young master would visit him with blows. I have known him to kick my aunt, an old woman who had raised and nursed him, and I have seen him punish my sisters awfully with hickories from the woods.

The slaves are watched by the patrols, who ride about to try to catch them off the quarters, especially at the house of a free person of color. I have known the slaves to stretch clothes lines across the street, high enough to let the horse pass, but not the rider: then the boys
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would run, and the patrols in full chase would be thrown off by running against the lines. The patrols are poor white men, who live by plundering and stealing, getting rewards for runaways, and setting up little shops on the public roads. They will take whatever the slaves steal, paying in money, whiskey, or whatever the slaves want. They take pigs, sheep, wheat, corn,--any thing that's raised they encourage the slaves to steal: these they take to market next day. It's all speculation--all a matter of self-interest, and when the slaves run away, these same traders catch them if they can, to get the reward. If the slave threatens to expose his traffic, he does not care--for the slave's word is good for nothing--it would not be taken. There are frequent quarrels between the slaves and the poor white men. About the city on Sundays, the slaves, many of them, being fond of dress, would appear nicely clad, which seemed to provoke the poor white men. I have had them curse and damn me on this account. They would say to me, "Where are you going? Who do you belong to?" I would tell them,--then, "Where did you get them clothes? I wish you belonged to me--I'd dress you up!" Then I have had them throw water on me. One time I had bought a new fur hat, and one of them threw a watermelon rind, and spoiled the hat. Sometimes I have seen them throw a slave's hat on the ground, and trample on it. He would pick it up, fix it as well as he could, put it on his head, and walk on. The slave had no redress, but would sometimes take a petty revenge on the man's horse or saddle, or something of that sort.

I knew a free man of color, who had a wife on a plantation. The patrols went to his house in the night time--he would not let them in; they broke in and beat him: nearly killed him. The next morning he
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went before the magistrates, bloody and dirty just as he was. All the redress he got was, that he had no right to resist a white man.

An old slaveholder married into the family, who introduced a new way of whipping,--he used to brag that he could pick a "nigger's" back as he would a chicken's. I went to live with him. There was one man that he used to whip every day, because he was a foolish, peevish man. He would cry when the master undertook to punish him. If a man had any spirit, and would say, "I am working--I am doing all I can do," he would let him alone,--but there was a good deal of flogging nevertheless.

Just before I came away, there were two holidays. When I came home to take my turn at the work, master wanted to tie me up for a whipping. Said he, "You yellow rascal, I hate you in my sight." I resisted him, and told him he should not whip me. He called his son--they both tried, and we had a good deal of pulling and hauling. They could not get me into the stable. The old man gave up first--then the young man had hold of me. I threw him against the barn, and ran to the woods. The young man followed on horseback with a gun. I borrowed a jacket, my clothes having been torn off in the scuffle, and made for Washington City, with the intention of putting myself in jail, that I might be sold. I did not hurry, as it was holiday. In about an hour or so, my father came for me and said I had done nothing. I told him I would return in the course of the day, and went in time for work next morning. I had recently joined the Methodist Church, and from the sermons I heard, I felt that God had made all men free and equal, and that I ought not to be a slave,--but even then, that I ought
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not to be abused. From this time I was not punished. I think my master became afraid of me; when he punished the children, I would go and stand by, and look at him,--he was afraid, and would stop.

I belonged to the Methodist Church in Washington. My master said, "You shan't go to that church--they'll put the devil in you." He meant that they would put me up to running off. Then many were leaving; it was two from here, three from there, etc.--perhaps forty or fifty a week.----was about there then. I heard something of this: master would say, "Why do n't you work faster? I know why you do n't; you 're thinking about running off!" and so I was thinking, sure enough. Men would disappear all at once: a man who was working by me yesterday would be gone to-day,--how, I knew not. I really believed that they had some great flying machine to take them through the air. Every man was on the look-out for runaways. I began to feel uneasy, and wanted to run away too. I sought for information--all the boys had then gone from the place but just me. I happened to ask in the right quarter. But my owners found that I had left the plantation while they had gone to church. They took steps to sell me. On the next night I left the plantation. At length I turned my back on Washington, and had no difficulty in getting off. Sixteen persons came at the same time--all men--I was the youngest of the lot.

I enjoy freedom as all other hard-working men do. I was broken up in Rochester, N. Y. by the fugitive slave bill.

There is much prejudice here against us. I have always minded my own business and tried to deserve well. At one time, I stopped at a hotel and was going
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to register my name, but was informed that the hotel was "full." At another time, I visited a town on business, and entered my name on the register, as did the other passengers who stopped there. Afterward I saw that my name had been scratched off. I went to another hotel and was politely received by the landlady: but in the public room--the bar--were two or three persons, who as I sat there, talked a great deal about "niggers,"--aiming at me. But I paid no attention to it, knowing that when "whiskey is in, wit is out."

MRS. FRANCIS HENDERSON.

I was born of a slave mother in Washington, D. C., and was raised in that city. I was to be set free at the age of thirty. When my old mistress died, I was sold for the balance of the time to an Irish woman. When I first went there, I was the only slave they had ever owned; they owned afterwards a man, a woman, and a male child. The man went out to get some one to buy him. He left word at the grocery: the grocer was not particular to report the one who would purchase him to the old man by himself, but let on before the folks. This provoked the Irishman and his wife, and as the old man was taking out ashes from an ash-hole, the master went down, and as the slave raised his head, the man struck him about the temple, with a long handled scrubbing-brush. The old man never spoke afterwards. I saw the blow struck. The old man died the next morning. An inquest was held. I was afraid, and told the jurymen I knew nothing about
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it. The white girl said the boss was n't at home,--she swore a false oath, and tried to make it out that the old man fell and hit his head against the bake oven door. The man was bound over, not to put his hand on a servant any more. Mistress used to pinch pieces out of the boys' ears, and then heal them with burnt alum. She dared not do much to me, as my former owners were in the city, and would not suffer barbarity. Her husband was under bonds of two thousand dollars to treat me well. But she treated the others so badly that some of my friends told me I had better leave.----was there then with some persons who were going to travel north with him, and I joined them and came away.

I like liberty, and if Washington were a free country, I would like to go back there,--my parents were there. There are so many congressmen there that the slaves are not treated so badly as in other parts.

JOHN HOLMES.

My name in slavery was John Clopton. I belonged originally in Hanover Co., Va. My treatment was so bad, I hate to say any thing about it. Slaves were not allowed to open a book where I came from: they were allowed to go to meeting, if the master gave them a pass--some have that privilege, and some do not. My owners never gave me a hat in the world, nor hardly any clothes. When I got big enough, I worked nights to get me a hat and some clothes. There was one physician there, who I know as well as I know myself,
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who flogged one woman till the skin was off her back, and then whipped the skin off her feet. One neighbor of ours was worse than the evil one wanted him to be. He used to make a married man get out of his bed in the morning and he would go and get into it. What I have seen, I seldom say any thing about, because people would not believe it,--they would not believe people could be so hard-hearted. They whipped so much, I could n't tell any particular reason for it.

The horn would sound at the time the cocks crowed. Then they all got up. When it blowed the second time all had to start for the field: if any remained after this, the overseer would go in and whip them. Daylight never caught us in the house. Then the overseer would get on his horse and ride to the field; and if any one came in after him, he would apply the lash--perhaps fifty, perhaps a hundred. I have seen the women jump for the field with their shoes and stockings in their hands, and a petticoat wrapped over their shoulders, to dress in the field the best way they could. The head magistrate of that county (L--J--) was about the hardest of any of 'em. When I came away, one of his men had maggots in his back. His brother E--was not so hard,--he was killed in a duel. Another brother was very hard toward his wife, his slaves, and everybody else. His name was B--J--. He was so bad he could n't live any longer--he killed himself by drinking a quart of brandy from a case-bottle--a case-bottle full. Next morning he was dead. This was before I came away, and I left in 1825. I do n't know my age. They don't tell the slaves any thing about their age. There were but two that I known of, who used their people any way decent.

There was a young T--P--who had overseers
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who would kill his people with no more conscience than one would kill a snake. T--P--was so bad he would n't give his people Sunday. He had two or three farms. On a Saturday night his people would pack up, and travel Sunday to another farm, so as to be ready for work Monday morning. He had one overseer named L--, who called himself a bull-dog, and said he could manage any "nigger." They allow eight ears of corn for a horse at noon. A young man was about feeding a horse; L--says, "How many ears have you got?" "I did n't count them." L--counted,--there were ten ears. Just for that L--seized a flail, and struck the young man breaking two of his ribs--he hit him with the flail until he found the young man was dying--then he sent for the doctor. The doctor said, "What did you kill this man, and then send for me for?" I knew the young man and knew the overseer.

The first time I was shot, my young master, Dr.--(who had married one of the girls) and I got into a skirmish. I was in the kitchen before anybody was up. He came in and wanted to know what I was doing in the house? Why I did n't go to work? He says, "If you do n't go out and go to work, I'll give you a hundred lashes. Go, get your hoe, and come up to the house--I'll show you where you can hill up a potato patch." I went, got my hoe and came back. Then he had been to the stable, and got leading lines, a whip, and his gun. He knew I would not let him whip me, because I had always fought like a tiger when they undertook it. The gun was to scare me, so as to make me take off my jacket. He left the whip and gun inside the door and said, "come in here." I had not seen then the lines, whip, or gun. He took up the
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lines, and came by me as if he was going out--when he got near the whip and gun he turned--"take off your shirt, I'll hit you a hundred lashes this morning." It was because I had not gone to work--that was all the quarrel we had had that morning. I turned round and faced him. "Pull off your shirt, you d--d rascal." I said, "not to-day." The minute I said so, he snatched up his gun, pointed it at my breast and said, "I'll shoot you." I went towards him, opened my breast, and said, "shoot away." My temper was raised--I meant if he did not kill me, that I would kill him. It seemed to daunt him. He said, "Stand your ground." I was approaching him. Said I, "I've got no ground to stand on." I was very near him,--he seized the whip, and struck at me, but I was near enough to prevent him from hitting. As he made a lick at me, I sprung for the door. He thought I was going to seize him, and dodged out of the way. I went out, took my hoe, and was walking away. I had got mad, and could n't run. He called, "Stop, you d--d rascal." I told him I would go away, and not come back while wind blew or water run. I had not got far, and looked around, when I saw him have the gun; I saw the flash, and was peppered all over with shot. I went off into the woods. The shot did not bother me much, except one in the ball of my thumb, which I got out some four or five years after. I stayed in the woods all summer. They used to hunt for me. I've seen them after me with dogs--dogs could n't catch me. I used to watch when they started and follow behind them. I used something on my feet to keep dogs from taking a scent. At last they told all the neighbors if I would come home, they would n't whip me. I was a great hand to work and made a great deal of money for our folks. I used to
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tell them, if they whipped me, I would n't work. The only fault they could find with me was, I would not be whipped. The young master--this one I ran from--used to say, "a man must be whipped, else he would n't know he was a nigger." I finally went back

I had a great many such scrapes with the overseers--two or three with the masters. At last they said, "better let him alone, he is a good hand to work." I would not be whipped. One day an overseer, who thought he was a better man than any of the others, came to me--I was a leader, and was pulling corn. He took me by the collar, and said I did not go fast enough--he would "tie me up to the persimmon tree, and hit me a hundred lashes;" he meant to do it, because the others had not made out to. I told him, "not to-day"--that's what I always used to tell them. He called two dogs, and they bit me in a great many places,--the marks of their teeth are all about my knees,--then he called several of the hands, but only one came up before I got away from overseer, dogs and all. I had to fling off the overseer, E--E--; he went to the ground. I took to the woods: I don 't know how long I stayed out that time, but I have stayed in the woods all winter.

My young master had a bloodhound, very large and savage. He would let no one come near him. At night this dog was turned loose, and no negro could come round the house, nor along the road. He would not touch white people,--he was brought up so. At one time they were repairing a chimney,--several loose bricks were about the yard. One of the women and myself were sent through the yard. The dog was chained, and was enraged, because he could not get at us: the master was standing in the yard. The dog broke his collar: I saw him coming, and took up a half
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brick. I knew the dog would spring for my throat, and I took a position as for wrestling. When the dog sprung, I threw up my left arm: the dog just got hold, and I struck him on the side of his head with the brick--he fell stunned, but I did not kill him. Young master was laughing when he saw the dog springing about, and when he saw him coming; but when he saw the dog fall, he ran out and struck at me with his fist. I fended off, as I had pretty good use of my limbs then. He then tried to kick me, but I caught his foot every time. I told him, "You sha'n't strike me, and your dog sha'n't bite me, ne'er a one." He then ran for his gun, so ambitious, that his mother went to look, to see what he was going to shoot at. She got to the door as quick as he did: the gun was then pointed at me, but she seized it and pulled it out of his hands, and told me to be off quick. He was not of age when I came away. I never saw such a set of fellows as our folks were: one of them shot a dog, because he wouldn't come when he called him. This one was accidentally killed one Sunday morning, by a gun in the hands of the overseer. They were playing, and the gun went off at half cock, and blew his brains out.

A--A--was a great overseer, who never went on any plantation but what he whipped every man on it. He bragged of it, and was called a great negro-manager. There were two men and one woman, named Betty, on the place, who, like me, would not be whipped. They employed him to come on for overseer, because he could make a great crop any how, by managing the hands. When the new overseer comes, all hands are called up and given over to him. I would not go up at such times--once only I went into the yard.

A--ordered all to meet him at the barn next morning,
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to get orders where to go. Every thing went on well till the middle of February, when we make plant-patches to put tobacco in. We would go to a wood and get brush, and burn it on the soil till bloodwarm, then plant it. All the women were raking dry leaves to put on the brush, to make it burn. The overseer first fell in with Betty--his word was, if any one did not work fast enough--"go to work! go to work!" He said this to Betty. Said she, "Where must I go?" "Go to work!" "I am working." He struck her with a stick he had in his hand--she struck him with the rake. They struck several blows. She got the stick and lost the rake: they fought then like two dogs. She was better with her fists, and beat him; but he was better at wrestling, and threw her down. He then called the men to help him, but all hid from him in the brush where we were working. We could see him, but he could not see us,--he was too busily engaged. They fought till they got out of breath, and then he started with her to go to the mistress; they never broke their hold. He got her over two or three fences; then came the doctor who had shot me, and J--T--, my mistress's son, and they took her to the barn, and whipped her almost to death: but she behaved worse afterwards.

Then the calculation was to whip us every one, because we did not help the overseer. He told us, the same afternoon to go to the barn to thresh oats: but the oldest son, who had the management of the whole estate, was not at home, which saved us that time; but it was to be done next day. While they were plotting it in the evening, one of the house girls overheard it. That night every one of us went away into the woods. (Among those woods I have seen, where there are large
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trees, the old corn hills and tobacco hills, where it used to be planted. At one time, I was hoeing in a field which we had just cleared of big pine-trees, and I found there two iron wedges and a hoe in the ground.) We stayed until they could not pitch a crop of corn. The head plougher and all,--all of 'em went away: they had only women and old men, and one young man who stayed behind, who was foolish. The overseer came to make a greater crop than they ever had, and he did not make any. They sent off the overseer to get us home. We went back, but after a while he came back too, and stayed the year out. He whipped the women, but he did not whip the men, for fear they would run away. He has cut many hickories and got chains made to put on me: but I was always looking out for him.

When I was young, before I got so watchful, I had blows and knocks. One morning I was sick: the rule was, to tell the overseer. I said I was n't going all over the farm to look him up. First thing I knew, he was in, with some switches, cowhide, and a rope with a running noose. He put the noose over my head as I sat,--I cleared it, and he struck me with a knife which hit a button: I knocked the knife out of his hand,--we had a fight and I whipped him. I knew if I stayed, he would whip me. I ran for a swamp, and he after me; but I got there first, and went through the mud and water,--he stopped at that. I always started in time,--before the lash came, I was off.

One overseer we had was named E--T--; a stout, big, young man, who worked the people hard, night and day; all the time at our heels, "rush! make haste!" The weaker ones were called the "drop-short gang;" these were taking the lash all the time: he was always after them. He wanted I should blow the
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horn, but I would n't undertake it. The old head man used to blow it. He used to hide the horn sometimes, so that we need not get it to throw it away. One time I found it, and threw it in the river. The overseer wanted to know why the horn did not blow. The old man told him "somebody done hide it." The overseer threatened us with a hundred lashes, unless we would find it, but we told him we had nothing to do with it. T--got another horn: I do n't believe he blew it three times before it was in the river. One of the women saw where the old man hid it, and when he went for it, it was gone,--it was in the river. We got up afterward without a horn. Several times, horns were got for the farm, but they could not keep them.

This overseer was very mistrustful and watchful, but he would get come up with sometimes. At threshing time, he accused me of stealing the wheat. At one time, he came down there, when he was sick to watch us. He had been taking medicine: he laid down on some straw,--it was damp, and he got worse. He called to me to take him up. I told him, "All I'll do for you will be, if you die, I'll close your eyes, and lay you out." Two others, a man and a woman went to him. Said I, "if you take him up, he 'll get well, and you'll be the first ones he 'll whip." They took him to the house: he was very sick there, crying, "let me pray! let me pray!" I could hear him at the barn. When he got out to the field again, I did not know he was there, till I heard the switch. I looked to see whom he was whipping. It was the very two who had carried him to the house. I said to them, "do n't you remember what I told you? If you had let him stay there and die, you would n't have got that." It struck him so, he flung his switches down, and sat on the fence:
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he looked pale: he went back to the house, and we did not see him again for three days.

One morning I had a great scrape with him. He swore he would whip me at the risk of his life. That morning I did not get into the field until sunrise. All were at work but me: I had had something to attend to, and would not go. He said I should not strike a lick there, till he had whipped me. I told him, "you shall not, if everybody has to die between here and Kentucky. I'll die before I'll take a whipping." "You sha'n't do a stroke of work, before I whip you." The next word was, "master sha'n't whip me, mistress sha'n't whip me, you sha'n't whip me, nobody sha'n't whip me." He said, "I'll make all the hands catch you, and I'll whip you." "There ain't a man the sun shines upon, that shall whip me." The next thing he said was, "You ought to consider your mistress' interests." I told him, "let mistress consider her own interests, and let me consider mine,--let everybody consider their own interest." I was fixing then to come away, but he did not know it. "I will whip you any how. If you 'll take off your shirt, I'll only give you a few licks,--I have sworn that I would whip you, and want to make my words good." I answered, "I have said, you should not whip me, and that's as good as if I had sworn to it." We were some five or ten yards apart. He said I should not work till I was whipped. I told him I was not doing myself any good,--that I was n't working for myself anyhow, and did n't care whether I worked or not. I then turned for the woods,--when almost there he called me back,--not one of the hands would have dared to touch me. I always carried an open knife,--they never could catch me unprepared. I went back: said he, "I'll excuse you this time, but
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you must n't do so any more." I answered, "I do n't know what I am going to do."

The last year, we had to work backwards and forwards, from one farm to another--from my mistress' farm to her son's: two overseers,--we worked so till harvest time, when I came away. My master was mad with me all the time about the overseers. I was the leader on our farm--on the other farm, I followed their leader. There were fifteen cutting wheat in cradles, some were raking, some binding--master followed the cradles. The other leader and I cradled so fast, we kept ahead of the rest--so we would have time to stop a little. He was mad because he could not see us cut wheat--he said we did nothing, and were playing all the harvest. One forenoon a shower came up--all were busy to get the wheat out of the shower; master, to get occasion to whip me, came to me and said, "You shall run too." I did run; but that did not suit him: he came up and struck me three or four times. He then went and cut three or four long poles: he shook them at me, and said he would whip me a hundred lashes for the new and the old. All hands were now sent to the barn to shell corn,--that was where they were going to catch me. I took up my cradle and jacket; I spoke to Tom, and asked him if he knew he was to have one hundred lashes? He said, "Yes." "Are you going to the barn?" "Yes,--are you going?" "No: I'm going to the woods." "But you cannot stay in the woods always." Said I, "If you will go with me, I'll carry you into a free country." "Oh, you can't." I said, "I'll go, or die in the attempt a trying." Tom said, "I reckon you have n't sense enough to get away." I told him, "I'll walk as long as there's land, and if I come to the sea, I'll swim till I get drowned." I bade
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all the hands good-by--"I never expect you'll see me again: if they try to take me I'll fight till I die: but if it so happens that they master me, I'll never tell them where I came from." Then I went into the woods. I had some good clothes, and went round through the woods and got them. I waited till night, to see what they would do. I saw them going to the house where I had been for my clothes. I could hear them talking, telling the owner of the place, a poor white man, to catch me if I came there. I laid about the woods ten days, waiting for another man who had promised to come with me. I saw him, but he was afraid to come. I started without him. At sixty miles from home, I got work, and stayed until I got some clothes and a little money. Then I left for the North. I have two children in slavery. They were carried away from me when they were a few months old.

I have lived in Canada twenty-four years, and have made out pretty fair since I have been here. I came here expecting to work, but have not had to work so hard here as I did at the South. I know all the old settlers, but a great many have come lately, whom I am not acquainted with. Those that will work, do well--those that will not--not: it is the same here as everywhere. It is the best poor man's country that I know of--if a man comes without a shilling, he can get along well. There is no more idleness among colored than other people--there are idlers among all nations. I came here with money enough to buy a hundred acres of land. My money was stolen, but I did not get discouraged. I now own this house and land--ten acres here, and twelve in another place. I had a house and land which the railroad took, and I got a good price.
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If I had had any knowledge how to calculate and scheme, as I should if I had learning, I should be worth ten thousand dollars. London has grown up since I came here. I had an opportunity to buy land in the heart of the city, but did not bother about it. Many of our people remain poor for want of education. It cannot be expected that men who have just got away from slavery should look far ahead: they are only looking for to-day and to-morrow. The colored people are mostly given to hard work: for the time we have been here, we have made great progress in this country. They have many good farms about Wilberforce. There is some prejudice, but not so much as there used to be. There is no separate school here. There are a Baptist and a Methodist church exclusively for colored people. Whether this is best, I cannot say. I used to persuade the colored people to go into the white folks' churches. They came near making me say I would never go to church any more: on coming out, the colored people were insulted: things were said then that would not be said now. Colored people attend at every church in London.

MRS.--BROWN.

I keep a boarding-house, and have now ten boarders, all fugitives, as nearly as I can recollect. One of them came last winter. They have all got employment.
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JOHN D. MOORE.

I lived in Pennsylvania and New Jersey some twenty years. I suffered a great deal there solely on account of my color. Many a time, when I have been travelling, and would come to a tavern tired and hungry, I would be told, "We have no accommodations for men of your color," and I would have to go on. Perhaps I might get a luncheon at a private house,--or at some place kept by a foreigner, who needed the colored man's money.

I have suffered a great many other ways on account of my color. Several times I wanted to go into business there, but was dissuaded by my white friends, who said I would be mobbed or burned out. I was discouraged in so many ways, that I came to Canada, to see if I could find a place where a colored man could have some privilege. I find it the reverse here from what it was in the States. There is prejudice here among the low class of people, but they have not got the power to carry it out here that they have in the States. The law here is stronger than the mob--it is not so there. If a man insults me here, he is glad to get out of the way for fear of the law; it was not so in the States where I lived. A ruffian there may insult or throw stones at a colored man, and he must get out of the way--I found no law on my side.

I can't complain--I am doing well here, and am satisfied with Canada. I have lived here eighteen months.
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CHRISTOPHER HAMILTON.

I was raised in St. Louis, Mo. I went to school a little, to a Sunday School, and learned to read, but was stopped--I suppose because I was learning too fast. My people came from Virginia. They were all free by right. My grandmother was an Indian woman. She put my mother with a man by the name of E--G--, to bring up. He moved to Kentucky, stopped a little while, then went to Missouri, thence to Jackson, Miss. While they were moving out, on their way to Kentucky, I was born on board a boat in Pittsburg. After we reached Jackson, my father, my mother, and all their sons and daughters, except myself and a sister who had two children, were sent to Mine Oburden--lead mines--they moved there with Dr. G--, who kept them all for slaves. After he had stopped there awhile, he sold them to a man named S--P--. My sister, her two children, and myself, were sold by W--G--, to whom the Dr. had given us up for debt, to a man in St. Louis. W--G--was in debt to a man named H--, and H--was in debt to a Frenchman named B--. We slipped along from one to another to pay debts. With B--I remained from ten years old, till I left for the North. I have written kind letters to B--, but got no reply. The people who were sold to S--P--all were finally removed with him to St. Louis, except one who died in the South.

I look on slavery as the greatest evil that ever existed The preaching I used to hear was, "Servants, be obedient to your masters." "He that knoweth his master's will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many
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stripes." I was well used by my master, and well treated, until he married a second time. He married a very mean woman. He was a very wealthy man, and when she married him, it raised her right up. Nothing could please her. I had been married two years, and she tried to persuade her husband to sell my wife down the river: she wanted to whip my wife, and my wife would n't let her. I did not wait to see whether he would sell her or not: but we came away,--got off very comfortably. I had only sixteen dollars when I started. When I got here, I found a brother of mine here,--he helped me about getting work, and I make out to live comfortably. I would n't go back for all St. Louis, poor as I am.

They have no good feeling there for colored people anyhow. All they care for is, to get all the work out of them they can. They whip them to death, starve them to death, and I saw one colored man burned to death,--McIntosh, who had killed a man.

I used to go to Sunday School in St. Louis, to Mr. Lovejoy--the man who was killed.

The colored people in London are generally saving; they do not waste their means; they are getting along as well as they can expect, as a general thing. I do not know of one who suffered so much here, as he would in slavery. There are some who are vicious and dissolute, and so there are of all nations. Take them in general, and they are getting along first-rate.
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MRS. CHRISTOPHER HAMILTON.

I left Mississippi about fourteen years ago. I was raised a house servant, and was well used,--but I saw and heard a great deal of the cruelty of slavery. I saw more than I wanted to--I never want to see so much again. The slaveholders say their slaves are better off than if they were free, and that they prefer slavery to freedom. I do not, and never saw one that wished to go back. It would be a hard trial to make me a slave again. I had rather live in Canada, on one potato a day, than to live in the South with all the wealth they have got. I am now my own mistress, and need not work when I am sick. I can do my own thinkings, without having any one to think for me,--to tell me when to come, what to do, and to sell me when they get ready. I wish I could have my relatives here. I might say a great deal more against slavery--nothing for it.

The people who raised me failed; they borrowed money and mortgaged me. I went to live with people whose ways did not suit me, and I thought it best to come to Canada, and live as I pleased.

ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

I was brought up in St. Louis, Mo.,--was not very badly used, except that I was not taught to read nor write,--I was not used well enough to stay there. I
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have seen many very badly used, and many sent down the river to the south. It was a common thing to take off a drove for a cotton farm. I never heard that it was intended to sell me; but I knew it might be so, and I thought I would make hay while the sun shone. I left St. Louis in '34, at the age of about eighteen. We do n't know our ages exactly.

I knew one man to cut off the fingers of his left hand with an axe, to prevent his being sold South. I knew of another who on hearing that he was sold shot himself: I saw physicians dissecting this man afterward. I knew of a woman who had several children by her master, who on being sold, ran down to the river and drowned herself: I saw the body after it was taken from the water.

I think that God made all men to be free and equal,--not one to be a slave. Other nations have abolished slavery, and there is no reason why the United States cannot do the same thing. We would many of us like to live in the United States were it not for slavery.

Many separations I have seen,--dragging husbands from wives, children from their mother, and sending them where they could not expect to see each other again.

I reached Canada in 1834. I had only a dollar and a half. I had no need to beg, for I found work at once. I have done well since I came here: have made a good living and something more. I own real estate in London,--three houses and several lots of land. It is a healthy country--Canada.

The colored people in London are all making a living: there is no beggar among them. Some of us would like to live in the South if slavery was done
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away with, and the laws were right. I am naturalized here, and have all the rights and privileges of a British subject.

Many have gone about, collecting money and clothes for fugitives, but I think that is not necessary now: they can get work.

A great many fugitives are coming into London, they are coming almost every day.

MRS. SARAH JACKSON.

I belonged to a bachelor, who said I might come away with my three children if I chose. I always desired to come to a free State; and I could not bear the idea of my children's being slaves. He did not think I really would leave, although he said I might. There was some opposition from his relatives,--they told me they thought I was mighty foolish to come away from a good master. I thought I was n't foolish, considering I had served all my days, and did not feel safe at night: not knowing whom I might belong to in the morning. It is a great heaviness on a person's mind to be a slave. It never looked right to see people taken and chained in a gang to be driven off. I never could bear to see my own color all fastened together to go to such a place as down the river. I used to go in the house and shut myself up. I did not know how long before it would be my own fate. I had just enough to pay my way here. I expect to work for a living, and I am trying to get a house. I am better here than I was at home,--I feel lighter,--the dread is gone. I have a
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sister and brother in slavery in Kentucky. I intend to send my children to school. I have been here about a week.

HENRY MOREHEAD.

I came from Louisville, Ky., where I was born and bread a slave. The colored people have not sent their children to school in London, so generally as desirable, for this reason. The fugitives who come to this country for freedom from bondage, have been kept down in such a manner, that these privileges granted to them seem somewhat strange, and they have to take some time to consider whether they shall send their children to school with the white children or not. This free school is something so unusual to them, that they can't realize it, until they become naturalized to the country. Although they know they are free, they have a kind of timidness about them, so that they cannot mingle with the whites of this country, as they would if they had been free born. Yet the day, I believe is fast approaching, when the people of color will see that they stand in their own light by not sending their children to school. The time is now, when the colored men begin to see that it is the want of education which has kept them in bondage so long.

My owners used to object to my going to school, saying that I could learn rascality enough without it--that " niggers" going to school would only teach them rascality. I always felt injured when a slave and when free, at the use of that word. This dampened my feelings for getting learning, somewhat, but I went to a
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night school, at my own expense of course, to learn to spell and to read. My owners found it out, and set policemen to break the school up. This put an end to my schooling--that was all the schooling I ever had. I have looked at it, and have come to the conclusion, that it is best that colored people should teach their children to read and to write, in order that they may know the ways of the world.

I left slavery a little more than a year ago. I brought my wife and three children with me, and had not enough to bring us through. My owners did not know that we were coming. I left because they were about selling my wife and children to the South. I would rather have followed them to the grave, than to the Ohio River to see them go down. I knew it was death or victory--so I took them and started for Canada. I was pursued,--my owners watched for me in a free State, but, to their sad disappointment, I took another road. A hundred miles further on, I saw my advertisements again offering $500 for me and my family. I concluded that as money would do almost any thing, I ought to take better care,--and I took the underground railroad. I was longer on the road than I should have been without my burden: one child was nine months old, one two years old, and one four. The weather was cold, and my feet were frostbitten, as I gave my wife my socks to pull on over her shoes. With all the sufferings of the frost and the fatigues of travel, it was not so bad as the effects of slavery.

I am making out very well here--I have not been in the country long enough to accumulate any wealth, but I am getting along as well as the general run of people. It stands to reason, that a man must be doing something
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to pay a rent of five dollars a month, and support a family of four besides himself, as provisions are, and have been. To do this does not look much like starving.

AN OLD WOMAN.

My name is----, but you must not tell it, for I have children at the South, who would be eaten up if their masters knew. [The old lady detailed her history, but requested that no use should be made of it at the present time, excepting the part which follows.] . . . . . I am now eighty years old. Now I will tell you what I saw with my own eyes. I was called on to leave the room where was a dead body which they were going to strip for the grave. They said it would be a shame for me to remain. I said, "it is only a lifeless lump of clay, and I will stay and see with my own eyes what has been done, that I may say it is so, and that it is the truth." I remained and saw the man's body. It was a field hand, that had died under the lash. There were a few marks on the calves of his legs, a few on his breast where the whip had sometimes reached round. From his neck to the calves of his legs, the flesh was raw and bloody--completely cut up with two bull whips by the overseer and driver. It looked as sausage meat when you chop it. This man had children and grandchildren on the plantation. The man's fault was,--when they finish work Saturday night, they bring home the maul and wedges, and put under the bed, to have them ready Monday morning. On Monday morning, he forgot the wedge, and started back to get it.
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The overseer tackled him--he resisted; the overseer called the driver; between them both they staked him down, and whipped him, until he fainted. They got some water in a shoe, and revived him,--he fainted again and revived--the third time he fainted, and they could not bring him to--he died. The overseer ran away. . . . . .

JOHN WARREN.

I was born in Wilson Co., Tenn., lived there twelve and a half years, and was then carried to Mississippi, by my owners who settled in Marshall Co. Two of us, brothers, went down with the young man, to whom we fell on settlement of estate. Then he sold us to his brother who was a regular speculator, buying and selling all the time--kept from eighteen to twenty on the place. I went right to work on the cotton farm, under an overseer. The overseers changed every year I stayed there. There was pretty hard work and many kinds of it on the cotton plantations. The overseers were generally cruel, hard men, but some had more consideration than others. Four o'clock was rising time. We blew but one horn--when that sounded we all got up, fed the stock, hogs, horses, etc., and went to work. The farm contained 645 acres. We took a little breakfast with us, which we cooked generally over night: but at picking cotton time we had a cook to cook for us. Every man took his little bucket of breakfast to the field, where fifteen minutes was allowed for breakfast, sometimes with water, and sometimes without,--no
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coffee nor tea in the field. The provision was corn bread and pork--sometimes enough, and sometimes not. After breakfast we worked until one. The overseer generally stayed with the hoe-gang--women and children. He could see from one field to another. We had no drivers on our farm--plenty in the neighborhood. On the big farms they fared worse than we did.

The overseer walked to and fro behind to see that they did not cut out too much cotton with the hoe, and that they took up the grass; if they did not, he would whip generally with a long bull whip, sometimes with a bunch of six or eight black-gum switches, generally laying on hard. There are marks on me made soon after I went there. The only way I got shut of the whip was when I got stouter, to fight them and run away. I was always watching, and they hated to lose my time. Twenty-five acres of cotton and corn together were allowed to a hand, and if one goes, it makes it hard for them. Before I was twenty years old, I was tied up and received two hundred lashes. Generally, they give fifty, and then stop a little--then give fifty more. They sometimes tie round a tree, sometimes to four stakes, and sometimes gammon them. Gambrel is meant here: the wrists are bound together--the arms made to embrace the lower limbs, and a gambrel is thrust through under the knees.] I have seen a man receive five hundred and fifty lashes for running away. The overseer and boss drank brandy, and went at him. They gave him brandy for devilment,--making fun with him: then they would leave him tied a while, and then go and put it on again. I have seen men on the next farm, whipped with a handsaw flatwise: the teeth would cut when the blow was put on. The saw was used after the bull whip.
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I learned to spell and read some in Tennessee, among the children. The owners knew I could read. I bought a copy of the letters in writing of a white boy in Mississippi, for half a dollar. It was a good price, but I did not mind that. I kept that copy of the letters three years, and learned to write from it. I practised nights and Sundays. . . . I got so I could write, but I had nobody to show me, and did not know how to hold the pen. But I wrote three passes for myself. I wrote one to go to Memphis with. I left the farm on the night of the 3d July, 1854. I had beaten the overseer on the Sunday evening before: he undertook to whip me for going away Sunday. I knocked him over, bumped his head against the logs of the corn-crib, and went into the woods, where I staid all day Monday; Tuesday morning I left, and travelled to Memphis on foot, excepting the last four miles, which I rode. At Memphis, I threw away the first pass and took the second, which was a privilege to work out in Memphis a month: my calculation was to get on board a boat before a month was out. Then I had a third pass, which said I had hired my time for the rest of the year to work in the State or out of the State. I worked in Memphis three days, then went aboard a boat and showed my year's pass. The first trip, I went down the Mississippi and up White River to Jackson Port, in Arkansas: then back to Memphis. We were gone eight days, lacking an hour. Then I hired on a boat bound to Cincinnati. I saw the sign "Cincinnati," and went aboard: sailed that evening, and got safely to Cincinnati in five days. I stopped there two or three days, and then left for Canada. A man in Chatham hired me to come here to work. I get good wages.

I always hated slavery from the first. It never
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seemed right to work for nothing, driven in the rain, and so on. When I was small, I had heard of a free State where black people were free, and had no master nor mistress, and I wanted to go there. I have no disposition to go South again--I love liberty too well for that. I do n't have to get up at four and work till nine; I do n't have now to drive a wagon Sundays to haul cotton bales.

I believe that if the slaves were hired and paid for their labor, they'd all go to work, and they would do a great deal more work than they do now, for they would not be thinking all the time about running away, and fighting the overseers,--there would not be so much confusion. Sometimes, on a holiday, the boss hires them,--they go to work singing and hollowing, without an overseer, and they do the work better than when he is behind them. Now I do n't study all day about running into the woods, nor dream of it nights, as I used to. There are no hounds here to be running after me. There is a man down there, who gets ten dollars for catching a runaway: if he has been gone longer, he gets more. A good "nigger dog" is worth four hundred dollars. I knew how to kill the scent of dogs when they came after me: I could do it with red pepper. Another way which I have practised is, to dig into a grave where a man has been buried a long time, get the dust of the man, make it into a paste with water, and put it on the feet, knees, and elbows, or wherever I touched the bushes. The dog won't follow that.

I came here to work and expect to work. Time goes smoother with me than it did. One month there seemed longer than two do now.

A planter near us in Mississippi, bought a man from Kentucky out of a drove, who ran away, he was treated
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so mean. They followed him, got ahead as he was going back, caught him and brought him back. He fought hard not to be taken, gave them some bruises, but they took him. When they got him back, they gave him two hundred lashes every morning for seven mornings. The hands on the place told me so, the man told me so, and the master told my boss so, just like any other joke: he said "he was the d--dest nigger on God's earth." They put a heavy log chain, which weighed twenty pounds around his body. In about a year they sold him to a speculator.

The white folks down south do n't seem to sleep much, nights. They are watching for runaways, and to see if any other slave comes among theirs, or theirs go off among others. They listen and peep to see if any thing has been stolen, and to find if any thing is going on. "What is there in this barrel? Too many d--d barrels in here,--I'll have 'm put out."

From those who had slaves we would steal whatever we could get to eat--chickens, turkeys, geese, etc.

The slaves have no particular rules, except in regard to marriage: they try to make it as near lawful as they can.

BENJAMIN MILLER.

I came from St. Louis, Mo., about twenty years ago. I had the privilege of purchasing my freedom, and had paid of the $500 asked, all but $220: then I had good reasons to believe, from information which I received, that after all was paid, I was to be carried down the river and sold. I then made for the North. I was a
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slave, to be sure, but was doing business as boot and shoemaker. I learned the trade while I was paying $120 per annum for my time. If I had been sure of my free papers, I could have paid the $220, and would have been doing a good business there. My partner was a free man.

I have lived in and about London ever since I came out. My property here is worth about $1,800. It consists partly of a house and land. I have brought up a large family--have a wife and eight children living,--have buried ten--three in St. Louis, the remainder here.

I feel thankful that I can mention that I have given a part of my time to the spiritual interests of the people here without pay: having served them as pastor in the Methodist denomination some years.

I have travelled in all the principal places in Canada West, and, generally speaking, the colored people are doing well: thank God, uncommon well, considering the way they came. Men who at home know nothing but to come and go just as they are bid, here go into business, and do well, very well. They are temperate men, considering the way they are brought up.

We that begin here illiterate men, have to go against wind and tide. We have a learned, enterprising people to contend with; we have a colder climate than we have been used to, to contend with; we have our own ignorance and poverty to contend with. It takes a smart man to do all that: but many do it, all make a living, and some do lay up money. I asked one of our old white 'squires, if he ever saw a colored man that was well, in this township, begging. He said, No.
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QUEEN'S BUSH.

THIS name was originally given to a large, unsurveyed tract of land, now comprising the townships of Peel and Wellesley, and the country extending thence to Lake Huron. While it was yet a wilderness, it was settled mainly by colored people, about the year 1846. The following, communicated by a resident of Galt, gives the main features of the settlement of the Queen's Bush. The testimonials following Jackson's, are from that part of the scarcely reclaimed wilderness now known as the township of Peel.

WILLIAM JACKSON.

My father and myself went to the Queen's Bush in 1846. We went four and a half miles beyond the other farms, to Canestogo, where he cleared up and had a farm; for years scarcely any white people came in, but fugitive slaves came in, in great numbers, and cleared the land. Before it was surveyed, there were as many as fifty families. It was surveyed about two years after we went there. The colored people might have held
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their lands still, but they were afraid they would not be able to pay when pay-day came. Under these circumstances, many of them sold out cheap. They now consider that they were overreached--for many who bought out the colored people have not yet paid for the land, and some of the first settlers yet remain, who have not yet been required to pay all up.

Some colored people have come in from the free States, on account of the fugitive slave bill, and bought land. The farms are usually from fifty to one hundred acres. The timber is hard wood. The soil is productive, and it is a good wheat country.

A great many who sold out went to Mr. King's settlement, and to Owen Sound. The health of the colored people was very good--there was hardly any sickness at all: indeed, the climate of Canada agrees with them as well as with the white people. It is healthy for all.

I have heard white people who lived at Queen's Bush say, that they never lived amongst a set of people that they had rather live with as to their habits of industry and general good conduct. I never knew of but one to be taken before a court, for any thing but debt, and I lived there seven years.

In regard to riding in coaches or cars, I never had any trouble in Canada. I have heard of some who have suffered from prejudice, but I never did. The amount of prejudice is small here, and what there is grows out of slavery: for some, when they first come, feel so free, that they go beyond good limits, and have not courtesy enough. But I find that they get over this after a while.
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THOMAS L. WOOD KNOX.

I was born free in the eastern part of Pennsylvania, but removed to Pittsburg. I should not have left the States only that I was not treated with respect. I would go to market with provisions off a farm I rented in New Brighton. When I got into Pittsburg, other farmers would drive in with their teams into the tavern yard, and get their breakfasts and go and sell out, before I could get any thing to eat: so that by the time I would get to market, the best of it would be over. The same thing would run through all the conduct of the whites. In the place where I went, they were opposed to my coming,--but after four years they were grieved to have me come away. But I could not stand it, and left for Canada. I have been in Canada eleven years--eight in the Queen's Bush. When I came here it was a complete wilderness: I took hold and cleared a farm. I would rather have remained in my native country, among my friends, could I have had such treatment as I felt that I deserved. But that was not to be, and I came into the wilderness.

Most of the colored people living here are doing as well, if not better, than one could reasonably expect. Most of the grown people among them are fugitive slaves. I know of but one, free-born, from Pennsylvania, and that is myself. The number here I cannot speak of with any certainty. Many have removed to Owen's Sound and other places: there may be now five hundred persons. All are equal here: I have been about here a great deal, but have seen no prejudice at all.
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SOPHIA POOLEY.

I was born in Fishkill, New York State, twelve miles from North River. My father's name was Oliver Burthen, my mother's Dinah. I am now more than ninety years old. I was stolen from my parents when I was seven years old, and brought to Canada; that was long before the American Revolution. There were hardly any white people in Canada then--nothing here but Indians and wild beasts. Many a deer I have helped catch on the lakes in a canoe: one year we took ninety. I was a woman grown when the first governor of Canada came from England: that was Gov. Simcoe.

My parents were slaves in New York State. My master's sons-in-law, Daniel Outwaters and Simon Knox, came into the garden where my sister and I were playing among the currant bushes, tied their handkerchiefs over our mouths, carried us to a vessel, put us in the hold, and sailed up the river. I know not how far nor how long--it was dark there all the time. Then we came by land. I remember when we came to Genesee,--there were Indian settlements there,--Onondagas, Senecas, and Oneidas. I guess I was the first colored girl brought into Canada. The white men sold us at Niagara to old Indian Brant, the king. I lived with old Brant about twelve or thirteen years as nigh as I can tell. Brant lived part of the time at Mohawk, part at Ancaster, part at Preston, then called Lower Block: the Upper Block was at Snyder's Mills. While I lived with old Brant we caught the deer. It was at Dundas at the outlet. We would let the hounds loose, and when we heard them bark we would run for the canoe--Peggy, and Mary, and Katy, Brant's daughters
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and I. Brant's sons, Joseph and Jacob, would wait on the shore to kill the deer when we fetched him in. I had a tomahawk, and would hit the deer on the head--then the squaws would take it by the horns and paddle ashore. The boys would bleed and skin the deer and take the meat to the house. Sometimes white people in the neighborhood, John Chisholm and Bill Chisholm, would come and say 't was their hounds, and they must have the meat. But we would not give it up.

Canada was then filling up with white people. And after Brant went to England, and kissed the queen's hand, he was made a colonel. Then there began to be laws in Canada. Brant was only half Indian: his mother was a squaw--I saw her when I came to this country. She was an old body; her hair was quite white. Brant was a good looking man--quite portly. He was as big as Jim Douglass who lived here in the bush, and weighed two hundred pounds. He lived in an Indian village--white men came among them and they intermarried. They had an English schoolmaster, an English preacher, and an English blacksmith. When Brant went among the English, he wore the English dress--when he was among the Indians, he wore the Indian dress,--broadcloth leggings, blanket, moccasins, fur cap. He had his ears slit with a long loop at the edge, and in these he hung long silver ornaments. He wore a silver half-moon on his breast with the king's name on it, and broad silver bracelets on his arms. He never would paint, but his people painted a great deal. Brant was always for making peace among his people; that was the reason of his going about so much. I used to talk Indian better than I could English. I have forgotten some of it--there are none to talk it with now.
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Brant's third wife, my mistress, was a barbarous creature. She could talk English, but she would not. She would tell me in Indian to do things, and then hit me with any thing that came to hand, because I did not understand her. I have a scar on my head from a wound she gave me with a hatchet; and this long scar over my eye, is where she cut me with a knife. The skin dropped over my eye; a white woman bound it up. [The scars spoken of were quite perceptible, but the writer saw many worse looking cicatrices of wounds not inflicted by Indian savages, but by civilized (?) men.] Brant was very angry, when he came home, at what she had done, and punished her as if she had been a child. Said he, "you know I adopted her as one of the family, and now you are trying to put all the work on her."

I liked the Indians pretty well in their place; some of them were very savage,--some friendly. I have seen them have the war-dance--in a ring with only a cloth about them, and painted up. They did not look ridiculous--they looked savage,--enough to frighten anybody. One would take a bowl and rub the edge with a knotted stick: then they would raise their tomahawks and whoop. Brant had two colored men for slaves: one of them was the father of John Patten, who lives over yonder, the other called himself Simon Ganseville. There was but one other Indian that I knew, who owned a slave. I had no care to get my freedom.

At twelve years old, I was sold by Brant to an Englishman in Ancaster, for one hundred dollars,--his name was Samuel Hatt, and I lived with him seven years: then the white people said I was free, and put me up to running away. He did not stop me--he
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said he could not take the law into his own hands. Then I lived in what is now Waterloo. I married Robert Pooley, a black man. He ran away with a white woman: he is dead.

Brant died two years before the second war with the United States. His wife survived him until the year the stars fell. She was a pretty squaw: her father was an English colonel. She hid a crock of gold before she died, and I never heard of its being found. Brant was a freemason.

I was seven miles from Stoney Creek at the time of the battle--the cannonade made every thing shake well.

I am now unable to work, and am entirely dependent on others for subsistence: but I find plenty of people in the bush to help me a good deal.

JOHN FRANCIS.

I was twenty-eight years old when I came into the Queen's Bush from Virginia. My usage down South was hard. I was sold three times: first, for debt; then I was traded off: the third time I sold myself to myself.

I came in ten years ago. Then there were few families. More kept coming,--colored people,--there were not many white. The land was not surveyed. We settled down where we saw fit. We knew nothing about price nor terms. After considerable many settlers had come in, we called a meeting, and sent a man to get a grant of the land if he could; or, if not that, to find the terms. The answer was, that we were on
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clergy reserves, and they could give no grant. Still we kept at work, clearing and planting. The land came into market about seven years ago, being surveyed and a price set on it.

Then came a land agent, to sell and take payments. He put up public notices, that the settlers who had made improvements were to come and pay the first instalment, or the land would be sold from under them. The payment was to be in ten annual instalments of 15 s. 6 d. currency, 5 s. to the dollar. It was then hard times in Canada, and many could not meet the payment. The agent, as we now know, transcended his powers, for some people, white and colored, still hold their lands, not having made payments. The agent had a percentage for collecting. His course in driving people for money, ruined a great many poor people here in the bush. Fearing that the land would be sold, and they get nothing for their betterments, they sold out for very little and removed to other parts. The agent himself told me he would sell my land unless the instalment was paid. I sacrificed my two cows and a steer, to make the payment that I might hold the land. Others did not do that and yet hold. One man, fearing to lose all he had done, sold out for ten dollars, having cleared eight or ten acres--that property is now estimated at $15,000. Some borrowed money on mortgages, and some paid a heavy per cent. for money to meet that instalment: which was very hard on the poor settlers who had their hands full in trying to live, and clearing land so that they could live. But it was done: and it has kept many back by trying to meet that borrowed money, and others by their moving where they would have to begin again: that is what has scattered the colored people away from here. There are now
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about three hundred,--there were three times as many. Some went where they got grants of fifty acres for settling.

The young men growing up here have not so much knowledge as desirable, as there were no schools here when they were growing up. Now it is different, and many send their children. The teachers generally have not the feelings in regard to slavery that we have. It would be well to have the young taught, that they should improve themselves as a means of elevating their race. When my children get old enough to read, I intend to instruct them about slavery, and get books to show them what we have been through, and fit them for a good example.

My mother was sold away from me, when I was about eleven years old. In escaping, I sailed over two hundred miles on the sea in an open boat with my father, a day without eating, and ten days without drinking. One night we were near being lost in a storm. We put in to get water and were taken: but we made out to clear ourselves.

The colored people in the Queen's Bush, are doing pretty well--they have many drawbacks: as they can keep no books nor accounts, they are liable to be over-reached--and are overreached sometimes.
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JOHN LITTLE.

[The hero of the following narrative is much respected, wherever he is known--in Canada West. And in that country of good farms, Mr. Little's is one of the best, and among the best managed.]

I have been bought and sold by several masters. I was born in N. C., Hertford Co., nigh Murfreesboro': I lived there more than twenty years. My first master, was just a reasonable man for a slaveholder. As slaveholders go, he used his people very well. He had but seven,--my mother and her six children; of the children, I was the oldest. I was never sent to school a day in my life, and never knew a letter until quite late in life. I was not allowed to go to meeting. My business on Sundays was looking after the mules and hogs, and amusing myself with running hares and fishing.

My master broke down, and I was taken by the sheriff, and sold at public auction in Murfreesboro'. I felt miserably bad to be separated from my mother and brothers and sisters. They too felt miserably about it, especially my poor old mother, who ran all about among the neighbors trying to persuade one and another to buy me; which none of them would promise to do, expecting the traders to give more. This she did on Sundays: week-days, she had to work on the farm.

Finally I was sold to a man in the same county, about ten miles from the first place. He abused me like a dog--worse than a dog,--not because I did any thing wrong, but because I was a "nigger." My blood boils to think about him, let me be where I will. It do n't seem to me that even upon the Lord's day, and now I know that there is a hereafter, it would be a sin before God to shoot him, if he were here, he was so
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bad: he so abused me,--he, a wise man,--abused me because I was a fool,--not naturally, but made so by him and others under the slave laws. That is God's truth, that I was inhumanly abused.

At the time of this sale I was about twenty-three, but being a slave, I did not know my age; I did not know any thing. He came and said to me, "Well, boy, do you know who's bought you?" I answered, "I do not, sir." "Well," he said, "I've bought you: do you know me?" I told him "I did." "I have bought you, and I'll give you a pass (for there a colored man cannot go without a pass even from an auction,) to go to my farm; go down there, to the overseer, and he 'll tell you what to do." I went on Sunday morning, the day after the sale, and delivered myself up. Said he, "Go down there to the quarters, with the rest of the niggers, and to-morrow I'll tell you what to do. When I got down there I found about seventy men, women, and children. They told me Mr. E--was a hard man, and what I had better do to avoid the lash. They do that among themselves any time. It was in the winter time, and when the horn sounded for us to rise, we were allowed fifteen minutes to get to the overseer's house about a quarter of a mile off. I wish he were here now to hear me tell it, to see whether it 's the truth,--I could look right in his face the whole time. Breakfast was not even talked about. We were dismissed from work at different hours, but never till after dark. Then we would go to our cabins, and get up our little fires, and cook, or half cook, our victuals. What we did not eat that night, we put into little old baskets that we made ourselves, and put it handy, so that when the horn sounded, we could take it and clear to the overseer's. This provision served us all the next day.
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We usually ate it at the time the horses ate. We were not allowed to eat during work, under penalty of fifty lashes. That was the law laid down by the master to the overseer. We had to plan and lay schemes of our own to get a bite. "A nigger could always find time to eat and smoke and shuffle about, and so he would n't allow it to us. He would n't have his work hindered by eating." I do n't put the blame of cruelty on the overseer: I put it on the master who could prohibit it, if he would. No man ought to take the place of overseer,--I blame the scoundrel who takes the office; but if he does take it, he must obey orders.

After being there three weeks, I wanted to go back to see my mother who was broken-hearted at the loss of her children. It seemed as if the evil one had fixed it so,--for then two daughters were taken and carried off to Georgia. She had been sold before for the fellow's debts,--sold close by at private sale. I asked leave of my master Saturday night. I went to him, pulled off my hat, and asked him, if he would please give me a pass to go and see my mother, and I would come back Sunday evening. "No! I do n't allow my niggers to run about Sundays, gawking about; I want you to-morrow to look after the mules and the horses along with the rest of the niggers." He was the greatest gentleman in that neighborhood. The white men all looked up to him. He was what is called a "nigger-breaker." If any one had a stubborn slave, that they could n't bend just as they wanted to, they would hire him to S--E--for a year. I have known them to be sent from as much as fifty miles, to be broke, because he had so much cruelty: he was a hard-hearted, overbearing scoundrel: the cries and groans of a suffering person, even if ready to die, no more affected him,
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than they would one of my oxen in the field yonder. This I have seen and known, and partly endured in my own person.

His refusing the pass, naturally made me a little stubborn: I was a man as well as himself. I started and went without the pass, and returned on Sunday evening, after dark. Nothing was said until Monday morning,--then we went to the overseer, and were all told to go to the gin-house. As soon as I got there, the overseer and two colored men laid right hold of me, and tied me fast to an apple-tree with some of the baling-rope, and then sent for the master. He came,--"Well, Sir, I suppose you think you are a great gentleman." I thought, as they had me tied, I would try to beg off as well as I could, knowing that sauciness would not make it any better for me. "I suppose," he went on, "you think you can come and go whenever you please." I told him "No: I wanted to see my mother very bad, and so I ran over there and came back as I told you." Said he, "I am your master, and you shall obey me, let my orders be what they may." I knew that as well as he, but I knew that it was devilishness, that he would n't give me a pass. He bade the overseer hit me five hundred lashes,-- five hundred lashes he bade the overseer hit me! Men have received them down south, this morning since the sun rose. The overseer ordered two slaves to undress me, which they did: they turned my shirt over my head which blind-folded me. I could not see who put on the blows, but I knew. It was not the master,--he was too much of a gentleman: but he had a plenty of dogs to set on. What I tell you now, I would tell at the judgment, if I were required. 'T is n't he who has stood and looked on, that can tell you what slavery is,--'t is he who has endured.
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I was a slave long enough, and have tasted it all. I was black, but I had the feelings of a man as well as any man.

The master then marked on me with his cane where the overseer was to begin, and said, "Whip him from there down." Then the overseer went at it, the master counting aloud. He struck me a hundred lashes right off before he stopped. It hurt me horribly, but after the first hundred, sensation seemed to be beaten out of my flesh. After the first hundred, the master said, "Now, you cursed, infernal son of a b--, your running about will spoil all the rest of my niggers: I do n't want them to be running about, and you shan't be running about." I answered, "Master, I did n't mean any harm; I wanted to go and see my mother, and to get a shirt I left over there." He then struck me over my head twice with his cane, and told me to "hold my jaw." I said no more; but he told the overseer, "put it on to him again like the very devil." I felt worse on account of the blows with the cane than for the overseer's whipping: that's what makes me feel so towards him now. It poisons my mind to think about him. I do n't want to think about him. I was as much a man as my master. The overseer then went on with the bull whip. How many they put on, I do n't know, but I know that from the small of my back to the calves of my legs, they took the skin clear off, as you would skin beef. That's what they gave me that day--the next day, I had to have some more. One of the slaves then washed me with salt and water to take out the soreness. This almost put me into a fit. It brought the pain all back--the abominable scoundrel knew it would. Then I was taken up to the blacksmith's shop to be fettered: that was the way S--
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E--broke "niggers." His name sounded around there as if he had been Satan himself: the colored people were as afraid of him as they would be of a lion out in these bushes.

Iron rings were put about my ankles, and a short chain to the rings. I was given in charge to two slaves. Some may deny that the slaveholders are so bad, but I know it's true, and God knows it's true. A stranger may go there, and they are not such fools as to put such punishment on a man before him. If he is going to do that, he will send him over the fields out of the way, and while they are enjoying themselves in the house, the slave is suffering under the whip. A regular slaveholder has got no conscience. A slaveholder knows the difference between a northerner and a southerner. If a man came from any other part, he never saw me in irons. G--L--might have seen me, or L--K--, or any other slaveholder might come and see it, and hold a council over it, and blackguard me for it: "Boy, what have you got that on you for? That shows a d--d bad nigger: if you war n't a bad nigger you would n't have them on."

The two slaves took me in charge, with orders to kill me if I tried to escape. At night, my feet were made fast in the stocks, without removing the irons. The stocks were of wood with grooves for the ancles, over which laid an iron bar. I could lie on my back, but could not turn. The next morning, I was taken to the gin-house to receive fifty blows with the bucking-paddle. This was my master's order. I received three blows, and then fainted. When I came to, only one slave was with me, who took me to the field to work,--but I was in so bad state that I could not work that day, nor much for a week. After doing
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a hard day's work in the fetters which had now worn to the bone, for they would get wet with dew in the morning, and then sand would work in, I was placed in the stocks--my ankles sore, bleeding, and corrupted. I wished I could die, but could not.

At the end of three months, he found I was too stubborn for him to subdue. He took off the fetters from my ankles, put me in handcuffs, and sent me to Norfolk jail, to be shipped for New Orleans. But when I arrived, the time that niggers were allowed to be shipped to New Orleans was out, and the last boat for that spring had sailed. After two weeks, I had the measles. My master was written to, but neither came nor sent any answer. As the traders were coming there with slaves, the turnkey put me into the kitchen to avoid contagion. I soon got better,--the turnkey said, "You are well now, and must be lonesome,--I'll put you in with the rest in a day or two." I determined to escape if I could.

At night I took a shelf down and put it against the inclosure of the yard, and climbed to the top, which was armed with sharp spikes, fourteen inches long, and, risking my life, I got over the spikes. Just as I had done this, the nine o'clock bell rung the signal for the patrols. I fell on the outside and made for the river, where I found a skiff loaded with wood. I threw over half a cord in a hurry, and pushed off for the opposite shore, to go back into the neighborhood of my old place, hoping, by dodging in the bush, to tire out my master's patience, and induce him to sell me running. I knew nothing about the North then--I did not know but the northerners were as bad as the southerners. I supposed a white man would be my enemy, let me see him where I would. Some of the neighbors there
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would have bought me, but he refused to sell me in the neighborhood, being ashamed to sell there a slave whom he could not break. He gave up first, but I was the worse beaten. I was as big-hearted as he was: he did not like to give up, and I would not give in--I made up my mind that if he would find whips, I would find back.

Having lightened the skiff, I paddled across, and went back to North Carolina to my mother's door. I ran about there in the bush, and was dodging here and there in the woods two years. I ate their pigs and chickens--I did not spare them. I knew how to dress them, and did not suffer for want of food. This would not have taken place had my master complied with my reasonable request for a pass, after I had done my work well, without any fault being found with it. But when I found out by that, and by his cruel punishment, that he was a devil, I did not care what I did do. I meant he should kill me or sell me.

My master did not advertise me when he got the news of my escape, saying it was their loss, as I was placed in their charge. He sued, but was beaten. After this he advertised for me, offering fifty dollars for my capture, dead or alive. A free-born colored man, whom I had known, betrayed me. Some poor white fellows offered him ten dollars if he would find out where I was. He put them on my track. At ten one morning, they found me lying down asleep. I partially aroused, and heard one say, "Do n't shoot: it may be somebody else lying down drunk." I arose with my face towards them: there were six young white men armed with guns. I wheeled, and ran; they cried out, "Stop, or I'll shoot you." One of them, a real youngster, hit me, firing first; the others fired, and said they shot their
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best, but did not hit. A bullet and a buckshot entered my right thigh; the shot came out, but the bullet went to the bone, and is there yet. It injured a sinew, so that my foot hurts me to this day, when I walk. I ran about a quarter of a mile, then my foot all at once gave out, and I fell. They came up with dirks, threatening me with instant death, if I even winked my eye towards molesting them. They took me in a cart, and put me into the county jail. All that night I lay wishing they had shot me dead. I did not want to face that hyena again. But he was as afraid of me as I was of him. He would not have me, he said, come on his farm again. He kept me in jail until a slave-driver came from Western Tennessee--he took me out to Tennessee, to hire out or sell--any thing to get rid of me. I was hired out to T--R--, in Jackson, Madison Co., two years. I did very well; the man who hired me was a pretty fair sort of a man for a slaveholder. During the two years I became satisfied with my condition, and, in about a year after, married a young woman, belonging to T--N--: she is living with me yet.

About nine months after our marriage, I was, on a sudden, without suspecting any thing, jerked right up and put in jail again to be sold. I was taken by a driver to Memphis, and put into the hands of a planter, who was to sell me when he got an opportunity. In about two weeks, when I had got rested, I started to go back to see my wife; but I got taken up on the course, and was put in jail. The people asked me where I was going. I told them the truth, "To Jackson." I've been into pretty much all the jails round there. It seems to me wonderful, when I have known men to be killed without doing so much, or going through so
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much as I have, that I should be spared. It is only by the mercy of God that I have escaped so many dangers. I have known men to be killed by less accidents,--but I was spared, although I have the marks of many wounds and bruises.

In jail they fettered my ankles again. There was a black man in the room with me, who was caught under the same circumstances as myself--going to see his wife, as a man has a right to do. I was very muscular and smart, but he was stouter than I. We broke through the top of the jail at night--the shingles cracking gave the alarm. My friend was scared, and did not dare fall: but I did not care what befell me, and I rolled off to the ground, without having time to use strips of bedclothes which we had prepared. I was chained, and could not spring to save myself: it was a hard fall, but I was not quite stunned. I should not have got off, but that my pursuers bothered each other. They first started for the roof, and finding we were outside, the jailer cried, "Go outside! do n't let 'em come down! do n't let 'em come down!" His wife, hearing this, thought we were coming down stairs, and secured the door. While they were breaking out, I crept on my hands and knees about two hundred yards, to a creek, which I crept over in the same way. Then I looked around, and saw the jailer on the top of the jail with a light, looking for me, not thinking I could get down chained. He called, "John! John! where are you? If you do n't answer me, you son of a b--h, I'll kill you when I get you." A neighbor crossed over, and asked, "What is the matter?" He answered, "The d--d niggers are breaking out of jail." I heard this distinctly on the other side of the creek, where I sat listening, to hear what course they would take. As I
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crept, I had to spread my feet to keep my chain from rattling--a child could have taken me chained as I was. In a few minutes the whole village was in an uproar. I heard the jailer tell some one to go to a man that kept dogs, and "tell him to come in a minute--I want him to run a nigger." I then crept: I could creep faster than I could run. From what I had told my captors, they thought I had gone to Jackson, and so failed of finding my track.

I did not know where I was, nor which way to go. I found a road, and wandered along in that. When my hands and knees got cold with creeping, I would get up and shuffle along with my chain. At daybreak, as the Lord would have it, I came to a blacksmith's shop. No one was there. I went in and felt among the tools in the dark, and found a great new rasp. I took the rasp along with me, and crept on to find a bush, and wait for daylight. As soon as I could see to do it, I cut my feet loose. I would give fifty dollars if I had the irons here that I've been abused in, to show people who say they do n't believe such things--who say that men are not so abused. I would like to show them the irons and the paddles and the whips and the stocks that I have worn on me and been punished with. I would n't take fifty dollars of the best British gold that ever was laid out to me, if I could have them here to show people how I have suffered in the United States: and I should like to have them here who ordered the blows and fastened the irons, to see how they would look while I was telling of it.

At about 8 o'clock in the morning, my feet were free. I had had nothing to eat since noon the day before. I wandered through the woods all day, eating acorns, and trying to find the route for Jackson. I meant to
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get there: nothing would have stopped me but death. I was not going to have another man send me round the country just where he liked. That night I got the course for Jackson; and after walking an hour, I entered a barn-yard and found among the harness a bridle. I was barefooted, and bareheaded--had nothing on but my shirt and pantaloons,--all else I had taken off to get through the roof the jail. I then walked into the stable, and found what appeared to be a gentleman's riding-horse--and a better nag I never laid leg across. He took me in three hours further than he ever took anybody else in six, I think. When I got to Jackson, I turned the horse loose in the street: he wandered about a while, but the owner got him at last. When he sees that, he will know who borrowed his horse, and if he will send in his bill, I will settle it. I have plenty of land and plenty of money to pay off all debts, and if some of my old friends would come this way, I would pay off some other old scores--that are on my back.

At Jackson, I saw my wife: she had been bought by F--T--, a regular negro-trader--one of the biggest dogs in the bone-yard. He said he would buy me running if he could, but no one was to be told where I was, as he wished to buy me cheap. He wrote to my master that he had bought my wife, and that I was dodging about the place: that he did n't want me about among his "niggers,"--but that if he would sell me, he would catch me if he could,--if not, he would shoot me. The answer was, that my master would sell me for eight hundred dollars. T--paid the money and took possession of me. He put me on his farm. He was overbearing--his overseer was more so. He was one of those who, when they get a "nigger," must whip him, right or wrong, just to let him know "that he is a
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'nigger.'" No fault was found with my work. He looked sharp to try to find some way to get at me. At last he found a way to do it--an excuse to whip me,--it was in this way: one day he heard me speak something to one of the hands; it was some of our nonsense, of no consequence whatever. But he was itching for an excuse to flog me, and now he had got one--for it was a rule that there should be no talk on work hours, except about the work. My master having heard that I was an old runaway, and had given trouble to my master, had cautioned the overseer not to bear down very hard upon me until I had got habituated to the place and the ways. The overseer went to the master and said it would never do to excuse that "nigger;" for if he talked the rest would stand and hear it; he should either whip me or take me off the place. Master told him, and was overheard to say it, that if I would not obey him, he might take me down and give me three hundred with the paddle. The overseer made up his mind to give me the punishment on the next evening. When I had got through work, I went home, tired and hungry--my wife met me at the door, laid her hand on my arm, "John, three hundred for you this evening with the paddle!" That news filled my stomach very quick,--it stopped my hunger, but made me feel thirsty for blood. I swore that I would not leave the quarters until I was killed, or had killed any man; master, overseer, or slave, who might come to take me. But as it happened, a gentleman from New Orleans came to see my master that night, and so the punishment was postponed. If this was done for a southerner, how could a northerner expect to see any punishment? That visit was what prevented my killing a man, and being killed for it that night: for I
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had a good sharp axe, and I know I should have used it. I waited some time for them to come,--but as they did not, my temper cooled down, and I concluded to take to the bush.

I had heard that if I could get into Ohio, and manage to stay there one year, I would, after that, be a free man. I intended to wait for my wife to get smart, she being sick at the time. I went into the woods, and once more took to living on chickens and geese, which I understood very well. In about two weeks I went for my wife. Another man had agreed to come with us: but he was weak enough to advise with a friend about it, and the friend turned traitor and told his master. They are just the same as white men. I have found out since I have been in Canada, that 't is not the skin that makes a man mean. Some of them will betray another to curry favor with the master, or to get a new coat, or two or three dollars, and I have noticed the same mean spirit among white men. But there are others who would die sooner than betray a friend.

I bade my wife get ready for a start on the next night, and then I took to the bush again. Meanwhile, the traitor slipped to our master, and asked him if he knew that three of the negroes were going to run away. He told him "No--which three?" He named us. "Where are they going to?" "Ohio State." This aroused my master: he went to the quarters, tied the man, and tied my wife, and took them to a swamp. There they uncovered my wife, and compelled a girl to whip her with the paddle to make her tell where I was. It so stirred me with indignation to think they should so foully abuse my wife, that I could have run a dagger through their hearts and not thought it wrong: nor have I yet got so far enlightened as to feel very differently
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about it now. She could not tell him, for she did not know. The man also was punished, and put in irons. They had no irons to fit her, and sent to the blacksmith's shop to get some made: and had it not been for some craft on her part that night, I should never have got her away. Old Billy, with whom we were usually left, was the blacksmith; and while he was going to make the irons, she was left with a younger man who was a stupid sort of a fellow. It was then nearly noon, and she had had no food for the day. She was then at the quarters. She said to one of the girls, "Maria, you go to the turnip-patch, and get some salad, and I'll go to the spring, get some water, and put on the meat." She expected the fellow would stop her, but he did not. She carried the pail to the spring, about a quarter of a mile, then dropped it, and made for the bush. It was a down-hill way at first, but by and by, there was a rise and then they saw her. Out came master, overseer, and many slaves, in full run to catch her: but she was now nearly half a mile ahead, and ran very fast. She got into the woods which were very thick. Master then ordered a halt,--he had found from the other slaves that I had a pistol, powder, and ball. I had, indeed, and would have used it, rather than they should take me or her. But I was in another place at the time.

I had appointed a place where she was to come to meet me: when I went she was not there. I then drew near the house to ascertain what had happened, and heard a loud laughing and talking in my cabin. I tried to hear what it was about. I heard one of them say, "Lord, how she did run across that field! ha! ha! ha!" She had baked cakes for our journey, and they were making merry over the flour cakes. Presently, I saw a
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colored man, and whistled to him. He came up, and I learned what had happened, and that all were then out on a hunt for me, being stimulated by a promised reward of ten dollars. All this set me into a tremble; I turned back, and went to the place I had appointed. She was near by, saw me and ran to me, and so we were together once more. We then walked nine miles northwardly to a little village where I had put up my clothes. The man who betrayed us had told our route. I got the things and went to the barn close by: then my wife was exhausted, and fell on the barn-floor. I had a strong constitution, and could travel all the time; but she was so fatigued from the flogging, and the race, and the long walk, that she fell on the barn-floor. I returned to the house, and then walked to a tavern stable, to hook three or four blankets to keep us warm on our way north. If this was wrong, it was taught me by the rascality of my master.

While at the tavern stable, I heard the dog bark at the house I had left; I gathered three blankets and bolted for the barn, expecting the scoundrels would be pursuing my wife. I saw a candle burning bright in the house, and moving from room to room. That frightened me: I seized and shook her,--"wife! wife! master is coming!"--but I could not awaken her. I gathered her up, put her across my shoulder manfully, jumped the fence, and ran with my burden about a quarter of a mile. My heart beat like a drum, from the thought that they were pursuing us. But my strength at last gave out, and I laid her down under a fence, but she did not awaken. I then crept back to the house to see who was there and to get my things. The light I had seen now came down stairs, and moved towards
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the barn. I was so near that I saw the overseer and six slaves, armed, searching for me.

Oh my soul! it makes my hair stand up to think how near we were to getting caught, and carried back, to be abused and maltreated unreasonably, and without cause.

I was within five rods of them when they went into the barn. They searched it thoroughly, as I saw between the rails of a fence. "Oh you rascals!" I thought, "you 're defeated now!"--but 't was a close run and a narrow chance. When they left the barn, I kept watch of them. They returned the candle to the house, then walked the way they had come, to the place where they had left their mules. They stayed there about a half an hour. I still kept watch of them. I wanted to get my things, but I was wise enough to know that every time a slaveholder is out of sight, he is n't gone; every time his eye is shut, he is not asleep. They then returned toward the house; as they moved, I moved, keeping the same distance from them. When they were within about ten rods of the house, they crouched down in readiness to shoot me when I might approach the house. They had rendered me desperate by their devilment, and knew I would fight: they would not dare take me without shooting me first. I watched them, and they watched for me, until the cocks crowed for morning. It would not do for me to remain any longer to get my clothes and provisions. I went back to the place where I had left my wife; she was then easily awakened, and we hied to the woods to conceal ourselves for the day. We had no provisions but a raw ham. We dared not make a fire to broil it, so we ate of it raw; like a dog. At night, between sunset and
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dark, I went back to the house in the village--at the door I saw a person with our things. They gave them to me, and bade me God-speed, and that, if ever I was taken, not to betray them. I then put forth, and, with my wife, reached Canada. God save the Queen!

From Jackson to the Ohio River was called one hundred and forty miles,--crossed the river to Cairo; then we footed through Illinois to Chicago; all the way we lay by days, and travelled nights. I forgot the name of that city, and wandered out of the way, and got to a river. It was the Mississippi, but I did not know it. We crossed into Black Hawk territory. There I was so lost and bewildered, that I had at last to go up to a house to inquire the way. I found there a man with true abolition principles, who told us the route. He said a man and his wife had been carried back to slavery from that neighborhood. He did not take us across the river, but we found a way over. Then we walked on,--my wife was completely worn out: it was three months from the time we left home before we slept in a house. We were in the woods, ignorant of the roads, and losing our way. At one time we came to a guideboard, which said "5 miles to Parks's Landing." I had learned to spell out print a little. This was Sunday night. I took the direction I wanted to travel as near as I could, and we went on. On Wednesday afternoon we came back to the same guide-board--"5 miles to Parks's Landing." Many such roundabout cruises we made, wearing ourselves out without advancing: this was what kept us so long in the wilderness and in suffering. I had suffered so much from white men, that I had no confidence in them, and determined to push myself through without their help. Yet I had to ask at last, and met with a friend instead of an enemy. At
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Chicago money was made up to help me on, and I took passage for Detroit, and then crossed to Windsor, in Canada. That was the first time I set my foot on free soil.

Work was dull among the French at Windsor. We stayed there about six months. We heard of the Queen's Bush, where any people might go and settle, colored or poor, and might have a reasonable chance to pay for the land. We set out to find the Queen's Bush--went to Buffalo--thence to Black Rock--thence to St. Catharines, and there I got straight instructions. We had not a second suit of clothes apiece; we had one bedquilt and one blanket, and eighteen dollars in money. I bought two axes in Hamilton, one for myself, and one for my wife; half a dozen plates, knives and forks, an iron pot, and a Dutch oven: that's all for tools and furniture. For provisions I bought fifty weight of flour, and twenty pounds of pork. Then we marched right into the wilderness, where there were thousands of acres of woods which the chain had never run round since Adam. At night we made a fire, and cut down a tree, and put up some slats like a wigwam. This was in February, when the snow was two feet deep. It was about fourteen years ago. We made our bed of cedar boughs from a swamp. Thus we travelled three or four days, seeing plenty of deer: wolves, as plenty as sheep are now, were howling about us, and bears were numerous.

At last I came to a place where I judged, from the timber, the land was good--and so it proved. My nearest neighbor was two miles off. I felt thankful that I had got into a place where I could not see the face of a white man. For something like five or six years, I felt suspicious when I saw a white man, thinking he
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was prying round to take some advantage. This was because I had been so bedevilled and harassed by them. At length that feeling wore off through kindness that I received from some here, and from abolitionists, who came over from the States to instruct us, and I felt that it was not the white man I should dislike, but the mean spirit which is in some men, whether white or black. I am sensible of that now.

The settlers were to take as much land as they pleased, when it should be surveyed, at various prices, according to quality. Mine was the highest price, as I had taken of the best land. It was three dollars seventy-cents an acre. I took a hundred acres at first, and then bought in fifty.

Myself and wife built us here a little log hut amid the snow. We made it ourselves, shouldering the logs to bring up to the place. We went to the cedar swamp, and split out boards for the roof. We had plenty of firewood, which served instead of blankets. Wolves, any quantity, were howling about us constantly, night and day--big, savage wolves, which alarmed the people. Some men carrying meat, were chased by them. Isaac Johnson was obliged to take up a tree. We got used to them on our way here, and did not fear them at all. In the spring, plenty of bears came about us after sheep and hogs. One day my wife and I were walking out, and we saw four bears in the cherry-trees eating the fruit. My wife went for my gun, called some neighbors, and we killed all four. Now the wolves are all gone, and the deer and the bears are scarce. There are idle men enough about here, colored and white, to drive them away, when they had better be chopping and clearing land.

We went to chopping, day and night; there was no
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delay; we logged the trunks with our own hands, without cattle, or horses, or help,--all with our own hands, and burned them. I raised that year one hundred and ten bushels of spring wheat, and three hundred bushels of potatoes on land which we had cleared ourselves, and cultivated without plough or drag. All was done with the hoe and hand-rake. This I can prove by my nearest neighbors. I got the seed on credit of some Dutchmen in the towns, by promising to work for them in harvest. They put their own price on the seed, and on my labor.

In the next winter we went to clearing again. My wife worked right along with me: I did not realize it then, for we were raised slaves, the women accustomed to work, and undoubtedly the same spirit comes with us here: I did not realize it then; but now I see that she was a brave woman. I thank God that freedom has never overweighted us: some it has, but I have worked to support it, and not to discourage it. I thought I ought to take hold and work and go ahead, to show to others that there is a chance for the colored man in Canada; to show the spirit of a man, and a desire to improve his condition. As it is so often said by slaveholders, that if the "niggers" were free, and put in a place where they would be together they would starve to death, I wanted to show to the contrary. I have one hundred and fifty acres of land: one hundred and ten of it cleared, and under good cultivation: two span of horses, a yoke of oxen, ten milch cows and young cattle, twenty head of hogs, forty head of sheep; I have two wagons, two ploughs, and two drags. I would like to show this to that everlasting scoundrel, E--, my former master, and tell him, "All this I would have done for you cheerfully, and thought myself at home,
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and felt happy in doing it, if you would have let me: but I am glad that you scarred and abused me, as it has given to myself and my family the fruits of my own labor." I would like to show it to those stout, able men, who, while they might be independent here, remain in the towns as waiters, blacking boots, cleaning houses, and driving coaches for men, who scarcely allow them enough for a living. To them I say, go into the backwoods of Queen Victoria's dominions, and you can secure an independent support. I am the man who has proved it; never man came into an unsettled country with lesser means to begin with. Some say, you cannot live in the woods without a year's provisions,--but this is not so: I have come here and proved to the contrary. I have hired myself out two days to get things to work on at home one. If there is a man in the free States who says the colored people cannot take care of themselves, I want him to come here and see John Little. There is no white blood in me; not a drop. My mother's father was imported from Africa, and both my grandparents on the father's side were also imported. I can prove to him that every thing which was due on the land is paid; that I raised seven hundred bushels of wheat last year, two hundred bushels of potatoes, one hundred bushels of peas, two hundred and fifty bushels of oats, ten tons of hay; fattened fifteen hundred weight of pork, one ox, besides other produce of less consequence. I have now growing fifty acres of wheat, eighteen acres of oats, ten of peas, one acre of potatoes, and twenty acres of meadow grass: I have horses, oxen, cows, hogs, sheep, and poultry in abundance. The man who was "a bad nigger" in the South, is here a respected, independent farmer. I thank God that I am respected in this neighborhood by the best men the country
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can afford--can lend or borrow two thousand dollars any time I am asked, or choose to ask for it. I do n't say this for the sake of boasting--I say it to show that colored men can take care of themselves,--and to answer any who deny that Canada is a good country.

The " nigger" who was so "BAD" among Southerners, as to be scarred with whips, put in the stocks, chained at his work, with ankles sore from the irons, months together, legally shot and maimed for life by a boy who was too young to be trusted with a gun, sold into Tennessee, his character " bad," sent after him to debase him there, put in jail after jail, hunted by hounds--stands up here at the North, a man respectable and respected. I do n't ask any one to take my word for it, merely. Ask the people of Peel, Wellesley, Woolwich, and Waterloo--those are the places where I am known, and where they can get acquainted with my character; and I am willing it should be compared with that of any slaveholder whatever.

The abuse a man receives at the South is enough to drive every thing good from the mind. I sometimes felt such a spirit of vengeance, that I seriously meditated setting the house on fire at night, and killing all as they came out. I overcame the evil, and never got at it--but a little more punishment would have done it. I had been so bruised and wounded and beset, that I was out of patience. I had been separated from all my relatives, from every friend I had in the world, whipped and ironed till I was tired of it. On that night when I was threatened with the paddle again, I was fully determined to kill, even if I were to be hanged and, if it pleased God, sent to hell: I could bear no more. If any man thinks slavery a proper thing, let him go and be abused as I was for years in North Carolina,
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much of the time in agony from irons and whips and paddles--then let him be sold off a thousand miles into Tennessee, and begin to live it over again, and I think he would be tired of it too.

I want every man that has the heart of a man, to put down upon slavery with all his heart and soul,--because it is a curse--because it makes the feeling of dislike to color, leading the white to abuse a "nigger" because he is a "nigger," and the black to hate the white because he abuses him.

In making my escape, my main difficulty was in crossing the Ohio Bottoms, before reaching the river. The water was black and deep. I bound our packages on my wife's back, placed her on a log as a man rides on horseback, and I swam, pushing the log, holding it steady, to keep her up. Had the log turned right or left, she would have slipped off, and the packs would have sunk her. It would have been death, sure--but worse than death was behind us, and to avoid that we risked our lives. When we had crossed one, we would presently come on another, and had to go through the same again. By and by, I would think, this must be the last,--but when we had crossed this, and gone over some little island, there would be another. Oh dear! it seems as if I could see it now,--I almost repented I had started, but on I went. There was another and another--good swimming creeks: but when I had crossed the last one, my spirits rose again--my heart cheered up, and I thought I could go through all.

After we had got to a place where we intended to pass the night, I would leave my wife, and go and look all around, to see if there was any white man. I was like an old hunting dog, who, when he has treed a coon, will not believe his eyes, but goes scenting about to see
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if the track has left the tree: if not, he will come back, look at the coon, bark, and then scent again.

I was hunted like a wolf in the mountains, all the way to Canada. In three months I had to go to many places to steal our food. I would have asked for it, but if I did, it was, "Where is your pass?" To avoid this meanness, and the risk of capture, I was obliged to look out for myself, and I made good use of my time. One night, on entering a dairy near a farm-house, the door creaked, and an old man called out, "Sa-a-l!" But I took some cakes, and Sal made no answer.

When I was travelling in the North, I found that men worked days, and slept nights without fear, because they were honest. At the South they do not have this comfort. The overseer watches through the day, and the master is on the look-out in the night. I know this, for many times, after my hard day's work, being but half fed, I went out to steal a chicken, or a goose, or a pig, as all slaves have to do,--at night, if the dog barked sharp, I would see master at the window with a gun. Sometimes the window would fly up--"who 's that?"--then the man must give an account of himself. They are doing wrong in robbing the slaves, and so they are uneasy nights. When I first got into the North, and heard a dog at night, I would dodge away from the house, expecting to see the man of the house start out with a musket, as I had down south: but I was much astonished to find that they let a dog's bark go for what it was worth. I saw then the difference between free labor and slave labor: the northern man labors in the day, and sleeps soundly all night. He does not spend his day in laying deep schemes to whip a "nigger's" back, and then start up at night, in unexpected places, like a ghost.
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One night, in Tennessee, my master heard a dog bark; he started up and ran out in his shirt, like a madman, to the quarters. When he got there, he called to us by name, saying some one had gone up to the house to see his girls--two slave girls he kept at the house. Every man was in his own cabin, but one old man of sixty, who was out getting a little wood. He accused him of going up to the great house to trouble his people: the old man begged off, and finally was excused.

How can men, who know they are abusing others all the day, lie down and sleep quietly at night, with big barns of corn, and gin-houses full of cotton, when they know that men feel revengeful, and might burn their property, or even kill them? Even now the thought of my cruel abuses begins sometimes to creep up and kindle my feelings, until I feel unhappy in my own house, and it seems as if the devil was getting the better of me; I feel, then, that I could destroy that tyrant, who, knowing that I was a man, cut me with a whip in a manner worse than I will name. Then I think, "What is the use? here I am, a free man in Canada, and out of his power." Yet I feel the stirrings of revenge. I know that thousands at the South feel the same, for we have counselled upon it; the slaveholders know this--how will they sleep nights? The slaveholder IS afraid of his slaves: it cannot be otherwise. Some have been round the borders of slavery, and seen a little of the edges of it, and they think they know a great deal about it, but they are mistaken. I have been in slavery, and know its worst is hid from them. They have all the laws and customs of the country in their favor, and yet they find something to grumble about: how then can they expect the slaves, whose feelings are
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wretched, even when they are best used, can be happy and contented? They say the slaves are happy, because they laugh, and are merry. I myself, and three or four others, have received two hundred lashes in the day, and had our feet in fetters: yet, at night, we would sing and dance, and make others laugh at the rattling of our chains. Happy men we must have been! We did it to keep down trouble, and to keep our hearts from being completely broken: that is as true as gospel! Just look at it,--consider upon it,--must not we have been very happy? Yet I have done it myself--I have cut capers in chains!

MRS. JOHN LITTLE.

I was born in Petersburg, Va. When very young, I was taken to Montgomery county. My old master died there, and I remember that all the people were sold. My father and mother were sold together about one mile from me. After a year, they were sold a great distance, and I saw them no more. My mother came to me before she went away, and said, "Good by, be a good girl; I never expect to see you any more."

Then I belonged to Mr. T--N--, the son of my old master. He was pretty good, but his wife, my mistress, beat me like sixty. Here are three scars on my right hand and arm, and one on my forehead, all from wounds inflicted with a broken china plate. My cousin, a man, broke the plate in two pieces, and she said, "Let me see that plate." I handed up the pieces to her, and she threw them down on me: they cut four
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gashes, and I bled like a butcher. One piece cut into the sinew of the thumb, and made a great knot permanently. The wound had to be sewed up. This long scar over my right eye, was from a blow with a stick of wood. One day she knocked me lifeless with a pair of tongs,--when I came to, she was holding me up, through fright. Some of the neighbors said to her, "Why do n't you learn Eliza to sew?" She answered, "I only want to learn her to do my housework, that's all." I can tell figures when I see them, but cannot read or write.

I belonged to them until I got married at the age of sixteen, to Mr. John Little, of Jackson. My master sold me for debt,--he was a man that would drink, and he had to sell me. I was sold to F--T--, a planter and slave-trader, who soon after, at my persuasion, bought Mr. Little.

I was employed in hoeing cotton, a new employment: my hands were badly blistered. "Oh, you must be a great lady," said the overseer, "can't handle the hoe without blistering your hands!" I told him I could not help it. My hands got hard, but I could not stand the sun. The hot sun made me so sick I could not work, and, John says if I had not come away, they would surely have sold me again. There was one weakly woman named Susan, who could not stand the work, and she was sold to Mississippi, away from her husband and son. That's one way of taking care of the sick and weak. That's the way the planters do with a weakly, sickly "nigger,"--they say "he's a dead expense to 'em," and put him off as soon as they can. After Susan was carried off, her husband went to see her: when he came back he received two hundred blows with the paddle.
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I staid with T--more than a year. A little before I came away, I heard that master was going to give my husband three hundred blows with the paddle. He came home one night with an axe on his shoulder, tired with chopping timber. I had his clothes all packed up, for I knew he would have to go. He came hungry, calculating on his supper,--I told him what was going. I never heard him curse before--he cursed then. Said he, "If any man, white or black, lays his hand on me to-night, I'll put this axe clear through him--clear through him:" and he would have done it, and I would not have tried to hinder him. But there was a visitor at the house, and no one came: he ran away. Next morning, the overseer came for him. The master asked where he was; I could have told him, but would not. My husband came back no more.

When we had made arrangements for leaving, a slave told of us. Not long after, master called to me, "Come here, my girl, come here." I went to him: he tied me by the wrist with a rope. He said, "Oh, my girl, I do n't blame you,--you are young, and do n't know; it's that d--d infernal son of a--; if I had him here, I'd blow a ball through him this minute." But he was deceived about it: I had put John up to hurrying off.

Then master stood at the great house door, at a loss what to do. There he had Willis, who was to have run away with us, and the man who betrayed us. At last he took us all off about half a mile to a swamp, where old A--need not hear us as he was going to meeting, it being Sunday. He whipped Willis to make him tell where we were going. Willis said, "Ohio State." "What do you want to be free for?
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G--d--you, what do you know about freedom? Who was going with you?" "Only Jack." G--d--Jack to h--, and you too." While they were whipping Willis, he said, "Oh, master, I'll never run away." "I did n't ask you about that, you d--d son of a--, you." Then they tried to make him tell about a slave girl who had put her child aside: but he knew nothing about that. As soon as they had done whipping him, they put a plough clavis about his ankle to which they attached a chain which was secured about his neck with a horse-lock.

Then they took a rheumatic boy, who had stopped with us, whom I had charged not to tell. They whipped him with the paddle, but he said he was ignorant of it: he bore the whipping, and never betrayed us. Then they questioned him about the girl and the child, as if that boy could know any thing about it! Then came my turn; they whipped me in the same way they did the men. Oh, those slaveholders are a brutish set of people,--the master made a remark to the overseer about my shape. Before striking me, master questioned me about the girl. I denied all knowledge of the affair. I only knew that she had been with child, and that now she was not, but I did not tell them even that. I was ashamed of my situation, they remarking upon me. I had been brought up in the house, and was not used to such coarseness. Then he (master) asked, "Where is Jack?" "I don't know." Said he, "Give her h--, R--." That was his common word. Then they struck me several blows with the paddle. I kept on telling them it was of no use to whip me, as I knew nothing to tell them. No irons were ready for me, and I was put under a guard,--but I was too cunning for him, and joined my husband.
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My shoes gave out before many days,--then I wore my husband's old shoes till they were used up. Then we came on barefooted all the way to Chicago. My feet were blistered and sore and my ankles swollen; but I had to keep on. There was something behind me driving me on. At the first water we came to I was frightened, as I was not used to the water. It was a swift but shallow stream: my husband crossed over, and I was obliged to follow. At the Ohio Bottoms was a great difficulty,--the water was in some places very deep,--it was black, dirty water. I was scared all but to death: but I had become somewhat used to hardship. If I had seen a white face, I would have run into the river.

By and by, we succeeded in crossing the last one. Then we struck a light at a shingle-getter's shanty, made a fire with the clapboards and dried ourselves. We were merry over our success in getting so far along, and had a good laugh as we burned the boards and part of the shanty itself. I felt afraid at getting into a boat to cross the Ohio River: I had never been in any boat whatever. Now to get on this in the night, frightened me. "John," said I, "don't you think we 'll drown?" "I don't care if we do," said he. We reached Cairo well enough.

We never slept at the same time; while one slept, the other kept watch, day or night. Both of us never slept at one time,--if we had, we would not have reached Canada. One morning, as I was watching by a fire we had made, John sleeping, I saw a dog, and told John. Said he, "'t is some old white man hunting a hog,--however, we had better go from this fire." We went down into a valley and there remained. In the afternoon, an hour before sunset, a white man came
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suddenly upon us, while we were getting ready for a night's march. I started to run: John stood. The man said, "Stop, there!" But I kept on; his face was so white, that I wanted nothing to do with him. John said, "What did you say?" "Stop, there." John said, "I 'll do no such thing." Then hard language passed between them. The man said, "I 'll have a pack of hounds after you before night." John answered him with an oath to frighten him, "You had better do it, and be off yourself, or I 'll blow a ball through you." The man never had heard a negro swear at him before. They are generally so cowed down, that John's swearing at him, alarmed him more than a bullet from a white man. It showed that he was desperate,--and that was the only reason why he used such language. The man struck spurs to his horse, and went off in a hurry. We followed him, as he went the same way we were going, and kept as close to him as we could: for, if the man got hounds he would start them at the place where he had seen us; and coming back over the same route with hounds, horses, and men, would kill our track, and they could not take us. But we saw no more of the man.

Soon after dark, we came to a lake. We found an old white man there in a shanty, who was caring for a slave that had been shot by his master a few days before. We went in and saw him,--he was an old, gray-headed man. His master had threatened him with a flogging, and he took to the river: just as he reached the water, his master shot him behind. But he got across. He was wounded, and without hat or shoes. In this place we were informed about our route. It was in Kentucky.

While we were stopping at the shanty, a day or two,
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John went out one evening with the old man, to hunt for provisions. I went to bed. By and by the dogs barked; the door opened, and by the fire I saw five white men. One said, "Who you got here?" "Only my own family." I was afraid, and crept out slyly on my hands and knees, and hid behind an ash-barrel until they were gone.

In a few days we crossed the ferry. Then we went on, and were without provisions, except some corn, which we parched. We met here a runaway slave, who knew the route of the country above us. He was returning to his master, where he had a wife and children.

At Cairo, the gallinippers were so bad, we made a smoke to keep them off. Soon after I heard a bell ring. Said I, "John, somebody's dead." It was a steamboat bell tolling. Presently there she was, a great boat full of white men. We were right on the river's bank, and our fire sent the smoke straight up into the calm. We lay flat on the ground. John read the name--Maria. No one noticed us: after the boat was gone, we had a hearty laugh at our good luck. Thinking there was no more trouble, we did not put out our fire. Presently came a yawl boat: they saw our fire, and hailed, "Boat ashore! boat ashore! runaway niggers! runaway niggers!" We lay close, and the boat kept on. We put out our fire, and went further back from the river, but the musquitoes were so bad, we made another fire. But a man with a gun then came along, looking up into the trees. I scattered the fire to put it out, but it smoked so much the worse. We at last hid in a thicket of briers, where we were almost devoured by musquitoes, for want of a little smoke.

Next day I lay down to sleep, while John kept watch.
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When I awoke, I told him I had dreamed about a white cow, which still seemed a white woman, and that I feared we would be caught. We were in the woods, in a low, damp place, where there was no bit of a road, and we knew not where the road was. We started to find a road, and then met with a white woman. I reminded John of my dream. "Good evening, good evening," said she. My husband asked if she would sell him some bread: this was to make conversation, so he could inquire the road. "Oh yes, just come to my house, I'll give you some bread." We went to the house, and presently her husband came in. He asked, "Have you got free papers?" John answered, "No." "Where are you travelling to?" "To the upper lakes." "We are not allowed to let a colored man go through here without free papers: if we do, we are liable to a fine of forty dollars." He allowed us to remain all night,--but in the morning we were to go before a squire at Dorrety, and, if we were free, we would go on. This was the woman's arrangement: the man did not seem inclined to stop us. She said, "If we stop you, we shall get fifty dollars apiece for you: that's a--good--deal--of-- money,--you know." The man asked John if he had a pistol. John produced one. The man said 't was no harm, he would take care of it for him,--and locked it up. They lived in a little, dirty log hut: they took the bed off the bedstead, and lay down on it close to the door, so that it could not be opened without disturbing him. The man took a nice silver-mounted pistol from a cupboard, loaded it, and placed it where he could reach it in the night. We lay on the bedstead--they on the floor. She was the evil one: she had made the plans. Their name was Smith.

At about three o'clock in the morning, husband
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aroused me,--"I'm going away from here; I do n't value them, now other folks are asleep." We both got up. John spoke roughly, "Mr. Smith! Mr. Smith!" He aroused: "we are unwell, and must pass out,--we 'll be back very soon." Mr. Smith got up very readily, and pulled the bed away a little, so we could slip out. As John passed by the pistol, he put his hand on it, and took it in exchange for his old one. It is a beautiful rifle pistol, percussion lock,--John has been offered fifteen dollars for it. If the man will come here with John's old flint lock, my husband will exchange back, and give him boot. I am very sorry for my friend, Mrs. Smith, that she did not get the hundred dollars to go a shopping with in Dorrety--am much obliged to her for our night's lodging. We went across a small stream, and waited for daylight. Then we went on to Dorrety, and passed through the edge of it, without calling on the squire, as we had not time.

One Sunday morning, being on a prairie where we could see no house--about fifty miles west of Springfield--we ventured to travel by day. We encountered an animal, which we at first supposed to be a dog; but when he came near, we concluded it to be a wolf. He yelped something like a dog: he did not attack us. We went on and crossed a stream, and then we saw three large wood-wolves, sneaking around as if waiting for darkness. As we kept on, the three wolves kept in sight, now on one hand, and now on the other. I felt afraid, expecting they would attack us: but they left us. Afterward we made a fire with elder-stalks, and I undertook to make some corn bread. I got it mixed, and put it on the fire,--when I saw a party of men and boys on horseback, apparently approaching us. I put out the fire; they turned a little away, and did not appear
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to perceive us: I rekindled the fire, and baked our bread. John managed to keep us well supplied with pies and bread. We used to laugh to think how people would puzzle over who drank the milk and left the pitchers, and who hooked the dough.

I got to be quite hardy--quite used to water and bush-whacking; so that by the time I got to Canada, I could handle an axe, or hoe, or any thing. I felt proud to be able to do it--to help get cleared up, so that we could have a home, and plenty to live on. I now enjoy my life very well--I have nothing to complain of. We have horses and a pleasure-wagon, and I can ride out when and where I please, without a pass. The best of the merchants and clerks pay me as much attention as though I were a white woman: I am as politely accosted as any woman would wish to be.

I have lost two children by death; one little girl is all that is spared to me. She is but four years old. I intend to have her well educated, if the Lord lets us.
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CHATHAM.

"AT Chatham," said Mr. John Little, "the fugitives are as thick as blackbirds in a corn-field." Here, indeed, more fully than anywhere else, the traveller realizes the extent of the American exodus. At every turn, he meets members of the African race, single or in groups; he sees them building and painting houses, working in mills, engaged in every handicraft employment: here he notices a street occupied by colored shopkeepers and clerks: if he steps into the environs, he finds the blacks in every quarter, busy upon their gardens and farms.

The white population of Chatham is reckoned at four thousand: the number of colored persons in the town may be safely estimated at eight hundred. If to this estimate is added the number residing in the neighborhood, the total amount cannot be less than two thousand. A gentleman, holding an office in the town, and who, having been one of the earliest settlers, has seen the town grow up around him, remarked of the colored population, "They are as good a body of people as you can find anywhere:" and their general appearance, and attention to business confirm his opinion.

Among that portion of the whites who put a high value on their prejudices, and a lofty estimate on their own personal importance, there seems to be a dread
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that some terrible and unpardonable crime, termed "sauciness" may yet become rife among the blacks. A white farmer in the vicinity of Chatham, manifested in conversation a great dislike of the colored residents. His main objection to them seemed to be, that, on one occasion, as somebody had told him, four or five of them kept the side-walk, whereby a white woman was obliged to step off,--"that's the way 't is with 'em,--they'll get so saucy, by and by, that there'll be a rebellion." On mentioning this circumstance to a colored man, he answered, "I have had to step off fifty times for impudent white fellows,--but I do not blame all the whites for it: but if a colored man does any thing out of the way, his fault is tacked to the whole of us." And this is too much the case.

In another part of Canada, a white man expressed lively fears that the negroes would yet become "saucy." He explained this term as applicable to "language which would be well enough from a white man, but out of the way from a negro,--because a man won't take from one of them, what he would from a white man." "And why should he not?" "Why-- he won't."

In 1832, there were in Chatham, but two or three shops, and a few houses. The oldest deed on record is dated 1801. In 1837, two steamboats commenced plying to Detroit, one occasionally extending its trips to Buffalo. The facilities thus afforded to trade, proved highly conducive to the prosperity of the town: but Chatham "took its great start" in 1852, while the Great Western Railway was constructing. Colored people began to come in at the first settlement of the town: at present they are increasing in a greater ratio than the whites. They maintain separate churches,
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and attend a separate public school. This the writer visited, and found fifty pupils of both sexes in attendance under a colored teacher. A private school is taught by Mr. Alfred Whipper, a colored man. This school appeared to be in very good condition: fifty-eight colored pupils of both sexes were present.

It was in Chatham, that the writer first heard of the Associations called True Bands. A True Band had just been formed here, enrolling at first three hundred and seventy-five members, and it was continually receiving accessions of numbers. On inquiry, the following was furnished as an answer to the question, what is meant by a True Band?

A True Band is composed of colored persons of both sexes, associated for their own improvement. Its objects are manifold: mainly these:--the members are to take a general interest in each other's welfare; to pursue such plans and objects as may be for their mutual advantage; to improve all schools, and to induce their race to send their children into the schools; to break down all prejudice; to bring all churches as far as possible into one body, and not let minor differences divide them; to prevent litigation by referring all disputes among themselves to a committee; to stop the begging system entirely; (that is, going to the United States, and there by representing that the fugitives are starving and suffering, raising large sums of money, of which the fugitives never receive the benefit,--misrepresenting the character of the fugitives for industry, and underrating the advance of the country, which supplies abundant work for all at fair wages;) to raise such funds among themselves as may be necessary for the poor, the sick, and the destitute fugitive newly arrived; and to prepare themselves ultimately to bear their due weight of political power.
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The first True Band was organized in Malden, in September, 1854. It consists of six hundred members. It is represented as having thus far fulfilled its objects admirably. Since its organization, no action at law has been brought by one member against another: their differences being arranged by a committee of arbitration. A small monthly payment is made by the members. The receipts have enabled them to meet all cases of destitution, and leave a surplus in the treasury. In all other places where the bands have been organized, the same good results, as I was creditably informed, have followed as in Malden: thus showing that the colored population possess the means and the will, when acting in concert, to take care of themselves and of the strangers as they arrive. There are now fourteen True Bands organized in various sections of Canada West.

What in the above sketch of the bands is characterized as "the begging system," meets the almost universal reprobation of the colored people of Canada. Many of them express themselves with indignation against it: "We have heard that thousands of dollars have been raised for us in the United States, but we never received any of it; a great deal of clothing, but it never reached us. Not that we want the money or the clothing; we can support ourselves: but we do n't want others begging over our backs: representing us as starving and freezing through our own laziness and vice, and thus injuring our character while they pretend to befriend us,--meanwhile, subserving nobody's interest but their own. What cases of suffering occur, can be taken care of here." Some expressed a wish that those who were disposed to give money, should give it to the fugitive on his way, or use it to relieve those who suffer from
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having assisted fugitives. One case was named to me of a man who raised a sum of money in the United States for some imaginary persons, whom he called suffering, starving fugitives, and who, on his return, erected for himself a fine dwelling-house. By and by, wanting a fence about his premises, he again raised a sum of money for some more miserable fugitives, and, soon after, his grounds were duly fenced in. Many similar stories are in circulation. What part of them is true, and how much is scandal, it may be difficult to determine: but every one at all acquainted with the present status of Upper Canada, knows that any man there, able to labor, can readily find work, and get his pay for it when it is done. The cases of suffering and destitution occasioned by sickness and improvidence, can be best relieved by local institutions. The annual report of "The Toronto Ladies' Association for the relief of destitute Colored Fugitives" for 1853 - 1855, states, "During the past inclement winter, much suffering was alleviated, and many cases of extreme hardship prevented. Throughout the year, the committee continued to observe the practice of appointing weekly visitors to examine into the truth of every statement made by applicants for aid. In this way between two and three hundred cases have been attended to, each receiving more or less, according to their circumstances." How much money was disbursed during the year is not stated: the amount of subscriptions and donations for the year was a little more than one hundred and sixty pounds. Of this society, Mrs. Arnold is president; Mrs. Willis treasurer, and Mrs. Henning corresponding secretary.

The Rev. Hiram Wilson succeeded a few years since, in organizing in St. Catharines, a "Refugee Slaves'
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Friend Society," which embraces many of the most respectable citizens of the place. If these and similar well-managed associations, which practise a judicious system of expenditure, see fit to appeal to friends of the fugitives in the United States, there can be no doubt of a suitable response.

The opinions of a portion of the fugitives themselves on the subject of charities in their behalf will be found among the narratives which follow.

J. C. BROWN.

I was born in Frederick county, Va. My father was a white man; my mother a mixed blood. She was given away by a man named N--to a man named B--, so that she could not appear at a court against N. on a suit for her freedom and her three children's. B. took her to Kentucky: therefore, myself and brother and sister remained slaves with N. He in a short time removed to Kentucky. At fifteen, I was hired to Capt. George Smith, who volunteered to go to Tippecanoe. I was fifer in his company. The freedom of myself, Moses, and some others was promised us on our return. But the last time I saw Moses, he was bowed down in hellish slavery in Little Rock, Ark., and I had the misfortune to have to pay N. eighteen hundred dollars for my freedom--my step-father and mother hiring my time for six years. Neal was captain of the Silver Greys, who did not go to war, being over forty-five,--they reported whether any negroes were disaffected, and strong suspicion fell on me--but it was false. At
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that time there were many colored people joined in a conspiracy to get their freedom, and wore as a mark, a plait in the hair over the left eye. This was discovered,--many were whipped, and had the plait cut off. The conspiracy extended over three hundred miles, from Maysville to Henderson.

A free colored man named Freeribbon, who lived four miles from Louisville, was suspected as the author of this conspiracy. F., his wife and daughter kept an inn, and he had a blacksmith's shop to accommodate with farriery those who stopped with him. They searched the shop,--under it they found old guns, butcher-knives, and other implements for killing. He was put in jail and condemned to be hung,--but having many friends, he was reprieved on condition that he should be sent to some Spanish mine, and there remain the rest of his days. He was sent to the mines. After twenty years, a white man in the neighborhood committed murder. Under the gallows he confessed that he had been employed by three near neighbors of Freeribbon, and that they paid him for putting the implements under F.'s floor. One of the three was a congressman, one a colonel, one a gentleman. In consequence of their crime, F. had been sent off, and his fine farm confiscated. When this was made known, the court sent for Freeribbon. He came back, and I saw him--a heart-broken man. The colonel afterward poisoned himself.

After I became a free man, I carried on the mason business in Bardstown, Shelbyville, and Louisville. My misfortunes now began. I had been used well as a slave, for my mistress was my aunt. I was an object of jealousy to the white mechanics, because I was more successful in getting jobs. They threatened me,
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unless I left the neighborhood, to break every bone in my body. I was then finishing a large building for Capt. Nelson. He said he would see M--, leader of my enemies, and stop their proceedings: but M--still continued his threats. About the same time, I saw a free colored man whipped. This grieved and alarmed me. I burst into tears; I went to my mother and told her I would leave a slave country and go to a free country. I had been married about two years. In 1819, under the advice of Stratford Gowen and Benjamin Lundy, I was sent to Texas to find shelter and suitable situations for free people of color. Meeting there with Mr. Black or Blake, then a member of the council of that colony, he told me that Texas was to be a great cotton and sugar-growing country, and would one day be annexed to the United States. He said a majority of the council were opposed to having a free colored settlement in Texas, and it would be useless for me to look further. I then returned to Louisville, and in a short time removed with my family to Cincinnati.

At this time, a white man of a Quaker family, named Hethers, was teaching colored children in Louisville. The slaveholders being very suspicious of him, hired a colored barber named Tillman, a slave, to get Hethers into his shop and ask him to write a free paper. Capt. T--G--and S--B--concealed themselves under the counter in Tillman's shop. Hethers came in, and the colored man asked him his charge for writing a free paper to come to Canada. He told him, if he was to write one, he would not charge him any thing. Tillman said, "No--you must have twenty dollars,"--as he had been instructed. He asked Hethers if he thought the papers would pass him good to Canada.
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Hethers told him "Yes, but he had better call on J. C. Brown, in Cincinnati, who was, he understood, a very clever man, and could give him instructions." So I got into a scrape without knowing it.

It was a few days after that, I went to Louisville to settle up some business. Hethers had been seized by the two white men and was now in jail. The night I got down, a man named Shaw came to me, and told me that some gentlemen wanted to see me in Dr. Talbot's shop. I went there; M--, my old enemy was there. He asked me who raised me? "'Squire Neal of Shelby." "You are a sample of some of his raising. Do you know what we sent for you for?" "I do not." He then raised an oil cloth, and showed pistols, bowie-knives, ropes, and cow-hides. Said he, "this is what we sent for you for; and I'll tell you what you are to do. To-morrow morning at 10 o'clock, you are to go to court, where Hethers is to be tried, and testify that Hethers is writing free passes for our niggers to be taken to you, and for you to forward to Canada." I denied that it was so, and told them I did n't know Hethers. "Take me to the jail and let Hethers see me, and if he says he ever saw me or knew me, turn the key upon me and give me a trial." M--was then a Methodist preacher, and is yet. He said, "Hear him,--he wants to be tried like a white man! but we have a trial for you in Bullock's woods." He then told me if I failed to appear and testify as they said, I should be taken to the woods at night, then tied up and receive nine hundred lashes: one hundred apiece from nine of them. They consulted Dr. T--, as to whether I could take the nine hundred blows and live. He felt of my body and said I was a man of great muscle,--he told them where to chalk me about the shoulders,
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and so as to avoid the kidneys. I said to them, "Gentlemen, I have a wife and two children, and of what use can I be to take care of them after you have given me nine hundred lashes?" M--said, "That's their look-out, not ours." They dismissed me with the injunction that I should attend the court. I did not attend it, believing that I had many friends in Louisville who would not let them use me so.

Just after dark, on the evening after the court, I was at my mother-in-law's with my family, and was invited to stop to supper. Knowing that I drank water, the old lady was going to the pump, when she met a mob of white men coming. One of them told her to run to the house and tell me to flee for my life, or my life would be taken. She fainted and fell. While I sat at the table, fearing that all was not right, I came down to the foot of the stairs, and there saw three or four white-hatted gentlemen looking up the stairs, and many others behind them. I walked out through them bareheaded--they did not recognize me--I heard them say, "Hush! hush!" to each other as I passed through the crowd. I got to a steamboat landing, where were several boats going next day, and went on board a Pittsburg boat bound to Cincinnati. I told my situation to a man, who then locked me up in a state-room. Next morning, the slaveholders went aboard all the boats and ordered them not to take me out of the city. We left next morning at 9 o'clock, Capt. Y--not knowing that I was on board.

After we got twelve miles from Louisville, they rung the bell for passengers to pay their fare. Not wishing any charge against the man who had concealed me, I had come out on deck. The clerk asked my name,--I told him "J. C. Brown." He would n't take my money,
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but went for the captain. He came and said, "I can get more money by running back to Louisville, than I can by going to Pittsburg." I told him he had better do it. He said, "No insolence!" and then told a young man, a deck hand, to "camp me." That fellow's back soon felt the deck, and I made for the captain; he rang the bell, and called help, who seized me, and chained me to the capstan-bar, where I was kept nearly all the distance to Cincinnati. I got a warrant for false imprisonment against Capt. Y. It was to be served by one Doty, but he always pretended he never could catch him. I got no recompense nor justice for that treatment.

Three years after this affair, the law of 1804, known as the Ohio black law, was revived in that State, and enforced. By this law, every colored man was to give bonds in $500 not to become a town charge, and to find bonds also for his heirs. No one could employ a colored man or colored woman to do any kind of labor, under penalty of $100. There were then about 3,000 colored people there--by this law they were thrown out of employment. I was then clearing $600 a year, and refused to give bonds. The colored people had a meeting, and talked about a court of appeals to test the law. Some talked of going to Texas,--we knew not what to do: we were sore perplexed. I spoke to them of Canada, and we formed a Colonization Society, of which I was President. I wrote for the Board to Sir John Colborne, at Little York, now Toronto, to know if we could find in Canada an asylum for ourselves, our wives, and children. Two members of the Board went with the letter to Toronto, and were well received by Sir John. He wrote us to remove into Canada with our wives and children, if we chose to do so; and that
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so long as we remained true and loyal subjects, we should have every privilege extended to us that was enjoyed by any of her majesty's subjects, no distinction being made on account of color. I have his letter now in my possession--his memorable words. Mr. Hammonds, our friend, editor of a daily paper in Cincinnati, published the letter at my request. The publication made an excitement in the corporation of Cincinnati. Two or three of us, including myself, were sent for by the city government, next day. The reason was, as Mr. Hotchkiss said, that I, as one of the leading spirits, was doing a great deal of mischief; for every one that I took off to Canada was a sword drawn against the United States. At this time Cincinnati was full of women, without husbands, and their children. These were sent there by planters from Louisiana and Mississippi, and some from Tennessee, who had now got fortunes, and had found that white women could live in those States. In consequence, they had sent their slave-wives and children to Cincinnati, and set them free. They had begun to come about the close of the last war. Cincinnati was the great point for them. I was agent of a man who had eighteen of these headless families in one house. I asked the Mayor, "Now that they have deprived us of work, who is to go begging for these people, to keep them alive?" He said they were taking steps to have the law repealed, and wished me to stay any action about sending people to Canada.

I paid no attention to what he told me, and sent three wagon loads out to Sandusky next day. In three or four weeks I and my family left--came to Sandusky--thence I took a boat, the "Gov. Cass," and went to Little York, where I entered into a contract with the Canada Company, for a township of land, agreeing to
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pay $6,000 a year, for ten years. It was the township of Biddulph. The black law had now become inoperative in Cincinnati, and the colored people wrote me, that they could now walk without being pushed off the side-walks, were well used, and were living in clover. Of 2,700 who were to have come, only 460 came out. They settled promiscuously in the province, buying land here and there, and getting work. Only five or six families of them settled in Biddulph. Three weeks after they settled, fifteen families from Boston, Mass., met them there, and settled there, where they remain. We only paid for 1,220 acres, which was divided, from 25 to 50 acres to a family. Numbers, who came afterward, had to leave for other places. These families in Biddulph are now independent. Their lands now will sell at forty to fifty dollars an acre: it cost one dollar and fifty cents. I settled in Toronto, where I could have some means of making myself useful for them among the white people, and where my trade was good.

My wife became dissatisfied, and I removed with her and my daughter,--my son having died,--to Cincinnati, where I remained thirteen months. I went on to Louisville, to see my old mother. This was some six or seven years from the M--scrape. I saw my old mother, and just as I was taking a seat at the table, an officer popped into the room, shook hands with me, and said he wanted to speak with me. I went into another room with him--he put his hand on my shoulder, and said, "You are my prisoner." I was put in jail, charged with running off large quantities of slaves: my accuser, Mr. G--D--, said I had crossed the river at Utica, Charleston, and Madison, with large droves of slaves. The third day I wrote an advertisement for Mr. Penn's
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paper, offering $100 reward for any credible evidence of my having done as was alleged. The court released me on $2,500 bail: two persons recognized in $1,000 each, and I was taken for the $500. On the evening of the day I gave the bonds, three men came out at me, and drew pistols, which they fired at the ground about my feet: this, my friends supposed, was to frighten me, and induce me to run off, so that my securities might forfeit their bonds. The Grand-Jury failed to find a bill, and I was discharged.

I returned to Cincinnati. My wife had seen so much of my persecution, that she was more anxious to return to Canada than she had been to leave it. We returned to Toronto, and I was a gunner there in the Patriot war. I removed to Dawn, and was elected one of the trustees of the school in that place. From Dawn I came to Chatham about 1849. Chatham was then a little village of frame buildings and log cabins. There were then no masons, bricklayers, or plasterers among the colored men. I went for some, and got them here, and we are now able to build a house from the stump. We can cut the timber and make the brick. The greater part of the bricklaying and plastering is in the hands of the colored mechanics. There are four churches of colored people which are well filled. We have separate schools which are tolerably well attended,--the Sunday school is very numerously attended. There are three charitable societies of men, and two of women, which do much good, relieving the wants of the sick and destitute. There is a great deal of property owned here by the colored people: their number has doubled in two years, mainly by immigration, which continues still--especially of fugitive slaves,--sometimes twenty in one day. Many agents have
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come here, nominally to assist the fugitives, but some of them have not been so honest as one could wish. They collected money, but the fugitives did not get it. However, what money the fugitives have received, has been an injury, rather than a benefit. I have seen cases where the money would have done good, if rightly distributed.

Our children growing up in this country, and not having the fear of any white man, and being taught to read and write, will grow up entirely different from their fathers,--of more benefit to themselves, of more benefit to the government, and will be more able to set good examples to the rising generation. Intelligent parents will raise up intelligent children.

Slavery disarms a man of virtue,--of every thing: it prevents his being a man. Anticipation is what we live for,--it makes us anxious to improve ourselves and our children; but the slave anticipates nothing, but the setting of the sun, or the passage of some law to curtail what little of privilege he possesses. The effects of slavery are perceptible here in our courts. I have seen fugitives, brought as witnesses, afraid to testify against a white man. This is a part of the horrid effects of slavery. The younger ones are better than this. They grow up without slavish fear: they know nothing about it.

PHILIP YOUNGER.

I served in slavery fifty-five years, and am now nearly seventy-two years old. I was born in Virginia, went, at ten, to Tennessee; at twelve, to Alabama: was, all
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the time, body servant of a military man. My treatment was various,--sometimes rough,--sometimes good. Many awful scenes I have seen while moving about. I have had to put chains on men, myself, to go into a chain gang: I have seen men whipped to death,--have seen them die. I have ridden hundreds of miles in Alabama, and have heard the whip going, all along from farm to farm, while they were weighing out cotton.

In Alabama, the patrols go out in companies at about dark, and ride nearly all night. If they meet a colored man without a pass, it is thirty-nine lashes; but they do n't stop for the law, and if they tie a man up, he is very well off if he gets only two hundred. If there is a party assembled at the quarters, they rush in half drunk, and thrash round with their sticks, perhaps before they look at a pass,--all must be whipped unless they rush out: I can't paint it so bad as 't is. Sometimes a stout man will fight his way through.

As a general thing the treatment on the plantations in Alabama is very hard. Once in a while a man is kind, as kindness is out there, and then he is hated by all the other masters. They say " his niggers spoil our niggers." These servants are not allowed on the other plantations at all,--if caught there, they will put as much on them as they can bear. I have as good a chance to know as any man there,--I have travelled there on the plantations,--I was there before the country was opened,--at the war,--and have seen it grow up by the colored man's labor. I have seen miles of fences around plantations, where I had been through woods with the surveyors. Escape from Alabama is almost impossible,--if a man escapes, it is by the skin of his teeth.
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There was a free man in Huntsville--a barber,--whose wife--a free woman--was taken by a patrol, as she was walking out at dark, and put in jail, just to disgrace her,--as she was in a little better standing than the patrol was. Her husband grumbled about it,--a rumpus was made, and people collected. It was in front of a tavern door. The folks then called out, "Shoot the d--d nigger! shoot him!" The patrol stabbed him with a bowie-knife, and he fell in the street. He was carried in, and a doctor dressed the wound, but he was never a sound man afterwards.

I hired my time, and made some money. I bought my wife's freedom first, and sent her away. I got off by skill. I have children and grand children in slavery.

I had rather starve to death here, being a free man, than to have plenty in slavery. I cannot be a slave any more,--nobody could hold me as a slave now, except in irons. Old as I am, I would rather face the Russian fire, or die at the point of the sword, than go into slavery.

We are placed in different circumstances here--some drag along, without doing much,--some are doing well. I have a house; I have taken up fifty acres of land, and have made the payments as required; I have other property besides. Here is Henry Blue, worth twelve thousand dollars; Syddles, worth a fortune; Lucky, worth a very handsome fortune; Ramsay, a great deal of land and other property, at least twelve thousand dollars; all these were slaves at some time. And there are many others wealthy, through their own skill and industry.

Before I came here, I resided in the free States. I came here in consequence of the passage of the Fugitive Slave Bill. It was a hardship at first; but I feel
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better here--more like a man--I know I am--than in the States. I suffer from want of education. I manage by skill and experience and industry--but it is as if feeling my way in the dark.

GILBERT DICKEY.

I HAVE been in Canada but six weeks: am 55 years old. I was raised a slave until 35. I was born in North Carolina, Guilford Co., where I was the main hand on the farm, where we raised wheat, corn, rye, etc., some cotton. There were about fifteen slaves on the farm, sometimes more, sometimes less. My master has frequently said, that Gil. could carry on the farm better than he could: he had told his neighbors that I and his wife could carry on the farm as well, if he were a hundred miles off. I never had a day's schooling in my life--went to a Sunday School a few times, but that was cut off. I have no learning but what God has put into my head. My master was hasty and high-tempered, but was always kind to me owing to some peculiar circumstances. He was more kind than most who own servants in that country, and more so than his companion. Some thought him a hard man, but I never thought him so hard as some I have seen. When he did whip, he whipped severely, I tell you; he was high-strung when he got up. I suppose there 's no doubt that he and his father-in-law--a severe old man--whipped one slave man to death. They whipped him over the head with a loaded whip, shamefully. He was one of those that could not be whipped. He was sold after the beating, and died two months after. The
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ferrule came off the whip they used, and the whalebone bursted out.

At nine years old, I was bought into this family, being transferred to pay a debt of three hundred dollars. At the death of my master, I was hired out sixteen years, until my young master came of age. I had then made up my mind to buy my time and was preparing to do it, by laying up my money as I could earn overplus. I have made fifty dollars in a winter by working after 9 o'clock nights while buying my time. It is hard work ever since I was seven years old, which has broken me down: I have now rheumatism, coughs, etc. I worked at all kinds of work,--every thing a man would call on me to do, except stealing, my hands were ready to do it. I worked at fencing, laying stone wall, digging wells, carpentering, etc. During the sixteen years, I paid up five hundred and seventy-five dollars; that left four hundred dollars to be paid, which I borrowed by giving names. I was then free, but had to work to raise the four hundred dollars, which took me nearly two years.

I was whipped at one time by my old master, because I could not work. It was brought about by a mean white man who was working in the field, and told master that I was not sick. My master cursed and swore very wicked. He did not tie me up, but he gave me a severe whipping. It did not cure me: I had to go and try to work, but could not do much.

I have seen sixteen men chained abreast for market, and driven from that place. I have seen a woman chained and handcuffed in the gangs, leaving a child only nine days old: the child raised by hand, and when a woman nearly grown, she was sold.

After the old man died, and before I was hired out,
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two of the colored children were sick--one died, and I watched with the other by the corpse. On the next day evening, when we came back from the burial of the child, the other was dying, and the doctor was there. The child died that evening. My mistress then requested me to mend a pair of shoes for her daughter that night. I told her I would rather not, as I had been up the night before, and a corpse was in the house. She flew into a passion, said she would have it done, or her father should whip me. I mended the shoes that night, but it made no difference. Her father came next morning with some work-hands, and told me with an oath, that if he had a knife he would cut my d--d throat. I drew a knife from my pocket, opened it, handed it to him, opened my shirt-collar, and told him to cut it. He pretended to do so, and drew blood on my throat--the mark remains. I went away a piece, then changed my mind and came back. They tied my hands, I was so mad, I hardly knew what they did. He gave me thirty blows. I told him afterwards, that I had no place appointed to die or to be buried, and I cared not when it happened; that I would not be whipped any more, and that the first man who struck me I would kill. I was never punished afterward, although I was sometimes threatened. If they find a man determined and resolute not to be whipped, they will sometimes let him alone: but in other places, they will do it at any rate.

No man, who has not been in slavery, knows the real curse of it. A northern man can't tell half how bad it is.

When I began to be hired out, I felt more liberty than on the place--where I had to do whatever a man said--where it was never too wet, nor too cold, too
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hot, nor too dry--where I could not go to the next house, no matter how near it was, without a permit.

I lived in Indiana for nine years before I came here, and did well. I have been doing business for myself some twenty years: I never considered that I was doing business for myself till I got out of debt. I was making money in Indiana, and had plenty of friends. I liked there, all but one thing--slavery was there, as it is all over the United States. One or two days in the year they acknowledge a colored person to be a man; that is, when he works on the road, and pays his tax: all the rest of his time he is a brute. I came on purpose to come to a country where I could be a free man, and to encourage men of my color to take hold of work; to set them a good example, and to make their condition here better, if my assistance could do any good.

WILLIAM J. ANDERSON.

I was a slave from birth, until thirty-two years old, on Red River, Bayou Rapide. I belonged to a man who kept me at home until twenty-one years of age. He was a constable, and I was the turnkey some two or three years. After twenty-one, I hired out to work on a steamboat, paying my master $25 a month, and supporting a family: and at the age of thirty-two I had $500. I was steward and cook. One day, at New Orleans, I heard the news of my master's death. I felt that I had lost my only friend; for although a mean man, he had some good qualities--he could not bear a man that drank, and yet he was drunk all the time himself.
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On hearing his death, an acquaintance of mine said, "Now is your time to put."

I packed some clothes, took my $500, started for the North, and reached Cincinnati. I was robbed of my money on the passage. I opened a shop, and did very well by cooking at the hotels. After four years, I had some words with a man named Magee, who was a runaway, who had come barefoot, and I had given him employment to keep my grocery. He went down to the place where I came from, and informed where I was: he was retaken, and held in slavery.

I married in Ripley, Ohio. One day I heard a gentleman in Cincinnati talking to his brother about buying "niggers" and horses: one of them said, "Old Atwood is dead." I asked my wife if her name really was Atwood. She applied to the men, and found that Atwood had left her mother and the balance of the servants free--say ten--and left $8,000 to each of them. Part of this I invested in Ohio, and a part I brought with us to Canada. Her father was her master, and had brought her to Ohio when she was six years old.

I had a brother named Charles, who carried a basket of eggs on board a boat named Red River, that ran up Red River. When he came off, he did not get the money for the eggs, as was expected by Mr. T--, a Frenchman, who had hired him. He belonged to my master. When he went back, the Frenchman jumped on him, and beat him severely. Charles, however, struck the Frenchman. My master said, "Charles will certainly be hung for striking a white man: so you fix four stakes, and I'll whip him." I drove the four stakes into the ground for my brother: he was fourteen, and I thirteen years old. Master asked me if the stakes were ready. Said I, "Charles, before I'd be whipped for
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that Frenchman, I'd cut my throat." He did cut his throat, and ran into the river, where he beat off five men who tried to get him out. Then he came out himself, and was clear--was not whipped. In a few weeks he got well: he meant to kill himself.

I have seen many whipped till they could not stand up. S--P. S--whipped a man in Red River jail while I was turnkey, until he burst a bloodvessel, and died. I saw this done: no notice was taken of it.*

* Female slaves enciente were formerly tied up for punishment: but to avoid the pecuniary loss which sometimes ensued, the masters adopted the humane method said to have been first practised by the French of Louisiana. The woman's limbs are fastened to four stakes driven into the ground; a portion of the earth having been previously removed in the centre of the space staked out. The traveller in Canada West will hear of this mode in almost every town and village; from old settlers and recent immigrants; from persons who came from different slave States, and from parts of the same State remote from each other.

HENRY CRAWHION.

Was born in Louisville, Ky. As soon as able to work, I was hired out on a steamboat, and have mainly followed steamboating. Master died, and I remained with my mistress: young master being a sporting character, I had to be sold to pay his debts. Was sold to a trader in L., who took me to South Carolina, where I was employed three months to take care of race-horses. While there, I undertook to escape. I packed up in a carpet-bag, went to depot, and bought a ticket for
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Montgomery. A black man suspected me, because I had changed my trunk for the carpet-bag,--they came to the cars and took me out. They put me in chains, and kept me confined in the stable about two months; then I found a man who would buy me and take me to Louisville. I was put in the trader's yard, but nobody wants to buy out of the yard, because they think they are put in for some fault. I was then taken down to Port Gibson, Miss., and traded off for fifteen mules. I stayed there three weeks, and was then taken to Baton Rouge, where I was set up for sale. Here I found a man who bought me to take to Louisville, where I had a wife, on the condition that I would find a man to buy me there. But I could not find a man who would buy me. I went to see my wife, and left for the North. I got here last night. I do n't feel reconciled, on account of my wife and family. I am anxious now to get work. [He got employment in the course of the day.] I would prefer Louisville, if I could be free there. It is hard on me that I am obliged to live away from my family.

I cannot express what I think of slavery, I have so horrible ideas of it. I was taken to Savannah on my way to Charleston, and staid in Savannah four weeks. On the farms around Savannah, I saw them using bucking-paddles on the women. There were overseers and drivers behind the workmen on the farms. If a man lagged, he got a cut with a whip,--if any reply was made, he was bucked down. The bull whip is used freely all around there,--I have heard them crack like a pistol almost. In the city, a black man must get off the side-walk if he meets a white man, or stop on the curb-stone and raise his hat: if he meets a lady and
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gentleman he must step clean off the walk and raise his hat.

While in Charleston, S. C., I did not know the law of the country, and lit a cigar at my boarding-house and walked towards the stable smoking. I was taken up and put in the calaboose. Several others were put in for being out after nine at night. In the morning, they gave each of them ten lashes apiece, and let them go. I asked them why they did not whip me and let me go. They said I had committed a crime, and must go before a magistrate. I asked them "what crime?" "Smoking in the street." I told them I was a stranger, and did not know the law. That made no odds, however; I was sentenced to nine and thirty lashes, and received them in the calaboose with a leather strap cut into three or four strips. White people smoke in the street, but 't is against the law for a colored man.

MARY YOUNGER.

I was reared a slave, and have seen a great deal of barbarity in the State I came from. Many a time I have looked out in the moonlight, and seen my little children, just able to walk to the fields, carrying buckets of water to the hands. They used to carry the buckets on their heads: they would wear off the hair, and I used to make pads to protect the sore places where they carried the buckets.

If those slaveholders were to come here, I would treat them well, just to shame them by showing that I had humanity.
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A woman who lived near us, used to beat her cook, and burn her with hot irons. I have seen the burns with these eyes. The same woman whipped at different times three of her slave women to death. The last one I was sent for by her mother to see: I found her dying. She died while I was standing by. Her mother wanted me to shroud the corpse: but the mistress interfered, and made the dead woman's mother do it. The house where these cruelties occurred, was so near ours that we could talk over the palings.

If a white man passes by a house, and a person is whipping a servant, he goes straight by--he don't see it.

I did not know, when I was a slave, that any white person had any sympathy for me. I thought all white people were alike, and had no sympathy for colored people. I did not know the difference until I reached a free State, when I saw the white people use the colored people like folks. I did not hear such terms applied as "wenches," "heifers," etc. Where I was raised, my children were often whipped till the blood ran, and then they would call me to see if I looked rumpled about it, and unless I looked pleased, I knew they would whip me.

I often wish that people from the North could just go through the southern country at harvest time, and see and hear what is done there.

There was a man whipped there one day, and at night I took pity on him and greased his back,--he died on my floor.

The barbarity of slavery I never want to see again. I have children now who have got the yoke on them. It almost kills me to think that they are there, and that I can do them no good. There they are--I know how
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it is--it brings distress on my mind--there they are, working till late at night; off before day; and where there is no humanity--where the lash is not spared.

EDWARD HICKS.

I was born and raised in old Virginia, Lunenburg county, and was sold when a well-grown boy--was put on the block at the court house and sold. I was frightened at being up there on the block, and was afraid of being carried out of the country. A trader on his way to New Orleans bought me. He took me to his pen at Brunswick court house. I being very obedient, he thought I would n't run; but I determined to run if I could, for I thought if I got to New Orleans, I was at the shutting-up place. He waited a day or two to attend another sale fifty miles off, taking us with him--perhaps forty or fifty. We went by stages. I being so obedient, he turned me out to bring water and do errands in general, while he waited for the sale at Brunswick court house. In this time I thought about my mother and brother in the place where I was raised, and thought 't was about time to run. I ran; but did not know what way to go, and took into the pines. Now, after I had done this, I began to study what I should do for something to eat: then I was in a strange country. I continued there for four days without any food except sassafras leaves, and I found water. After that, I found an old colored man. I told him how the case was with me, and asked for a bit of bread. He told me to come to his house at night, at a certain
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hour, and he would give me a mouthful to eat. I went to the house, got some food; and, behold, the patrollers were out that night, and they came within one of catching me. Just as I had stepped out of the house, they came right in. The old man came out a little before day and whistled. I went to him, and he put me on the way to Lunenburg.

I travelled on about twelve miles, when it was so dark I dared not walk any further. I made for the bush, and laid a stick with the big end the way I was to go. That night, about dark, I got up and started again. I went on, and struck a creek near midnight, called Earn's Creek,--from Earn's Creek, I came to Stony Creek. Day overtaking me, I had to make into the willows on the creek. The bloodhounds that day, of their own accord, having such knowledge, gave me a little race: I went down into the creek, nothing out but my head, among big water moccasin snakes, which I kept off with a stick. The dogs I saw,--they heard me, but there was no one to hearken them on. At night I left the creek, and went up into the neighborhood of the house where I was born and raised: I saw some of my friends and brothers there, and I got something to eat. I was then advised (as the advertisement was just out from the nigger-trader) to go on to an old house where cotton was kept, and there stay until the advertisement was over. For they drive for runaways there with bloodhounds, and a great many men moving abreast, so that they will have a man unless he is a long distance under the ground. I went to the cotton house, and got under the cotton, and stayed till the drive was over--some two or three days.

I came out then, and made for the bush. I stayed till that trader went down with that company of colored
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people, and sold them and came back. I was out all the winter in caves and barns. In the spring the trader came back. There was a white man in Lunenburg, that wanted to buy me. The trader heard of it, and said, "I'll sell him, if you think you can get him: a nigger that will stay in the woods all winter, I won't have him. What will you give me for him?" It was settled at eight hundred dollars: then he sent out some of his boys to tell me, and in a few days I went to him.

He had four farms. I commenced to work right at the great house. I stayed there three years, I guess: then he died. Then every man had to come up to be appraised: about sixty of us were appraised. The same old trader (S--N--) came up to buy me again, chains and handcuffs all in his hand. He swore that the "nigger" that ran away from him, was the one he 'd have, and the chains should not leave him, till he 'd got him to Orleans. At twelve o'clock, I went to the kitchen to get my breakfast, and stepped right on, out into the bush. The sale was coming on in about a week, and the trader had come on to brag what he would do,--I stepped out right in the bush.

I was appraised and given to a young lady who thought it necessary to hire me out, right in the bush, where I was. A man hired me at about half price. He was a good man,--no bad man will hire one in the bush, because he won't come to him to save his life, and only the big traders can afford to have driving done. After I got to him, he put me to work at the great house, and he liked me so well, he bought me.

He got a man to oversee at the great house, who was determined to make more than any farmer in that country. He began to fight, kick, and knock over. We
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were going along, suckering tobacco one day; a couple of worms were found--these big, horned worms--lying on the ground in the rows: we had not seen them as we were breaking the suckers. He called the two men who went by them, and made each take one of the worms and bite its head off. I passed a small worm,--"G--d--you," says he, "you bite that worm's head, and suck the stuff out of him : you may run away,--you 've got to a place now, where if you run nine miles into h--, we 'll go in for you up to our armpits. You 've made three runs, now you 've made a bad stand." I told him I should n't bite the worm's head off: it was a thing I never had done, and I was n't used to it, and would n't do it. He made to me with his bull whip, very long, and struck me three or four times; the third or fourth time, I got hold of it. He then turned to strike me with the butt,--but being too anxious, he let too much of it go over my shoulder, and I caught the other part, that he was going to knock me down with. S--H--, if he gets hold of that paper, he 'll know all about it. He hollowed for help,--he wanted the other colored people to help him. They all passed on with their rows, but would not. I then having hold of both ends of the whip, jerked it out of his hands and ran. I did not intend to carry the whip far, but there was no stop for me then. I went on to the bush; he mounted his horse, and started off for men and bloodhounds. He then came back with the company and the hounds, stripped the head man and whipped him, because he did not help take me. I was then preparing to keep the bloodhounds from following me. I had gathered up some wild onions, and knew what to do.

The master now came home. He tells the overseer, that he shall pay a dollar a day for every day that I
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was gone, for he had no business to make that disturbance among the people. They chased me that day, but could not follow me beyond the place where I had put on the onions. It takes a mighty old hound to follow that track. I stayed three weeks, and then went in home. When I got home, the old man got hold of it then, and I was not flogged. At the end of the year, my lost time was brought against the overseer. The overseer left, and went to oversee for another man, named S--S--, at the edge of Brunswick Co. My master being sickly, in some way, his boys being sportsmen, and gambled, got involved, and had to sell part of his hands, at sheriff's sale I suppose. I was again put on the block and sold, and that overseer, S--H--, persuaded his employer, S--, to buy me, so he could get his spite of me. S--bought me and sent me on to the quarter: put on leg goggles, a band of thin iron round each ancle, with a piece of wood, banded with iron, sticking from each with a rivet. A man cannot run with them on: the iron plays round and the long piece whips his legs as he runs. Each goggle weighs about three pounds. The overseer put them right on, as soon as I got there.

The master had plenty of dogs, four of which were regular "nigger bloodhounds," worth one hundred dollars or more apiece. That was the first time I began studying head-work. I had been running about in the bush without much object, but now I began studying head-work: while in this condition, it put my mind off to study what to do now. Every day I was sure of my whipping though--that was sure--with the loaded bull whip--loaded at both ends: every blow would cut through the skin. I could n't run--could n't get away.
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I lay down studying, and got up studying, how to get out of the condition I was placed in.

One night it came to my mind that I would go to the blacksmith's shop. After every person was asleep, and every thing appeared still, I got into the window and got a rasp. I put it away where I could get hold of it, knowing that if I cut it part through, they would see it, and band me stronger. That night I studied that I would go down deep, right there in the yard, where they machine cotton and pack cotton, right down among the seeds--way down--five feet I guess I went down,--and that the bloodhounds would not find me, as they would look round for me outside. I studied that as hard as a Philadelphia lawyer ever studied a case: if he studies as hard as I studied that, he 'll give a right judgment.

I went down the night after I got the rasp, taking the rasp with me. The cotton seed and motes tumbled in after me as I went down, and buried me up entirely. They walked over me: I could feel the rattling over me. I could not rifle in there. The next night I came out, and commenced rifling to get off the goggles. They had been out all the day with some drivers and the bloodhounds, expecting, as I had the goggles on, to catch me directly. I sat up on the upper floor, where I could see by the light of the moon or stars, and there I rifled away; I rifled faithfully, and got one off that night,--but I had to break it away some, and got the skin off my leg. Before day I went down into the hole again.

The next night I came out and rifled off the other: it came off easier than the other. Now I've got to go down again. Into the same hole I went--'t would n't do to come out yet. They had driven the second day, and I
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was afraid they would the third. I had eaten nothing all this time, nor drank a drop. The next night about dark, I jumped out and went into the bush. I knew all about that neighborhood, and which way to go. I got me an old scythe-blade, and broke off a piece and made me a knife. This I found at the machine as I was on the way to the bush. Then I killed me a pig, took him on my back and walked five miles. I dressed him, singed off the hair, and before he was fairly dressed, I had his ears on the coals broiling.

Another consideration struck me now. It would be death to go back to that place: I must get to a free land now. I had got the irons off--that I knew. I came out of that county, went into a neighboring county, into the bush, and staid out six months. I heard of some free people coming on to the Ohio, and I thought I would get in the crowd. We came on with a white man who had formed an attachment to a colored girl, and as she was coming, he determined to leave too, although he was a regular patroller. I came on with him as a waiter and servant, and very faithfully I worked too. We travelled with horses and wagons, but some had to walk. I had to pull at the baggage,--I would have pulled a wagon all through myself but what I'd have come. I was concealed the first part of the way; all the food and clothes piled on me in the wagon, which was very uncomfortable. You do n't know how much I endured. At night I would get out and walk. We succeeded until we got to Point Pleasant; within three or four miles of the ferry, we met men at different times, telling this tale--"If you take your slaves this way they 'll all get free,--for you 'll get 'em on the Ohio side: I would n't take that man; if you want to sell him, you can get your money right in this place," etc.
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He began to fear that they'd think he was running away slaves. "Look here," says he, "to-night you'd better take a skiff and cross the river--these folks have got passes to show, and you have not." This made me uneasy--I knew nothing about paddling a skiff: I might get off into the middle of the river, and then paddle back to the same shore. I then said to him, "It is a matter of course that we go on, and I go on as you said, and you've a right to take your slave wherever you please." Now he told me, "Do you go off, and come up to us when we get to the ferry-place." I said, "That won't do." We reasoned considerably about it: he was a man that would hear to a little reason, and so we reasoned. Now he told me, "Suppose I sell you, and I come back and steal you, and we divide the money?" He was turning now; he 'd been into the town that day: enough wanted to buy me, but they did n't want the women. I told him, that would n't do--that was n't our bargain--I had worked for him all the way, and his agreement was to take me over the ferry, and go on to the farm he was to take, and work for him one year at clearing, etc. We came on, all hands, down to the ferry at Point Pleasant,--some were for putting me in the wagon, and covering me; but they would search the wagon. So I walked with the rest.

At the ferry, the guard who watches all who cross the ferry--a great, big white man, who looked rather severe, quizzed my master, whether I was his slave, and questioned so close, that the white man began to grow weak in the knees, and I saw it: he trembled. I was scared for him, and I was scared about being taken myself--it was a scaring time. The guard told him the consequences--of going to the penitentiary, if he were
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going off with another man's slave. He trembled, and got weak, so that he did not get over it, till he got way out into the Ohio. We were commanded to get aboard the ferry-boat, and over we went. I walked on behind him, as he went up the hill: he yet trembled, and so did I, not knowing what might take place yet. I felt joyful that I had got over, but it was no time to rejoice there. We put the man in the wagon, and dragged him: he was more scared than he ought to have been.

I went to work with him in Ohio, according to promise. After we had begun, it got clear back to where I started from, that I was in Ohio. I made out that I was a man from Cincinnati, and was hired for money: but it got back home, that I was in Ohio. He then told me to leave. I understood that there was a reward of five hundred dollars offered to any one who would take me over the river to the Kentucky side. I had been there as near as I can tell about six months when I got this news. I left him and was concealed at Gallipolis, at old man Isaac Browner's house--he is dead now, and 't wont do any hurt to mention his name. He put me in a bedtick on which he placed his children, who were sick of measles. I was in the straw-tick, the feather-bed was above me, and then the children. This was so, that if they came to search for the sake of the reward, they might not move the sick. I stayed there one day: I cared nothing for the heat, discomfort, nor sickness. All I thought of was to get off clear. At night-fall, I all alone came to the wharf to hail a boat--he told me how--to hollow "passenger." The boat was for the salt-works at Kanawha. If I had gone on board they would have taken me sure, because the boat was going to the place I did not want to go. The boat did not, however, put in for me, and I had to
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go back and get concealed again. The next day, they disguised me,--I went down to the wharf--a boat was coming which was bound for Pittsburg: it touched the wharf-boat,--there was no freight and only three passengers; a gentleman and a lady, and myself; they stepped aboard, and so did I,--a little bell rung, and away went the boat: when, looking back, I saw two men whom I knew, standing on a place, where they could see every man who came down to the boat. But they did not know me and the boat came on.

The river was high, and we came on slowly. I did not sleep for four nights at all--dozed a little in daytime. There was another boat coming behind,--"Clipper, No. 2,"--and I was afraid she was in pursuit of me. I fired up harder on that account: although I expected to get nothing for my work, I worked sharp. After we had started out, the clerk came round with his book and pen. I tried to dodge, but when he touched me, I thought I was gone. But he only wanted the money: I gave him all I had, and he returned me ten cents. I had my victuals for my work. At Pittsburg, I left a handkerchief of victuals, which I had put up, I was in such a hurry. I went up into the town, and inquired for the country, where I could get work. I worked not many miles from Pittsburg, and got a little money, and then concluded to come to Canada, where I would be safe.

I have been here about six years. I like Canada well,--I am satisfied with it. I have got a little property together, worth some two thousand dollars.

Liquor is right along the road here, and some make fools of themselves: but I mind my business, and am doing well.

My opinion of slavery is, that it ought to be broken
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down. If the white people were to set the slaves free, and offer to hire them, they would jump at the chance: they would n't cut throats.

We have got some good white friends in the United States. If it had not been for them, I would not have got here.

HENRY BLUE.

I learned the trade of a blacksmith in Kentucky. I should have been perfectly miserable to have had to work all my life for another man for nothing. As soon as I had arrived to years of discretion, I felt determined that I would not be a slave all my days. My master was a kind and honorable man; purchased no slaves himself: what he had, came by marriage. He used to say it was wrong to hold slaves, and a good many who hold them say the same. It's a habit--they mean, they say, to set them free at such a time, or such a time,--by and by they die, and the children hold on to the slaves.

I purchased my freedom, and remained in Kentucky awhile; then removed to Cincinnati; thence to Chatham. Every thing goes well with me in Canada: I have no reason to complain.

I think that if a slaveholder offers his servant freedom, on condition that he will earn and pay a certain sum, and the slave accepts freedom on that condition, he is bound in honor to pay the sum promised.

Some poor, ignorant fellows may be satisfied with their condition as slaves, but, as a general thing, they are not satisfied with being slaves.
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AARON SIDDLES.

By the law of Almighty God, I was born free,--by the law of man a slave. I was born in South Carolina: was raised in Murfreesboro', Tenn., until nineteen. I was taken into Kentucky, and sold three times. Then I was sold to one of the worst negro-traders that ever was, to be taken five miles below Baton Rouge. While he was purchasing more, I gave my guard the slip, and went into the bush five months. In this time I slept in no man's house nor barn: I felt that there were only two persons in the world I could trust: one girl, Lavina Robinson, who brought me food from a white man, and that white man himself, Timothy Guard. Mr. Guard knew me well,--I was his foreman--cooper. He offered $1,000 for me: the trader would n't take it. Guard lent me the money--I offered it for myself. The trader said, "I know you had that money of Guard, and I won't please him. I want you--you 'll make a first-rate nigger-driver." I felt I would rather be killed than go. I was only afraid they 'd chain me: I think they were afraid to undertake it. I was a stout man, and have lifted seven hundred and fifty pounds--a steamboat shaft. It was on a bet; a Southerner bet a new coat he had against five dollars, that I could not life it. I lifted it with ease, and took the coat.

I took to the woods as I said. The trader got discouraged, and sold the chance of me to Guard for $1,000. The conditions were, if Guard ever saw me in the United States, he was to pay the money. He saw me the next night, for I went in. I had a previous understanding with Guard, that if he bought me, I was to have a chance to buy myself. He gave me a paper
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signed before witnesses, that I was to be free, when I paid him $1,600. He also gave me papers stating that I was allowed to trade for myself: if I would not pay, he would, and if any one would not pay me, he would compel them. I went to work as steward of a steamboat. At first, I got $35 a month, which raised till I got $100 a month. I paid off Guard between six and seven years after: still remained on the boats, and, in all, I worked eleven years with one man at $100 a month,--and he would give me that now, if I would go back.

On passing up or down the Mississippi, between slave States, the first thing I heard in the morning was the sound of the great bells, which are rung to call the slaves. The next thing, before it was light enough to see, I heard the crack of the overseer's whip, and the cries of the slaves, "Oh! pray, Mas'r! Oh! pray, Mas'r!" Every morning I heard it from both sides of the river.

Living in Indiana, I was dissatisfied with the laws of the country. I had a good deal of property there; it was not safe, for any loafing white might destroy or steal, and unless a white man were by to see it, I could get no redress.

One time in Indiana, seven white fellows, without provocation, threw brickbats at my house, and broke my windows. I was so mad, that I seized my gun and pursued them, and put some small shot in the backs of two of them. Dr. F. would not take out the shot, unless they would tell him where they got them. They told him they had been to steal watermelons; had not got any; and on passing my house, they threw the brickbats because colored people lived there. The Dr. blamed them, said I was as much esteemed and respected
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as any man there. They owned they had no cause. I afterward made it known that, as my oath was good for nothing, if any white man interfered with me, or trespassed on my property, I would make him a witness.

I removed to Canada, where I would have an equal oath with any man, when any thing occurred; where I would have every right that every man has. I brought ten thousand dollars into Canada with me, and I find profitable employment for my capital here.

Excepting for the oppressive laws, I would rather have remained in Indiana. I left one of the most beautiful places in that country--everybody who sees it says it is a beautiful place. I had a two-story frame house, with piazza--good stable--and every arrangement about the premises was nice and convenient. I had abundance of apples, peaches, quinces, plums, and grapes. I paid my taxes, and felt hurt and angry too, that I was not allowed my oath--there was no justice in it. The road tax, I would not work out. They threatened to sue me. I told them I would stand a lawsuit first, and take it to the Supreme Court. "What!" said I, "shall a white man drive against me, on this very road, and break my wagon, and I get no redress? No! when you give me my oath, I'll work on the roads." They never sued me. I suffered oppression in being obliged to leave my place to claim my rights as a man.

I blame for this the tories and turncoats of the free States. They don't put in right men, that are true to their country. They are chosen to represent the free States, but they act with the South. Just exactly what they call dough-faces.

I was never taught to read or write.
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JOHN C--N.

I live at the concession line and farm about four miles from Chatham. I was many years a slave, and have been up and down the Mississippi a great deal. In the morning the great bells ring on the plantations. Before you can see persons on the farms, you hear the whips crack and the slaves cry out. I have heard them every morning, when passing up or down the river,--"Oh Lord! master!--Oh Lord! master!" It seems to me always as I heard them in the dark, as if hell was there, and I heard the cries of them who were just going into it.

REUBEN SAUNDERS.

I was born in Greene Co., Georgia. At about twelve years old, our family was broken up by the death of my master. I was the oldest child: there were three brothers and two sisters. My master's children had grown, and were married, and settled in various parts of Georgia. We were all separated,--no two went together. My mother's master was about half a mile from where the youngest child was. They did not think it would know enough to learn the way. Some of them carried her once to see her mother, and she learned the way. She used to go over to where her mother lived, and creep under the house, where she would wait till her mother came into the yard and then run to her. There were bad dogs there, but they did not trouble her. My mother's master tried to buy this
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child, but her owner would not sell her under six hundred dollars. He did not mean to sell. I have not seen my mother since the sale. I remained there from twelve to twenty-four years of age, and was well treated.

I was never caught there with a book in my hand, or a pen. I never saw but one slave in Georgia, who could read and write, and he was brought in from another State.

The treatment about there, seemed to depend on the number a man had. If few, they got on well, if many, they fared worse. If a man used his slaves with kindness more than the others, they disliked it.

From Georgia, I was removed to Mississippi,--that being considered a money-making place. I was the only slave my master had. I went on with him. At first he engaged in rafting cypress timber, then kept a wood-yard on the Mississippi. I stayed there sixteen years. Then he brought me and my wife and children to Indiana, and set us free. He had made money fast, and he made a good use of it,--for he bought my wife and three children, and my wife's brother, on purpose to set us free. My family cost him thirteen hundred dollars, and the brother, seven hundred and fifty dollars. He afterward went down the Mississippi with eight hundred dollars, and to sell some land and wind up. He was lost off the boat and drowned: some thought he was robbed and pushed overboard.

I do n't think any man can of right, hold property in another. I like the condition of freedom,--what I make is mine. I arrived here last April.
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THOMAS HEDGEBETH.

I was born free, in Halifax Co. North Carolina, where I lived thirty-five years. About ten years ago, I removed to Indiana. My father was a farmer, half white, who ran through his farm. If a white man there brings a great account, the white man would carry it against the colored,--the law there does not favor colored people. I cannot read or write. A free-born man in North Carolina is as much oppressed, in one sense, as the slave: I was not allowed to go to school. I recollect when I was a boy, a colored man came from Ohio, and opened a school, but it was broken up. I was in the field ploughing with my father,--he said he wished we could go and learn. I think it an outrageous sin and shame, that a free colored man could not be taught. My ignorance has a very injurious effect on my prospects and success. I blame the State of North Carolina--the white people of that State--for it. I am now engaged in a troublesome lawsuit, about the title to my estate, which I would not have got into, had I known how to read and write.

There were lots of slaves in the neighborhood where I was raised. After I grew up to take notice of things, I found I was oppressed as well as they. I thought it a sin then, for one man to hold another. I never was allowed to visit among the slaves,--had I been caught visiting them, I should have been fined: if a slave had visited me, he would have been whipped. This prevented my having much intercourse with them, except when I was hired to work by the masters. The conversation among the slaves was, that they worked hard, and got no benefit,--that the masters got it all. They
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knew but little about the good of themselves,--they often grumbled about food and clothing,--that they had not enough. I never heard a colored man grumbling about that here. They were generally religious,--they believed in a just God, and thought the owners wrong in punishing them in the way they were punished. A good many were so ignorant that they did not know any better, than to suppose that they were made for slavery, and the white men for freedom. Some, however, would talk about freedom, and think they ought to be free.

I have often been insulted, abused, and imposed upon, and had advantage taken of me by the whites in North Carolina, and could not help myself.

When I was twenty-one, I went to vote, supposing it would be allowed. The 'Squire, who held the box objected, and said no colored man was allowed to vote. I felt very badly about it,--I felt cheap, and I felt vexed: but I knew better than to make an answer,--I would have been knocked down certain. Unless I took off my hat, and made a bow to a white man, when I met him, he would rip out an oath,--"d--n you, you mulatto, ain't you got no politeness? do n't you know enough to take off your hat to a white man?" On going into a store, I was required to take off my hat.

I have seen slaves with whom I worked, nearly starved out, and yet stripped and whipped; blood cut out of them. It makes my flesh creep now to think of it--such gashes as I've seen cut in them. After a whipping, they would often leave and take to the woods for a month or two, and live by taking what they could find. I've often heard it said that's the cause of colored people in the South being dishonest, because they are brought so as to be obliged to steal. But I do not
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consider it dishonest--I always thought it right for a slave to take and eat as much as he wanted where he labored.

At some places where I have worked, I have known that the slaves had not a bite of meat given them. They had a pint of corn meal unsifted, for a meal,--three pints a day. I have seen the white men measure it, and the cook bake it, and seen them eat it: that was all they had but water--they might have as much of that as they wanted. This is no hearsay--I've seen it through the spring, and on until crop time: three pints of meal a day and the bran and nothing else. I heard them talk among themselves about having got a chicken or something, and being whipped for it. They were a bad looking set--some twenty of them--starved and without clothing enough for decency. It ought to have been a disgrace to their master, to see them about his house. If a man were to go through Canada so, they 'd stop him to know what he meant by it--whether it was poverty or if he was crazy,--and they 'd put a suit of clothes on him. I have seen them working out in the hot sun in July or August without hats--bareheaded. It was not from choice,--they could n't get hats.

I have seen families put on the block and sold, some one way, some another way. I remember a family about two miles from me,--a father and mother and three children. Their master died, and they were sold. The father went one way, the mother another, with one child, and the other two children another way. I saw the sale--I was there--I went to buy hogs. The purchaser examined the persons of the slaves to see if they were sound,--if they were "good niggers." I was used to such things, but it made me feel bad to
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see it. The oldest was about ten or eleven years. It was hard upon them to be separated--they made lamentations about it. I never heard a white man at a sale express a wish that a family might be sold together.

On removing to Indiana, the white people did not seem so hostile altogether, nor want the colored people to knuckle quite so low. There were more white people who were friendly than in North Carolina. I was not allowed my vote nor my oath. There were more who wished colored people to have their rights than in North Carolina,--I mean there were abolitionists in Indiana.

I came here a year last spring, to escape the oppression of the laws upon the colored men. After the fugitive slave bill was passed, a man came into Indianapolis, and claimed John Freeman, a free colored man, an industrious, respectable man, as his slave. He brought proofs enough. Freeman was kept in jail several weeks,--but at last it turned out that the slave sought, was not Freeman, but a colored man in Canada, and F. was released. The danger of being taken as Freeman was, and suffering from a different decision, worked on my mind. I came away into Canada in consequence, as did many others. There were colored people who could have testified to Freeman's being free from his birth, but their oath would not be taken in Indiana.

In regard to Canada, I like the country, the soil, as well as any country I ever saw. I like the laws, which leave a man as much freedom as a man can have,--still there is prejudice here. The colored people are trying to remove this by improving and educating themselves, and by industry, to show that they are a
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people who have minds, and that all they want is cultivating.

I do not know how many colored people are here--but last summer five hundred and twenty-five were counted leaving the four churches.

WILLIAM BROWN.

[An old man, apparently eighty years of age, nearly bald: what little hair he had was grey. His countenance wore a pleasant but subdued expression.]

I am not eighty--only sixty-three--but I am worked down, and worn out with hard work. Work all the time in the South--in Fauquier county, Va. When I began work in the morning, I could usually see a little red in the east, and I worked till ten before eating: at two I would eat again, and then work, at some seasons, until ten at night. Then I would have a pint of meal and a roasted herring. Tired and hungry--tired and hungry,--the slaves are obliged to steal; they are so hungry, that they will steal whatever they can find to eat.

I could generally find the tobacco worms by a hole through the leaf. But in the heat of the day, they get under a leaf and do not eat: and the hands passing along, breaking off suckers, do n't always see them; then the overseer follows along behind looking, and if he finds the worm, the man is called back to kill it, and he gets five or six blows from the hickory or cow-hide.

In hoeing corn, the overseer will perhaps stand in the shade of a tree, where he can see the slaves; if they
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slacken work, he calls out to hurry them up, but he do n't like to leave the shade of the tree, it is so hot. But sometimes, if a man drops behind, the overseer comes up, gives him some lashes, and then goes back to his tree.

The slaves work and the planter gets the benefit of it. It is wrong for him to have the money for their labor, and if a man goes to him for ten cents, to be refused. But they can't prosper: Providence won't let 'em. My master got all broke up at last, and started with his slaves for Missouri. I have a wife and three children that belonged to another master. When my master was about moving, the man that owned my family came to him and said: "William is old, and his family are here; his work won't amount to much now. I will give you two hundred and twenty dollars for him, and let him stay with his family." But my master cared nothing for that. "I can get that out of him in Missouri in three years," says he. I had to leave my family behind.

When we got to Cincinnati, he put all the slaves but me in a boat and kept them on the Kentucky side. I took care of his five horses on board. He came on board just at night, and said, "Have you fed the horses?" "Yes, Mas'r." "I want you to stay on board and look out for the horses, for I can put more dependence on you than on the others. Do n't leave the boat, nor go up into the city to-night, for there are men here that catch all the niggers they can, and take them to New Orleans: so be sure, do n't go ashore." I said, "No, mas'r,"--but that no meant yes. In the evening, while he was on the other side, I looked for my bag of clothes which I had left on the top of every thing,--but I could n't find it: that fellow had hid it.
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I searched among the things, but I could n't find it anywhere. I went up into the city and passed a great many folks, but they took no notice of me. I wanted to find some abolitionists or quakers. At last, I saw two white men standing together, and spoke to them. They were friendly, and it was not long after that, I got into Canada.

It is three years ago that I left my family, and I do n't know whether they are dead or alive. I want to hear from them.

MR.----.

[The name and former residence of the person who furnished the following testimony of his experience as a slave, and his present doings as a free man, are suppressed, on account of the circumstances connected with his escape. The writer has suppressed several interesting narratives and parts of narratives for similar reasons.]

At sixteen years of age, I went in a chain-gang to Mississippi, where I was sold and taken to another State. There they calculated to work me down. Taking my shirt off and whipping me, was a new thing to me--it was what was never done by them that raised me. Then 't was cut on some two or three hundred. Once I received a very severe whipping--the colored people told me it was two hundred--with the paddle. I had no friends there. The colored people were as eager to catch me as the whites. I wanted to find some friend. I made my way back to the place where I was raised, and saw my old mistress who had raised me from an infant. Her second husband, while I was
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stopping around there, secreted me, but was watching the advertisements, to let the reward run up high, so as to get a great sum. The mistress told me he was calculating to pocket the reward, and return me into the hands of my owners. She said there was a free country, called Canada: she gave me a few dollars, and told me to follow the north star. If it was too dark to see the north star, to feel of the trees, and on that side where the moss was longest, was my way. I followed her directions, and travelled through the woods, exposed to wet and cold and starvation.

On my way I was caught and put in jail, where I was kept six weeks. They could find no master. I was hired out one month. They calculated to keep me twelve months, advertising me, in hopes my owner would appear. I was again hired out, on the second month, to a drunken dog,--but I had learned better sense than to follow the plans he was determined on. While his guard was at supper, I made my escape. I was pursued the next day, and saw my pursuers, but they did not see me: I made my escape by hiding in the brush. The first friend I met was a white man at last--an abolitionist. He kept me two weeks till I got recruited.

I leased a piece of ground, and went to clearing up. It was heavily wooded. I have cleared four acres, and cut it into cord-wood; have got it under good fence,--have raised one crop, and have a prospect of another. I was to have it three years more if I wished--if I leave it, I am to be paid for my improvements. I can understand about written agreements, but do not know how to write, and have suffered losses from this cause.

Slavery is one of the greatest curses that ever was. There could not be one so despised in the sight of God. I believe that the place of punishment was made for
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those who separate husbands and wives, and traffic in their fellow men: killing babes--I have seen one with its brains dashed out against a red oak tree. Tired of carrying it, its mother being in the gang, and troubled with it, as any man would be, they put it out of the way.

ISAAC GRIFFIN.

I am from Trimble county, Ky. I was a slave in Kentucky forty-six years. Then I had $500 for self, wife, and child. I left eight children in bondage, who undertook to escape. The oldest got here; the others were retaken, and sold in Texas.

Two years ago, I saw one hundred men chained, besides women and children, going down south.

I have often been down the Mississippi on flat-boats,--following the river every year for five or six years. Mornings I would hear something like a bell--it is a clock though,--then the hands have to rise; if they do n't, the overseer is among them.

Just before day, the first time I went down, as I was floating down the Grand Gulf, I heard the whip cracking, and a man crying, "Oh Lord! Oh Lord! Oh Lord!" I was afraid somebody was murdering: I called my master,--he said, "Somebody is whipping his slave." We had to put in there. I saw the man: he was put over a log, his feet tied, and his hands tied, and a rail put between. They would whip him, and then rest upon it. They flogged him off and on until daylight. His back . . . . .

At one time I went down on a boat. There were
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many slaves on board, and one yellow girl with a child. At Natchez, a man came on board who wanted to buy a yellow girl without children. Her master told her to say she had none. The man bought her, and the trader gave her child, six weeks old, to a white woman.

Slavery is the greatest curse on earth. Nothing exceeds it for wickedness. A slave in the South suffers death many times before he does die.

I felt, when free, as light as a feather--a burden was off of me. I could get up and go to my work without being bruised and beaten. The worst thought was for my children,--what they might have to go through. I cannot hear from them.

I have lived in Canada one year. I find the people laboring well generally: as industrious as any men. The law is the same for one as another. We have our meetings and gatherings here, and have no trouble at all.

I am doing as well, for a poor man, as I can expect--I get a good living.

WILLIAM STREET.

I am from Middle Tennessee, where I worked as a blacksmith, another man taking my wages. All I got was my victuals and clothes, and not much at that. Twenty-five years I was a slave,--was bred and born a slave, and cannot read or write.

My mother has several times told me that her father was sick, and his mistress drove him out of the house, and he leaned his breast over the fence and died. She often showed me the place where he died. I was hired
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out when very young--did not get the lash. It was never "Can you do it?" or "Will you do it?"--but "You must go and do it." Sometimes I would do a good day's work, and then have another job put on me. I can't paint it as bad as it is. I have seen a man at the iron-works--Perkins's--who said he did not believe that there was a bit of skin on him that he was born with,--they had whipped it all off.

If a northern man were to go right into a slave State, he would not see the worst of slavery. By the time he was up in the morning, the slaves would be a mile off--he would see but little of the evil--he would n't get to see it.

My master died when I was seven; my mistress when I was twenty-five. Then we were divided out: I fell to a son who lived in Mississippi. I had been living with a doctor two years, and I asked him to buy me. But my master would n't sell--the doctor offered $1,100 for me. I was put in jail five days--I and my brother, who had fallen to the same man, were there. Our owner came in with irons and handcuffs, and put them on, and took us to the blacksmith to have them riveted. I left two men in the jail who had run away from Mississippi, and had lain there eleven months,--in one month to be sold. One of them was a great fellow to pray: I'd hear him praying every morning for the Lord to help him. He said he wished the doctor would buy me. The rivets were fixed: we went to Nashville, and were put on board a steamboat, I and my brother chained together. They were loading the boat, which takes two or three days. I heard some one tell a colored man to pump the boilers full, and they'd put out in the morning. I said to my brother, "When you hear me say to-night, the dog's dead, then we 'll put out."
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At 11 o'clock we laid down. I made believe that something ailed me, and kept going out. By and by, I said " the dog's dead." We crept into the wheelhouse, and down on the wheel, to the outside of the guard, and got on board a stone-coal boat. We walked eighteen miles that night,--but we were not away yet--yet had no thought about Canada. I had heard of it, but had no thought about getting to it. We laid down, meaning to stay till next night.

Two men went out to hunt partridges, and at about one o'clock they came across us. "What are you doing here, boys?" We had broken off the chains, but the handcuffs were on each of us. "I am going to Columbia--did n't you see that wagon with the boiler on it?" They said, "Come, go this way," and one threatened with his gun. We up and ran. The slaveholders both followed us. We ran across a field about half a mile: when we got across there was a mill and a creek. We ran through the creek: there was a big hill. I went one side, and my brother the other: they followed after me. I stopped and hailed, "What do you want?" They thought I was coming in to give up,--but I passed them and went into the creek, where I fell down, and got wet all over. I crossed at the mill; they after me: there was a horse tied there, and there were several men about the mill; one a colored man, who had the horse. "Can I take your horse?" "No." I took him any how. I cut the bridle, jumped on, and started. Then a white man put his gun over a tree and shot me--some eight or ten small shot went in--they are most of them in me now. The horse then put out with me--then I was shut of them. They had no horse--he put out like lightning--I did not know where I was going,--I rode two miles, got off, hitched the horse,
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and went away and left him. Thinks I, they 've gone from the mill now--I'll go back and get my clothes now,--I had left them in my hurry. As I went back to the mill, I saw them and took them, and then I saw the men coming back from pursuing my brother. I heard them say, "Yonder he is! yonder he is!" I ran to an open field where there was a little grass, and laid down. They did not see--they hunted about and gave it up: then I went to an old house that had hay in it, and put my clothes in there. I then walked right before the door of a house where were slaves at work--nobody spoke a word to me. After I got through them, I saw an old colored man with a wagon. He told me, "You go this way, and when they come I'll tell 'em you 've gone that way." I did as he advised me, and got into a tree that had been burned out, and stayed in it till night: then I went and got my clothes, and started for the old place where I was raised.

I went on to where my oldest brother lived in Tennessee, and told him the circumstances. I was then told to go into the barn-loft, and stay there,--I did--stayed three days hid in the wheat: then I went in the woods, and stayed eight months without ever going into a house,--from Christmas until the last of August. Then my owner came from Mississippi, with a man named T--, who brought three bloodhounds along with him. A white man who saw me the day before, told them where they had seen me. They went to that place, and put the bloodhounds on my track. I had never seen a bloodhound, but I heard them, and I spoke to myself; says I, "I'm gone." I had a pistol, a big stick, and a big knife. Then I ran out of the corn field into a little skirt of woods, and the bloodhounds got over the fence when I did. I wheeled and shot one of
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them through and through. He never got away from the place at all. I got back to the corn field, the others both with me in the field; one hold of my wrist, the other of my leg. I have the marks--here they are on my wrist. I struck at the dog with my knife a number of times--but he dodged every time. Then my master came up with a pistol, and said if I did'nt stand, he'd put a ball through me. T--came up and struck me with a hickory stick five or six blows, on the back of my neck. I cried, "Oh Lord! Oh Lord!" then T--made the dogs let go. He then took out his handcuffs and chains, and put them on, and took me to a blacksmith's, to have them riveted, putting in another chain between the cuffs, to make 'em strong, so I could n't get away anyhow.

They concluded I must know where my youngest brother was, but I did not and could not tell them any thing about it. They did n't believe that, I was standing up; a great many gathered round to see me: I was chewing tobacco. T--said, "G--d--you, quit chewing tobacco, and tell us where your brother is, for I know you know." Some fellow asked my master what he was going to do with me,--he said he was going to give me up to T--, because I had killed the bloodhound,--T--would n't have taken five hundred dollars for him; said "he was worth more than him, d--n him." He was the fastest one they had; before they brought them from Mississippi, they had caught a man and torn out his entrails,--T--told me so himself. They kept me going round from that day, Tuesday, to Friday, trying to find my brother,--chaining me to the bedstead at night. Thursday morning they thought they had heard of him; went eighteen miles to Shelbyville. A great many went with them for the
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fun of the thing. This was in the beginning of September, 1851.

I was now at the old place where I was bred, and was left with master's brother-in-law, in his care. At three o'clock, the brother had some sheep to shear: he took me into the stable, put on shackles, and took off my handcuffs, so I could shear. After dinner, said I, "Mr. E--, won't you give me some grease, if you please, to grease my boots?" "Oh, yes." I went into the kitchen where my mother had lived, close by, and thought over all things that had passed before. Pretty soon he told me to fill a kettle with water. The kettle was some fifty yards from the house; there were some six men on the piazza, who could watch me. I filled the kettle. "Did you see my boys?" says he. I told him, "Yes--behind the barn." The barn was further off than the kettle. "Shall I go and tell them to make a fire about the kettle?" Says he, "Yes." They wanted to kill a shoat against the folks got home with my brother. I stepped to the barn to tell them; I looked round,--no one was looking. I told them. They all started for wood, etc. I looked up to the sun, and said to myself, "it's three o'clock." I threw my boots over a stump, and drew them so I could run, I kept my boots, and ran off to Canada. . . . .

It is above my language to tell how overjoyed I was on getting into Canada. Nothing harasses a man so much as slavery. There is nothing under the sun so mean: after a man is dead, they won't let him rest. It is a horrible thing to think of, the ignorance slaves are brought up in. There is not a man born, who can represent slavery so bad as it is.

I work here at blacksmithing: I own this shop. I have plenty of work, and good pay.
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BUXTON.

THE ELGIN SETTLEMENT, or, as it is more commonly called, KING'S SETTLEMENT, is in Buxton, in the township of Raleigh, county of Kent. The colored population of Buxton numbers eight hundred. Nearly all the adults have, at some time, been slaves, but many resided in the free States before entering Canada.

King's Settlement comprises nine thousand acres of land,--a tract some six miles in length, by three in breadth,--and is situated between the Great Western Railway and Lake Erie: its boundary being about a mile and one fourth from the lake shore. A company has been chartered by the Provincial Legislature, for the purpose of constructing a railroad to connect Niagara with Amherstburg. This road is to pass through the southern portion of the settlement, and will afford a ready market for all the firewood, of which there is abundance on the lands.

The settlement at Buxton, was first projected by the Rev. Wm. King in 1849. Mr. King was formerly a slaveholder in Louisiana; but not being "to the manner born," he manumitted his own slaves, about fourteen in number, (for whom he had been offered nine thousand dollars,) and brought them with him to Canada, where he settled them on farms or on lands recently purchased of the government. From long acquaintance with the colored people in the South, and from
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their previous history, Mr. King was satisfied, that, when placed in favorable circumstances, they could support themselves as well as the emigrants from Europe, and would be capable of making the same progress in education. The colored people and their friends owe a debt of gratitude to Mr. King, for having successfully conducted the experiment at Buxton.

In furtherance of Mr. King's views, an association was "formed in Upper Canada by divers persons resident therein, under the name of the ELGIN ASSOCIATION, for the settlement and moral improvement of the colored population of Canada, for the purpose of purchasing Crown or Clergy Reserve Lands, in the township of Raleigh, and settling the same with colored families resident in Canada, of approved moral character." The association under the above style and description was incorporated on the 10th of August, 1850.

The land is divided into farms of fifty acres each, and so situated that a road runs past each man's farm. The houses are set thirty-three feet from this road, facing streets, so that the whole settlement, when cleared up and opened, will present a uniform appearance. The land is sold to the settlers at $2.50 per acre, the government price, and is paid in ten equal annual instalments, with interest at the rate of 6 per cent. But although ten years were allowed to the settlers to pay for their farms, a number have taken out their deeds already; and there is no doubt that before the ten years shall have expired, each settler will have his deed in possession: for which he will be indebted to his own exertions--since the settlers receive no money, no grants of land, no farming implements,--nothing but protection and advice. Whatever they have is purchased by themselves, and as far as the supply of their
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physical wants is concerned, they are self-supporting.

The houses in the settlement are built of logs, after a model prescribed by the Improvement Committee. The model was 18 feet by 24, and 12 feet in height, with a gallery running the whole length of the front. While no house was allowed to go up inferior to the model, the settlers were allowed to build as much better as they pleased. The first actual settler entered in December, 1849.

The third annual report of the directors, September, 1852, says, "The number of families of colored persons settled on the lands of the association up to August 1, 1852, is 75--and the number of inhabitants 400. By these settlers not fewer than 50 houses have been erected. Besides the regular occupants, about 25 families of colored people, attracted by the advantages of the settlement, have purchased lands in its immediate proximity. Including these 100 colored families, about 500 individuals are now comfortably settled on their own property in that district. The number of acres cleared on the Elgin grounds to August 1, is 350; and 204 of those have been under crop this season. The land is best adapted for the culture of wheat; but it also produces corn, tobacco, and hemp, equal to any that is grown in the Western States. With regard to the moral state of the people, sobriety is so general that no case of drunkenness has occurred; and as a guaranty for peace among the settlers, a court of arbitration has been set up, before which five cases only have been brought, which were decided easily and amicably, and without expense to either party. The day school has 73 on the roll; the attendance is good, and the number increasing. About 20 of the present number are the
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children of white parents. The Sabbath school has 53 attending it. The church, which is supplied by Rev. Mr. King, the indefatigable and able missionary to the Elgin settlement, is attended by from 100 to 140 persons; and the desire for the administration of the word and ordinances seems to be on the increase. A Latin class was opened last November, which is attended by 6 colored youths; and it is hoped that some of them may be found qualified for teaching their brethren, or for filling the office of the Christian ministry."

Mr. King is chiefly paid by the Home Mission Committee of the Presbyterian (Free) Church of Canada, which has always borne testimony against the evils of slavery.

The fourth annual report of the directors, made in September, 1853, states: "Up to this time, 130 families have settled on the lands of the association, and improved farms in the neighborhood: these families contain 520 persons in all. 500 acres are cleared and under fence; 135 cut down and partially cleared. Of the cleared land, 236 acres are in corn; 60 acres in wheat; 29 in oats, and 90 in other crops: making in all 415 acres under cultivation. The number of cattle in the settlement in 128. There are 15 horses, 30 sheep, and 250 hogs. The temperance principle is strictly acted on through the whole settlement,--no intoxicating drinks being either manufactured or sold. The Sabbath is generally observed; and most of the settlers attend some place of worship. The number of children at the day school is 112; at the Sabbath school, 80. They were all improving, both in secular and scriptural knowledge: a number of the more advanced pupils were studying Latin, with a view to future usefulness."
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The fifth annual report, September, 1854, shows that the settlement was making good progress. It informs us, that "several houses have been built during the past year far above the model, and one person has contracted for a brick cottage, the first on the lands of the Association; [this has since been completed;] others, both of brick and frame, will be erected in a few years. The clay on the land is found to make excellent brick: 250,000 have been made during the last year, and the same number will be furnished during the next year. About 150 families are on the association lands and farms in the neighborhood; 77 houses have been built after the model, most of them inclosed with a picket fence and whitewashed: 8 are above the model. The rest are making arrangements to have their houses put up during the ensuing year. The number of acres cleared and under fence is 726; the number chopped down and ready for clearing is 174. Of the cleared land, 334 are in corn, 95 in wheat, 48 in oats, and 100 in other crops, making in all 577 acres under crop. This shows an increase over last year of cleared land, 226 acres; and of crops, 162. The number of cows and oxen is 150; of horses, 38; of sheep, 25; and of hogs, 700. The health of the settlement continues good; peace and harmony reign among the people. The Sabbath is strictly kept as a day of rest. Temperance prevails; nothing that intoxicates is made or sold in the settlement. The schools and church are well attended; 147 are on the roll in the day school; 120 in the Sabbath school. Progress has been made in secular and scriptural knowledge. The population has increased so fast during the last year, that, one school failing to accommodate all, the residents in the northern part of the settlement, anxious that their children
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should receive education, have erected a neat school-house at their own expense, with a view of getting a teacher for it, at least six months in the year."

The value of the oak timber on the lands of the Association has been estimated by good judges at $57,000; of the maple, hickory, etc., at $70,000. Lumber, however, has hitherto been of little avail to the settlers, for want of a saw-mill and a market. A steam saw-mill was, however, completed, and ready for operation on the 4th of July, 1855: and a plank road is contemplated, which, extending eight miles from the Great Western Railway to the Lake, will give the settlers two markets--one on the Lake, and another on the Railroad.

The annual report for 1855, states that "the colored population have manifested a more fixed determination to raise from the soil what will support themselves and their families, without going abroad to work, a part of the year, for money to purchase the necessaries and comforts of life. . . . . Nearly all the settlers have made a steady advance in clearing and cropping: the quantity of land clear and under fence is 827 acres, besides 216 acres that have been chopped down, and will be ready to put in fall and spring crops. Of the land cleared, 180 acres have been sown with wheat; 340 with corn; 50 with potatoes; 40 with oats; and 200 with hay, buckwheat, and turnips. Besides these crops, there is a considerable quantity of tobacco,--the leaf of which is said by competent judges to be equal in quality to any raised in Virginia and Kentucky. . . . . During the past year, but little has been done in raising stock. It has been found that sheep and horses cannot be raised with much profit, till there is more open land, and more hay to support them during the winter. The number of cows in the
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settlement is 140; of oxen, 50; of horses, 40; of sheep, 38; and of hogs, 600. . . . . The improvement in the buildings has not made the same progress this year as last. Several buildings after the model, have gone up, and some above the model, but none of them have been finished for want of lumber. That difficulty will now be obviated. A good saw and grist-mill has been erected. The saw now supplies abundance of lumber for the settlement: so that, during the next year, there is a prospect of having more houses finished than during any one year since the settlement commenced. . . . . One hundred and fifty children have been going to school during the last year; and some of them have made considerable progress in the higher branches of education. . . . . The health and morality of the settlement continue good."

The settlers at Buxton are characterized by a manly, independent air and manner. Most of them came into the province stripped of every thing but life. They have purchased homes for themselves, paid the price demanded by government, erected their own buildings, and supported their own families by their own industry; receiving no aid whatever from any benevolent society, but carefully excluding donations of any kind from coming into the settlement.

Mr. King having full faith in the natural powers, capacity, and capabilities of the African race, is practically working out his belief, by placing the refugees in circumstances where they may learn self-reliance, and maintain a perfect independence of aid: trusting, under God, on their own right arm.

A few testimonials from residents of Buxton are appended. Those of Mr. and Mrs. Isaac Riley are the most favorable to the "peculiar" institution, of any
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that the writer listened to in Canada--and yet they tell against slavery with tremendous force. Comparatively well treated as was Mrs. R., she was yet urged by a young white man to make her escape from "darkness," and from evils which impended over her.

ISAAC RILEY.

In Perry county, Missouri, where I was raised, I never saw an overseer, nor a negro-trader, nor driver, nor any abuse, such as is practised in other places. I've never seen any separations of families. I always from a small boy meant to be free at some day. After I had a son, it grieved me to see some small boys in the neighborhood, who were hired out to work twenty miles from home. I looked at my boy, and thought if he remained, he would have to leave us in the same way, and grow up in ignorance. It appeared to me cruel to keep him ignorant.

I escaped with my wife and child to Canada. Among the French near Windsor, I got small wages--2s. or 1s. 6d. a day, York: and morning and night up to my knees in water,--still I preferred this to abundance in slavery. I crossed over and got work and better pay in Michigan. They would have liked to have me remain, and offered to build a house for me. But I did not feel free in Michigan, and did not remain. I went to St. Catharines, and got fifty cents a day. By and by, I heard of Mr. King's settlement,--I came here, and have got along well. My children can get good learning here.
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MRS. ISAAC RILEY.

I was born in Maryland, and raised in Perry County, Mo. Where I was raised, the treatment was kind. I used to hear of separations of families, but never saw any. I never saw the lash used, nor the paddle, nor ever heard of the abuse of slaves until I came into Canada. I see many here, who have suffered from hard treatment, and who have seen it practised on others,--but I never saw an overseer, nor a negro-trader in my life; if I did, I did n't know it. I never knew any thing about places they call "the quarters," in my life. I could not go when I pleased, nor come when I pleased, but was sometimes allowed to go out without a pass ten or twelve miles from home. I was never stopped on my way by patrols--never heard about such things where I was raised. I was never sent to school,--but my master, who had owned my mother, and raised me from the cradle, was very kind, and taught me to read and spell some,--but not to write.

I used often to think that I would like to be as free as the white people were. I often told them, when they made me angry, that they had no more business with me, than I had with them.

My master was very particular about my having clothing and food enough. When I first came to Canada, the colored people seemed cold and indifferent to each other; and so it was with the white people and the colored. It seemed as if the white people did not want to speak to us. I took this very much to heart, for where I grew up, the white people talk freely to their neighbors' colored people. I felt so about it, that if
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they had come for me, I would have gone back willingly.

In Missouri, when my first child was young, up to seventeen months old, when I left, I had no care of it, except to nurse it,--the white people took all the care of it.

For two years before I left, my husband talked of coming to Canada. I felt no desire for leaving. But [a young man, a relative of my master] often persuaded me to leave for Canada,--and he talked with a great deal of reason. He said he would not, if he were I, bring my boy up to be a slave: "you do n't know," he would say, "how long [the old gentleman] may live,--and when he dies, you may come under altogether different treatment." At last, when there was a camp-meeting, I told my husband we had better leave, as it might be so by and by, that we could not leave at all. We left, and made a long camp-meeting of it.

We crossed over at Windsor, and had rather hard times about Potico, among the French,--there's where the people seemed so distant. I thought if Canada was all like that place, it was a hard place. We stayed there a few months, and went to St. Catherines, where we did better. After a while, we heard that Mr. King was buying a place to settle the colored people. We came up here before it was surveyed, and Mr. Riley helped the surveyors. He took one hundred acres of land, and we are well contented. If I do not live to see it, perhaps my children will, that this will one day be a great place.

My two oldest children go to school. The oldest is well along, and studies Latin and Greek. The other
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three are not old enough to go to school. We have good schools here,--music and needlework are taught.

I think my present condition here far preferable to what it would have been in slavery. There we were in darkness,--here we are in light. My children also would have grown up, had I remained there, in ignorance and darkness.

HARRY THOMAS.

I was born in Brunswick, partly raised in Southampton, ten miles below Bethlehem, Virginia. Was then bought by a "nigger-trader," J--B--, and was sold to J--S--, in South Carolina. The treatment there was barbarous. At sixteen years old, they gave me a task, splitting rails, which I did in the time, then went to take my rest. His wife was harder than he was,--she told me to make lights in the road, setting fire to rubbish, it being a new place. I got through at ten o'clock: boss came home, I went in again. She ordered me to put on water to scour the floors, etc. I would n't,--I went over to her father's "nigger-house" all night. Next morning, the master came for me, took me home, stripped me stark naked, made a paddle of thick oak board, lashed me across a pine log, secured my hands and feet, and whipped me with the paddle. His little boy saw it and cried,--he cursed him away,--his wife came,--he cursed her away. He whipped till he broke the paddle. After that, he took me to the house, and hit me with a hickory stick over the head and shoulders, a dozen times or more: then he got salt and water, and a corn cob, and scrubbed me. Then
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he sent me to water the hogs, naked as I was, in January. I ran into the woods, and went back to the same house, and the colored people gave me some old rags to keep me from freezing.

I recovered from that beating, and at length ran away again, because he refused to let me go to see my friends. I was caught by a colored man, who took me to my master's step-father's,--he whipped me till he was satisfied, then master came, and whipped me with a leather strap. I ran right off again; was caught and put in a potato house. After that I was put in the field to knock along the best way I could, but I was not able to work.

My master removed to Mississippi, taking me with him, the year before Gen. Jackson commenced fighting the Creek Indians.

This big scar on my left cheek, I got in a runaway scrape. A man who got up with me, jobbed me with the muzzle of a gun, which knocked me back into the mud: then he tied me. That time, I received three hundred lashes; one of the slaves who helped tie me, fainted at seeing me so abused. I have a cut with a knife made by J--S--after I had worked for him all day, because he could not flog me, as he liked.

I staid awhile, then ran away again,--then a man caught me, and another came with him home, who wished to buy me. I was a smart-looking boy--he offered one thousand dollars for me: master would n't sell. For running away, I received a hundred lashes on the bare back. I was then sold to his cousin, J--Y--, in Mississippi. I lived with him ten years; I suppose I must have been about thirty-two. At first, Y.'s treatment was fair. I was foreman. He got rich, and grew mean, and I left him. I was caught and
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taken back again. He took me to the blacksmith's shop and had a ring made of axe-bar iron, which I wore on my right leg from the middle of May to the middle of September. I worked with it on, and slept with it on, all that time.

After he got it off, I worked awhile,--again I went off, went into Alabama, was out from October to March,--then was put in jail, where I lay three months, as they could not hear from my owner, who had moved off to the Choctaw purchase. My boss came and took me out of jail, chained me to his horse with plough traces, and was taking me on his way, when Gen. S--, of Georgia bought me. He put me in his kitchen to cook for him. But I was not satisfied with him, although he used me well. The fact is, I wanted to be free. I ran away and left him,--he had me caught, and sold me to S--N--, who took me to New Orleans. Nobody there liked my countenance at all--no one would give a cent for me. N--took me to Natchez and sold me, after a week, to a young man named G--S--, who had a cotton plantation a few miles above Natchez. He treated me well at first. He would not allow any to leave the place to see their friends without a pass from him or the overseer. I went out to see my friends, and was flogged with a bull whip on the bare back--a whip heavier and larger than a horse-whip, with a buck-skin cracker on the lash. I ran away again--they caught me and put plough traces around my body, and put me to work hoeing cotton and corn. Not long after, they put on an iron collar. I made an errand--went to the woods--and the overseer sent all hands to hunt for me. They found me, and brought me back to the driver. The old driver gave me two blows with the
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bull whip; the young driver stopped him. The overseer came up and knocked me down with his fist by a blow on the head. I fainted, was taken to a tree, and when I came to, the overseer was bleeding me. Word came to the overseer, from my master's grandmother, the same day, that my master was gone away, and unless he took off my chains, I would die before his return. The overseer took them all off.

At night, I dressed up and started off, steering by the north star. I walked seven hundred and fifty miles nights,--then, in Kentucky, I was betrayed by a collored man, and lay in jail fifteen months. I would n't tell them where I belonged. Then, under terror of the whip, I told them all about it. A Dr. J--N--had bought the chance of me,--he took me to Nashville, where I waited on him, his partner, and took care of his horses about four years. I started to run away from him on his partner's horse--I had one hundred and fifty dollars with me. He overtook me and took away my money. Then he put me in jail and sold me to an old broken down trader. I left him, proceeded north, was caught in Indiana, and taken to Evansville jail. They would not receive me there, and I was taken to Henderson, on the Kentucky side, and put in jail there. My owner put on handcuffs and locked me into the wagon besides with plough chains. I travelled three days thus in succession--he chaining me at night to his bedstead. On the third night, I was eating in the tavern kitchen where we stopped; I concluded to try for the North once more. I went out and hammered off my chains--found some assistance to get off my cuffs, and came on my way, travelling altogether nights by the north star, and lying by in the day. In Ohio, I found the best kind of friends, and soon
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reached Canada. When I first came, I joined the soldiers just after the rebellion: then practised up and down the province as a physician, from the knowledge I had obtained from a colored man in Mississippi, who knew roots and herbs,--but there were many kinds I wanted which I could not find here.

I am now hiring a piece of land in Buxton. My calculation is, if I live, to own a farm if I can. My health is good, and the climate agrees with me--and it does with colored men generally.

Slavery is barbarous. In my view, slaveholders, judged by the way they treat colored people, are the worst persons on earth.

R. VAN BRANKEN.

I was born and brought up in New York State. I have suffered in the States somewhat on account of my color: in travelling, not being allowed the same privileges as others, when they took my money: not having cabin fare like others, when I paid cabin passage. If my work was that of an hostler or cook, or any thing of that sort, I did not think that my place was the parlor; but when clean and well dressed, in occupations not offensive, then I think I am as good as anybody, and deserve as good treatment.

I have four acres and a half of land here, and a fifty-acre wood-lot on the fourteenth concession, and can make a good living here.

Among some people here, there is as much prejudice as in the States, but they cannot carry it out as they do in the States: the law makes the difference.
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I am acquainted with many of the colored families here, and they are doing well. We have good schools here.

The separate schools and churches work badly for the colored people in the States and in Canada. In Rochester, N. Y., it injured them very much, although the separate school was petitioned for by a portion of the colored people themselves. In Cleveland, Ohio, they have separate churches, but no separate school. In Chatham, the separate school was by request of themselves. I never was in favor of such a thing.

HENRY JOHNSON.

I have lived in Canada four years--in Buxton one year. I came originally from Pennsylvania.

The situation and circumstances of the colored people in Canada are better than in the United States. I have a large family--ten persons--and know. I have bought, paid for, and have a deed of one hundred acres of land. The people here are very prosperous--they came into the woods without means, depending on their own hands; they never begged a meal here,--nor have any goods nor old clothing been distributed. If any were sent, I should want it sent back. In other places, where money and clothes have been given, the tendency is to make men lazy,--that I know, for I saw the bad effects in Amherstburg. I would n't receive any of their help: I did n't want it: I felt 't would do more injury than good.

We look upon the steam saw and grist-mill, just finished, as of great benefit to us here.
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I left the States for Canada, for rights, freedom, liberty. I came to Buxton to educate my children. I lived twenty-three years in Massillon, Ohio, and was doing well at draying and carting--wanted for nothing--had money when I wanted it, and provisions plenty. But my children were thrust out of the schools, as were all the colored children--one must know how I would feel about it. My daughter was doing well--advancing rapidly. She began to climb up into the higher classes, among the ladies, and the noblemen of the town thought it would n't do. The teacher liked her, but she was thrust out. The teacher called about it, but I could not send her there again: had they altered the law, I would have been too spunky to send her again. We were careful to keep her cleanly, and to dress her nicely and well. Her mother took a great deal of pains with her, because she was going to a ladies' school. I went to see the trustees: they told me the vote was passed--nothing was the matter only she was black. The white children of her class wished her to remain, and voted in the school against the law,--the teacher told me so--but I said I could not send her on account of the law.
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DRESDEN; DAWN.

DRESDEN is situated at the head of navigation on the Big Bear Creek, just above the bend in the river which indents the lands of the Dawn Institute. It is in the gore of Camden, being part of the township of Camden. The village contains about 100 whites and 70 blacks. There is not land enough cleared and under cultivation to supply the wants of the inhabitants: their principal business is in lumber, especially staves. One individual had, in the spring of the present year, 125,000 ready for shipment, worth, as I was informed, from $55 to $60 per M.; and as many more had been manufactured by others. About one fifth of the labor on these was performed by colored men. Many of the colored settlers were attracted to Dresden and Dawn by the proffered advantages of education, on the industrial plan, in the Dawn Institute. Their children at present attend a school situated on the Institute Farm, but not under the supervision of its managing agent; it is in the hands of trustees, connected with the common school system. Twenty-four children were assembled about the house, a little before the hour for opening school. The white and colored do not attend the same school.

The colored people in the neighborhood of Dresden
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and Dawn are generally very prosperous farmers--of good morals, and mostly Methodists or Baptists. But here, as among all people, are a few persons of doubtful character, who have not been trained "to look out for a rainy day,"--and when these get a little beforehand, they are too apt to rest on their oars.

Some of the settlers are mechanics,--shoemakers, blacksmiths, etc. About one third of the adult settlers are in possession of land, which is, either in whole or in part, paid for.

BRITISH AMERICAN INSTITUTE.

In the early history of its settlement, this was known as the Dawn Institute. In 1840, £350 was raised in England, mostly among Quakers, for the purpose of establishing an Industrial or Manual Labor School for the benefit of refugees and their children. Three hundred acres of land were purchased and deeded to trustees, solely to subserve educational purposes.

The Dawn Institute Farm, lies partly in the gore of Camden, and partly in the township of Dawn. It is beautifully situated on a bend of the river Sydenham, (the Big Bear Creek of the maps). At one extremity of the curve, where the river "comes cranking in," with "deep indent," is a windowless, uninhabited, two story frame building, against which props are placed to keep it from falling. This house was injured by fire soon after its erection, and has never been repaired. At the opposite extremity of the bend, and nearly half a mile distant, is situated a dilapidated steam saw-mill, which has not fired up for about two years: huge logs, brought
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to the mill long ago, lie rotting on the ground. The ruined dwelling-house on the one hand, and the old, unused saw-mill on the other, and the unbroken stillness of a spot so well fitted for the home of busy men, give an unfavorable and melancholy impression to the mind, which the sight of the growing grain on the farm, and of the deep and beautiful river, winding from view among lofty woods, can scarcely dispel. An unfreighted canoe, paddled down the stream by a colored man, and a larger boat which a youngster was pushing to the shore, assisted by two lads tugging at a line, was the only navigation observable.

I was hospitably and kindly received by John Scoble, Esq., resident superintendent, who expatiated with pleasing enthusiasm on the natural advantages of the place, and accompanied me in a walk along the bank of the river, to point out the site where the church is to be erected, on either side of which is to be a school-house, one for boys, the other for girls. The cultivated clearing, across the stream, he pointed out as the spot where the college is to be erected. In a beautiful piece of woods, a little above the ruined dwelling-house, and extending from the Dresden road to the river, trees have been felled, to open an avenue to the shore: and when the obstructions shall have been removed, and the road gravelled, this avenue will add much to the beauty of the place. The ground opposite the avenue on the right of the Dresden road, rises gently in a wooded knoll,--the trees are to be "thinned out," leaving a magnificent grove, and, on the summit of the elevation, a cottage is to be erected, from which the superintendent will be able to survey all parts of the farm.

The Rev. Hiram Wilson originally conceived the plan of establishing here an Industrial School; and he directed
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and managed the school for nearly seven years from its commencement in the wilderness. At that time there were no more than fifty colored persons in all, in the vicinity of the tract purchased. Mr. Wilson began the school with fourteen boarding scholars, received the refugees as they arrived, and did what he could for their encouragement. About seven years ago, Mr. W. left the Institute: it was then a little embarrassed, but was considered to be in good condition for accomplishing the main design. The saw-mill was in process of erection, about the time Mr. Wilson resigned.

The original purchase was two hundred acres, to which one hundred were subsequently added. Nearly half the tract has been cleared, and is well cultivated. Three or four colored families support themselves on the Institute Farm. Mr. Josiah Henson resides here, but as he was absent at the time of my visit to Dawn, I had not the pleasure of an interview.

The First Annual Report to the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, presented March 24, 1852, says of the Educational Institute, "About sixty pupils are attending the school. The Institution is soon to be placed under the management of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, a change likely to prove favorable to its future success." The property of the Institute has since been conveyed through John Scoble, Esq., by "lease and release."

The whole number of colored persons in Dawn and Dresden, who are within reach of the place where the church and school-houses are to be built, does not exceed five hundred.

There is not a single colored person coming into Dawn or Dresden, who if he have health and industrious
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habits cannot support himself within one week of his arrival. Refugees need no pecuniary or other aid, except on first arriving, or in sickness, or with young children.

Mr. Scoble is ready to assist in any enterprise which would be of advantage to the Institute. Sydenham River is deep and bold; from its banks commerce may be carried on with St. Clair and the adjacent lakes,--nay, with the Atlantic itself. What is wanted is, the hearty coöperation of wealthy, energetic, and enterprising men.

WILLIAM HENRY BRADLEY.

This is my name since I left slavery: in slavery I was known as ABRAM YOUNG.

I left Maryland with my wife and two children in 1851. While body-servant, I was well used--while a farm-hand, had more hardship.

In Baltimore, I was acquainted with Mr. M--L. N--.

I look at slavery as the most horrid thing on earth. It is awful to think of the poor slaves panting for a place of refuge, and so few able to find it. There is not a day or night that I do n't think about them, and wish that slavery might be abolished, and every man have his God-given rights.

I have prospered well in freedom. I thank the Lord for my success here. I own fifty acres of land, bought and paid for by my own energy and exertions, and I have the deed in my house.

If there were a law to abolish the use of liquor as a beverage, it would be a good thing for Canada.
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I own two span of horses, twelve head of hogs, six sheep, two milch cows, and am putting up a farm barn.

There is a great deal of prejudice here. Statements have been made that colored people wished for separate schools; some did ask for them, and so these have been established, although many colored people have prayed against them as an infringement of their rights. Still, we have more freedom here than in the United States, as far as the government law guarantees. In consequence of the ignorance of the colored men, who come here unlearned out of slavery, the white people have an overpowering chance. There are many respectable colored people moving in, but I have not much hope of a better state of things. Public sentiment will move mountains of laws.

Steam-engines do n't work harder than a man's heart and veins, when he starts from his master, and fears being overtaken. I do n't understand how an honest man can partake of any principle to carry him back.

If a man could make slaves of mud or block, and have them work for him, it would be wrong,--all men came of the hand of the Almighty; every man ought to have life, and his own method of pursuing happiness.

Mr. Scoble is doing all he can for the benefit of the colored people. His plans are all for their good, but they do n't seem to see it, and so do n't help along as they might.
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WILLIAM A. HALL.

I was born seven miles from Nashville, Tenn., Davidson county. I lived one year in Mississippi. I saw there a great deal of cotton-growing and persecution of slaves by men who had used them well in Tennessee. No man would have thought there could have been such a difference in treatment, when the masters got where they could make money. They drove the hands severely. My mother and brothers and sisters, when they changed their country, changed their position from good to bad. They were in Mississippi the last I heard of them, and I suppose they are there yet. It makes me miserable to consider that they are there: for their condition has been kept fresh in my memory, by seeing so much suffering and enduring so much. I went from Mississippi to Bedford county, Tenn. My master died here, and I was in hopes to go to see my mother. The doctor who attended my master had me sold at auction, and bought me himself, and promised he would never sell me to anybody; but in six months he tried to sell me. Not making out, he sent me to his father's farm in Tennessee, where I was treated tolerably well.

I remained there one year, then he took me horse-driving to Louisiana and back.

I saw some of the dreadfulest treatment on the sugar farms in the sugar-making season. The mill did not stop only to gear horses. People would come to my master and beg money to buy a loaf of bread. I saw them chained. I saw twelve men chained together, working on the levees. I saw three hundred that speculators had, dressing them up for sale. The overseers
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were about the mills, carrying their long whips all the time and using them occasionally. When they wanted to whip severely, they put the head and hands in stocks in a stooping posture.

The last two years I was in Tennessee, I saw nine persons at different times, made fast to four stakes, and whipped with a leather strap from their neck to their heels and on the bottoms of their feet, raising blisters: then the blisters broken with a platted whip, the overseer standing off and fetching hard blows. I have seen a man faint under this treatment. I saw one about eighteen years old, as smart as you would see on the foot, used in this way: seven weeks after he fainted in consequence; his nerves were so shattered that he seemed like a man of fifty.

The overseer tied me to a tree, and flogged me with the whip. Afterwards he said he would stake me down, and give me a farewell whipping, that I would always remember. While he was eating supper, I got off my shoe, and slipped off a chain and ran: I ran, I suppose, some six hundred yards: then hearing a dog, which alarmed me, I climbed a hill, where I sat down to rest. Then I heard a shouting, hallooing, for dogs to hunt me up. I tried to understand, and made out they were after me. I went through the woods to a road on a ridge. I came to a guide-board--in order to read it, I pulled it up, and read it in the moonlight, and found I was going wrong--turned about and went back, travelling all night: lay by all day, travelled at night till I came where Duck River and Tennessee come together. Here I found I was wrong,--went back to a road that led down Tennessee River, the way I wanted to go. This was Monday night,--the day before they had been there for me. A colored man had told
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them, "For God's sake to tell me not to get caught, for they would kill me:" but that I knew before. I got something to eat, and went on down the river, and travelled until Saturday night at ten, living on green corn and watermelons. Then I came to a house where an old colored man gave me a supper: another kept me with him three days. My clothes were now very dirty: I got some soap of a woman, and went to a wash-place, and washed my clothes and dried them. A heavy rain came on at daybreak, and I went down to the river for a canoe--found none--and went back for the day,--got some bread, and at night went on down the river; but there were so many roads, I could not make out how to go. I laid all day in a corn field. At night I found a canoe, 12 feet long, and travelled down the river several days, to its mouth. There I got on an island, the river being low. I took my canoe across a tongue of land,--a sand-bar--into the Ohio, which I crossed into Illinois. I travelled three nights, not daring to travel days, until I came to Golconda, which I recognized by a description I had given on a previous attempt,--for this last time when I got away was my fourth effort. I went on to three forks in the road, took the left, travelled through the night, and lay by. At two, I ventured to go on, the road not being travelled much. But it seemed to go too far west: I struck through the woods, and went on till so tired I could walk no further. I got into a tobacco-pen, and stayed till morning. Then I went through the woods, and came to where a fire had been burning--I kindled it up, roasted a lot of corn, then travelled on about three miles completely lost. I now came to a house, and revolved in my mind some hours whether to go or not, to ask. At last I ventured, and asked the road--got the
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information--reached Marion: got bewildered, and went wrong again, and travelled back for Golconda,--but I was set right by some children. At dark I went on, and at daybreak got to Frankfort--13 miles all night long, being weak from want of food. A few miles further on I found an old friend, who was backward about letting me in, having been troubled at night by white children. At last he let me in, and gave me some food, which I much needed. The next night he gave me as much as I could carry with me.

I went on to within five miles of Mount Vernon. At 4 A. M., I lay down, and slept till about noon. I got up and tried to walk, but every time I tried to stoop under the bushes, I would fall down. I was close to a house, but did not dare to go to it; so I laid there and was sick--vomited, and wanted water very bad. At night I was so badly off that I was obliged to go to the house for water. The man gave me some, and said, "Are you a runaway?" I said, "No--I am walking away." "Where do you live?" "I live here now." "Are you a free man?" "Why should I be here, if I am not a free man?--this is a free country." "Where do you live, anyhow?" "I live here, do n't you understand me?" "You are a free man, are you?" "Do n't you see he is a free man, who walks in a free country?" "Show me your pass--I s'pose you 've got one." "Do you suppose men need a pass in a free country? this is a free country." "I suppose you run away--a good many fugitives go through here, and do mischief." Said I, "I am doing no mischief--I am a man peaceable, going about my own business; when I am doing mischief, persecute me,--while I am peaceable, let no man trouble me." Said he, "I'll go with you to Mount Vernon." "You may go, if you have a mind to: I am
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going, if it is the Lord's will that I shall get there. Good evening;" and I started out of the gate. He said, "Stop!" Said I, "Man, do n't bother me,--I'm sick, and do n't feel like being bothered." I kept on: he followed me,--"Stop, or I'll make you stop!" "Man, did n't I tell you I was sick, and do n't want to be bothered." I kept on,--he picked up a little maul at a wood-pile, and came with me, his little son following, to see what was going on.

He walked a mile and a quarter with me, to a neighbor of his--called--there came out three men. He stated to them, "Here 's a runaway going to Mount Vernon: I think it would be right to go with him." I made no reply. He said, "We'll go in with him, and if he be correct, we'll not injure him,--we'll not do him no harm, nohow." I stood consulting with myself, whether to fight or run; I concluded to run first, and fight afterward. I ran a hundred yards: one ran after me to the edge of the woods, and turned back. I sat down to rest,--say an hour. They had gone on ahead of me on horses. I took a back track, and found another road which led to Mount Vernon, which I did not reach until daybreak, although he said 't was only five miles. I hastened on very quick through town, and so got off the track again: but I found a colored friend who harbored me three days, and fulfilled the Scriptures in one sense to perfection. I was hungry, and he fed me; thirsty, and he gave me drink; weary, and he ministered to my necessities; sick, and he cared for me till I got relieved: he took me on his own beast, and carried me ten miles, and his wife gave me food for four days' travel. His name was Y--. I travelled on three nights, and every morning found myself close to a town. One was a large one. I got into it early,--I
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was scared, for people was stirring,--but I got through it by turning to my right, which led me thirty miles out of my way. I was trying to get to Springfield. Then I went on to Taylorville. I lay out all day, two miles out, and while there, a man came riding on horseback within two feet of me. I thought he would see me, but he wheeled his horse, and away he went. At dark I got up and started on. It rained heavily. I went on to the town. I could discover nothing--the ground was black, the sky was cloudy. I travelled a while by the lights in the windows; at last ventured to ask the way, and got a direction for Springfield. After the rain the wind blew cold; I was chilled: I went into a calf-lot, and scared up the calves, and lay where they had been lying, to warm myself. It was dark yet. I stayed there half an hour, trying to get warm, then got up, and travelled on till daybreak. It being in a prairie, I had to travel very fast to get a place to hide myself. I came to a drain between two plantations, and got into it to hide. At sundown I went on, and reached Springfield, as near as I could guess, at 3 o'clock. I got into a stable, and lay on some boards in the loft.

When I awoke, the sun was up, and people were feeding horses in the stable. I found there was no chance to get out, without being discovered, and I went down and told them that I was a stranger, knowing no one there; that I was out until late, and so went into the stable. I asked them if there was any harm. They said "No." I thanked them and pursued my way. I walked out a little and found a friend who gave me breakfast. Then I was taken sick, and could not get a step from there for ten days: then I could walk a little, and had to start.

I took directions for Bloomington,--but the directions
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were wrong, and I got thirty miles out of my way again: so that when I reached Bloomington, I was too tired to go another step. I begged for a carriage, and if they had not got one, the Lord only knows what would have happened. I was conveyed to Ottawa, where I found an abolitionist who helped me to Chicago. From about the middle of August to the middle of November, I dwelt in no house except in Springfield, sick,--had no bed till I got to Bloomington. In February, I cut wood in Indiana,--I went to Wisconsin, and staid till harvest was over; then came to a particular friend, who offered me books. I had no money for books: he gave me a Testament, and gave me good instruction. I had worn out two Testaments in slavery, carrying them with me trying to get some instruction to carry me through life. "Now," said he, "square up your business, and go to the lake, for there are men here now, even here where you are living, who would betray you for half a dollar if they knew where your master is. Cross the lake: get into Canada." I thanked him for the book, which I have now; settled up and came to Canada.

I like Canada. If the United States were as free as Canada, I would still prefer to live here. I can do as much toward a living here in three days, as there in six.
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WINDSOR.

WINDSOR, at the terminus of the Great Western Railway, is in the township of Sandwich. It was incorporated January 1, 1854, with a population of 1000 souls. It is now estimated to contain one thousand four hundred inhabitants. There are settled in various parts of the village fifty families of colored people, some of whom entertain as boarders a number of fugitives from bondage. Assuming an average of five in a family, the colored population may be set down at two hundred and fifty. The general appearance of these is very much in their favor. There are many good mechanics among them: nearly all have comfortable homes, and some occupy very neat and handsome houses of their own.

Appearances indicate that the inhabitants of Windsor will unite in supporting good schools for the rising generation, without distinction of color. Where separate schools exist, the advantage in respect to buildings and teachers is for the most part on the side of the whites; and unless the separate schools are abolished, there is reason to fear that the progress of the colored people in education will be very much retarded in the greater part of the province. Mrs. Mary E. Bibb,
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widow of the late lamented Henry Bibb, Esq., has devoted herself to teaching a private school in Windsor, and with good success. During the last spring term, she had an attendance of forty-six pupils, seven of whom were white children.

A gentleman of Windsor who has long taken a deep interest in the welfare of the African race, is of opinion that immigrants who have been engaged in agricultural pursuits in Pennsylvania and other free States are more industrious and "more to be depended upon than those who come into Canada directly from a state of slavery." The same gentleman assured me that the best and most dexterous blacksmith he had ever known was a refugee: he had not such tools as he wanted, nor would take good ones on credit, for fear he might not be able to pay: yet he would make or mend various utensils, while other smiths could not. He is now at Buxton.

While in Windsor, I was repeatedly informed by those who have the best means of knowing, that "there is no need of raising money to aid the colored people here, unless for a day or two when a fugitive family first comes in. Women get half a dollar for washing, and it is difficult to hire them at that."

A circumstance which fell under my notice in this township of Sandwich,*

* See the narrative of J. C. Brown, Chatham.

reminds me of what I might with propriety have said in referring to other parts of the province, that it is fortunate for some conscience-stricken slaveholders, that Canada affords a refuge for a certain class of their household victims--their slave-wives, or slave-children, or both. If it be a crime to assist slaves in reaching a land of freedom, it is not a crime of which those terrible fellows, the northern abolitionists, Page 323
alone are guilty. Slaveholders may pour contempt on the names and the deeds of northern philanthropists: but these have no slanderous epithets to hurl back upon the southerner, who snatches his children and the mother of his children from the threatening hammer of the auctioneer, and hurriedly and tearfully starts them for the North with the parting injunction, "Stop not short of Canada!" We rejoice with him that England offers a place of refuge where his wife and his offspring may be free. Yet, of any head of such a family, a northern fanatic might be prompted to ask, Is this course honorable and manly? Do not these children need both parents to look after their interests? and does not this slave-wife, ignorant and among strangers in a strange land, need your presence, your counsel, your direction? He that provideth not for his own household is worse than an infidel, and almost as bad as an abolitionist: but your family are in arrears for board, and are quartered upon the charity of persons who are themselves poor refugees.

Mr. David Cooper, who lives on the lands of the Industrial Institution, has furnished a statement which will be found below, showing the position of affairs where he resides.

REFUGEES' HOME.

At about nine miles from Windsor, in the townships of Sandwich and Madison, the Refugees' Home Society have made a purchase of nearly two thousand acres of land, on which reside some twenty families, each on a farm of twenty-five acres. Forty 25 acre lots have been taken up. A school is maintained there three fourths of the year.
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Mr. Henry Bibb, who was himself a fugitive from the house of bondage, originated the idea of establishing a society which should "aim to purchase thirty thousand acres of government land somewhere in the most suitable sections of Canada where it can be obtained for the homeless refugees from American slavery to settle upon." This was soon after the passage of the fugitive slave bill.

The society was organized and a constitution adopted in August, 1852. The object of the society is declared to be "to assist the refugees from American slavery to obtain permanent homes, and to promote their social, moral, physical, and intellectual elevation." The society propose to purchase of the Canadian government, fifty thousand acres of land, at a cost of one hundred thousand dollars. Money for the purchase is obtained in part by contributions; and one half the moneys received for the sale of lands is devoted to the purchase of other lands. The other moiety of moneys received is to be devoted to the support of schools.

By the constitution adopted in 1852, it appears that each family of actual settlers receives twenty-five acres of land, five of which they receive free of cost, provided they shall, within three years from the time of occupancy, clear and cultivate the same. "For the remaining twenty acres, they shall pay the primary cost in nine equal annual payments, free of use, for which they shall receive deeds." This article may be varied to favor the aged, etc. "This Society shall give deeds to none but landless refugees from American slavery." "No person receiving land by gift or purchase from the Society shall have power to transfer the same under fifteen years from the time of the purchase or gift." "All lands becoming vacated by the removal or extinction
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of families, shall revert to the Executive Committee."

Here, too, as in Buxton, the claims of temperance are kept fully in view. A by-law provides that "No house shall be used for manufacturing or vending intoxicating liquors on any lot received from this Society."

The Refugees' Home Society, its officers and agents, possess the entire confidence of the American public: at least of that portion which sympathizes with the wandering outcasts from the United States. It will be seen by some of the testimonials which follow, that some dissatisfaction exists among the settlers: having its origin doubtless, in some misapprehension or mistake. Still, I have not felt at liberty to depart from my original plan--that so far as the limits of a single volume may extend, the colored people of Canada might express their own opinions, and tell their own story of their slavery in the past, their present condition, and their future prospects.

The second report of the Canada Anti-Slavery Society (for 1853), remarks: "There is doubtless a better state of things amongst the fugitives, than existed at the time when such a plan was proposed. The panic produced by the fugitive law, having subsided, the poor refugees have had more time allowed them to prepare for the change, and in consequence, their wants have been diminished. The true principle is now to assume that every man, unless disabled by sickness, can support himself and his family after he has obtained steady employment. All that able-bodied men and women require, is a fair chance, friendly advice, and a little encouragement, perhaps a little assistance at first. Those who are really willing to work, can procure employment in a short time after their arrival, so that
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what is specially needed, is such associations of friends at the different places where fugitives land, as will interest themselves in the colored man, put him in the way of finding employment, and extend to him such encouragement in the way of grants of land or otherwise, as his altered circumstances may require. In some places, fully to accomplish this, aid from abroad may be necessary, though in most places local charity will, we think, prove sufficient."

A True Band has been organized by the residents of the Home, and other persons in the vicinity.

THOMAS JONES.

I was a slave in Kentucky, and made my escape five years ago, at the age of thirty. The usage in Kentucky on the front part of the State is pretty good,--back, it is rather tight.

I came here without any thing. I had no money or aid of any kind. I went right into the bush chopping wood. I brought my lady with me, and we were married on the way at Bloomingsburg in Fayette Co. I have one child. With what I earned by hard licks, I bought land and have built me a frame-house. I now follow plastering and any thing I can find to do. I am worth three or four thousand dollars, and pay about thirty dollars a year tax.

If a man have aid furnished him, he does not have so much satisfaction in what he has,--he feels dependent and beholden, and does not make out so well. I have seen this, ever since I have been here,--the bad effects of this giving. I have seen men waiting, doing
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nothing, expecting something to come over to them. Besides, it makes a division among the colored people. The industrious are against it, the other class favor it; and so they fall out. My opinion is, that the fugitive on the road, should be assisted, but not after he gets here. If people have money to give, they had better give it to those who suffer in trying to help them here. For those who come sick, or actually stand in need, there is a society here among ourselves to take care of them.

In regard to aid from societies on the other side, there are many who know that money is raised for the poor travelling fugitive, and they take advantage of it: free people of color from the States come over pretending to be fugitives, who never were fugitives. They come in a miserable condition, often drinking men, worthless, to get the money that is raised. I have known six or seven such cases.

The colored people are doing very well. They are poor, some of them, but are all able to have enough to eat and wear, and they have comfortable homes, with few exceptions,--and some of these are in a way to have them. Some few do n't seem to care whether they have good houses or not, as is the case among all people.

In the Refugees' Home they are not doing very well. Land was to be sold to the refugees at cost, giving them five acres, and they to buy twenty. Some dissatisfaction exists because there has been an advance made of four shillings an acre for surveying, although the land had been surveyed once. The refugees all refused to pay it. They were to clear up the five acres in three years. They have altered the constitution bringing it down to two years. Some had not been on
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three years, but went with that understanding. Alterations were made, too, enlarging the size of the houses. One of them has left the lands in consequence, and more talk of doing so. They doubt about getting deeds, and they begin to think 't is a humbug. The restrictions in regard to liquor, and not selling under so many years, nor the power to will his property to his friends, only to his children, if he have any, make them dissatisfied. They want to do as they please. If they want to exchange and get a bigger place, they want to do it without being cramped.

In addition, the men who have settled there, have been a bother to the society. As they were dependent, smart men would not go, and it has been occupied by men who expected aid from the other side.

The colored men must rely on their own two hands, or they'll never be any thing.

The colored people are temperate and moral.

WILLIAM S. EDWARDS.

I was born in Springfield, Ohio. My mother was, to the best of my belief, a free-woman. While I was a little child, a man claimed my mother as a slave woman whom he had lost seven years before, and took both her and me into Kentucky,--as I have been told to Burlington. He took us to Louisville to sell us, and there 't was proved that she was not his, but another man's slave; that other man took us back to Burlington. Here was another dispute, and another man examined, and found more marks than the other, and proved that she belonged to him. After passing through several
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hands she was sold, and I have not seen her since, nor do I know where she is. I have heard that when she was sold, it was left her, to take me with her into slavery, or remain there and be free. She chose to let me remain. I stayed with the family until, at thirteen, I was put to the trade of a tobacconist: remained until twenty-one. Then I did not dare to talk about freedom. I dared not name it,--I still stayed working at the business. After a while, hearing some talking about my rights, I questioned as closely as I could, but not to awaken distrust.

When I was about twenty-five, we had a dispute about a holiday, and then I first claimed my rights to his teeth, telling him that I was free. He said I must stay two years more. A man offered to lend me two hundred dollars, to buy my time: he refused. I then hired to another man, paying my claimant twenty dollars a month, for a year and five months.

I kept on inquiring, until I found the man who first carried me into Kentucky. He told me a very straight story,--that he had found the woman whom he had lost in New Orleans--she having been absent from him fifteen years and six months, having been in New Orleans all that time. I searched the records at the Recorder's office, but there was nothing on the books,--the whole being a rascally scheme, therefore they took no account of it on the books. The clerk said there surely was no trial or transaction in the court; if there had been, it would have been on record. But the man who brought me said there was a trial; he acknowledged that neither me nor my mother ever belonged to him; that it was a mistake.

Another man went with me to search, but found no scratch of a pen from ten years back to forty. I then
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got a white man to go to the persons who pretended to own me, and he told me, in their presence, that if a man were half white and born free, he ought to be free; and you are all of that. My boss said that I would be free after a time--that he never meant to keep me over time. He probably meant my time as long as I lived,--as a master told his slave once, "When you die, I'll give you your papers." He said I could n't pass without papers: he went with me, saying to get papers, and then he would not, but said I must stay a while longer before I could get them; that he could not give them to me just yet. Things went on in this way two or three months, until I was nearly twenty-seven years old. At length my mistress's son, by her consent, gave me free papers. I went to Ohio: then came into Canada, and settled down in Chatham.

I have five children. One goes to school; we are not able to send all on account of the price partly, as we have to pay fifty cents a quarter for each child, at the public school. I went into Chatham with nothing, and I want the children some in the family.

I have seen many things practised in slavery which are too horrible to name.

MRS. COLMAN FREEMAN.

I am a native of North Carolina. I was born free, and lived with my father and mother. My father was a quadroon--my mother a mulatto. My father fought the British in the Revolution. His brother was drafted, but being sick, my father volunteered to take his place,
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and was in the army seven years. When he returned his brother was dead. He did not get a pension until three years before he died, not knowing that he was entitled to one, until, on some abuse from white men, he went into court, and the lawyer said, "Will you suffer injustice to be done to this white-headed old man, who has faced the cannon's mouth, fighting for our liberties; who has maintained himself and family without drawing a penny from the government?"

When colored persons had their meetings in the groves, white men would stand with their whips where they were coming out, to examine for passes, and those who had passes would go free,--the others would break and run, like cattle with hornets after them. I have seen them run into the river. I remember one time, I was going with my brother, and saw them at the meeting, trying to get away from the patrollers. I could not help shedding tears to see the distress they were in. They ran into the river, and tried to get away. Said I to my brother, "What are they running so into the river for?" He hunched me, and said, "Do n't you see the patrollers?" This was because they wanted to hear preaching, and learn a little about Almighty God that made them. They were not allowed to meet without patrollers.

I knew a slave named Adam who experienced religion, and wanted to be baptized. Saturday night the overseer told him he should not be baptized. He went to his mistress, and she gave him a pass for the purpose. Next day, I went down to the shore of the mill-pond to see the baptizing. Just as Adam was ready to go into the water, the overseer rode up, and cried out, "Adam! Adam! if you get baptized, I will give you a hundred lashes to-morrow morning!" Adam said, "I
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have but two masters to serve, my earthly and my heavenly master, and I can mind nobody else." I know that overseer very well;----his name was: I was standing right by him. Then he forbade Mr. L--from baptizing him. Mr. L.: "If there is a God I will baptize Adam; if not, I will not baptize him." The overseer stood up in his stirrups, and cursed so that he frightened all the people on the beach: his eyes glowed like two lighted candles. As soon as Adam came out of the water, he ran for home to get protection from his mistress. She prevented the overseer from punishing him.

I came away from North Carolina in consequence of persecution. There was a rebellion among the slaves in Virginia, under Nat Turner, near where I was. A doctor near me had his mother and brothers and sisters, except two, killed in that rebellion. The white people that had no slaves would have killed the colored, but their masters put them in jail to protect them from the white people, and from fears they had themselves of being killed. They came to my mother's, and threatened us--they searched for guns and ammunition: that was the first time I was ever silenced by a white man. One of them put his pistol to my breast, and said, "If you open your head, I'll kill you in a minute!" I had told my mother to hush, as she was inquiring what their conduct meant. We were as ignorant of the rebellion as they had been. Then I made up my mind not to remain in that country. We had to stay a while to sell our crop: but I would not go to church there any more.

I lived in Ohio ten years, as I was married there,--but I would about as lief live in the slave States as in Ohio. In the slave States I had protection sometimes,
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from people that knew me--none in Ohio. I understand the laws are better in Ohio now than they were then. In the slave States I had no part in the laws: the laws were all against the colored men: they allowed us no schools nor learning. If we got learning, we stole it.

We live here honestly and comfortably. We entertain many poor strangers.

BEN BLACKBURN.

I was born in Maysville, Ky. I got here last Tuesday evening, and spent the Fourth of July in Canada. I felt as big and free as any man could feel, and I worked part of the day for my own benefit: I guess my master's time is out. Seventeen came away in the same gang that I did.

WILLIAM L. HUMBERT.

I am from the city of Charleston, S. C., and have been in various parts of South Carolina and Georgia. I used to run in a steamboat from Savannah to Charleston.

I left Charleston in September, 1853. I lived in the free States some months, but finally left on account of the Fugitive Slave Bill. This was a law of tyranny, and I had to come to Canada to avoid the ten dollar commissioner. I would rather die than go back,--that's a settled point with me--not on account of ill-treatment
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of the person; but I could not stand the idea of being held by another man as a chattel. Slavery itself is cruel enough, without regard to the hardships which slaves in general have to undergo.

I do not believe that any slaveholder under the canopy of heaven can see God's face; that is, if I read the Bible right. Slaveholding is against all reason. All men are from the same mother dust, and one can have no right to hold another as a chattel. I know three or four preachers of the gospel who hold slaves. As the minister goes, the congregation goes. The ministers preach to please the people, and not in the fear of God. I never knew but one exception there. I have seen a minister hand the sacrament to the deacons to give the slaves, and, before the slaves had time to get home, living a great distance from church, have seen one of the same deacons, acting as patrol, flog one of the brother members within two hours of his administering the sacrament to him, because he met the slave in the road without a passport, beyond the time allowed him to go home. My opinion of slavery is not a bit different now from what it was then: I always hated it from childhood. I looked on the conduct of the deacon with a feeling of revenge. I thought that a man who would administer the sacrament to a brother church-member, and flog him before he got home, ought not to live.

DAVID COOPER.

There was an institution started here in Sandwich about six years ago, called the Industrial Institution.
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The land was bought by Rev. Mr. Willis, colored Methodist preacher, with money raised in the United States. It comprised two hundred acres, and was divided into ten-acre lots, and sold to any colored men who were disposed to buy, at three dollars on taking possession, and then six dollars the two subsequent years--then they were to have a deed. The land has never been wholly occupied. Some bought the land, but never went on it. There are now eight families on this land, who have forty acres cleared. A part of them can principally support themselves on what they have cleared, but they have to work out to keep their families supplied.*

* The same evil hinders to some extent the advance of the Elgin Settlement at Buxton: the Directors of which, in 1854, report as follows:--

"Could it be so arranged that all the settlers could work on their own farms during the whole year, the improvement in clearing and cropping would be very easily doubled. We do hope, before another year, that some arrangement will be made by which the settlers will be enabled to spend more time on their own farms, and with their families."

The roads there are very bad,--being wet and muddy. We have had a school there, but it is not kept up. We attend here at church--[at the Refugees' Home.]
I was from Virginia originally, but was brought up in Pennsylvania. My wife was a slave.

JOHN MARTIN.

I was born in Virginia, raised up in Tennessee, ran into Ohio, and emigrated to Canada, in order to avoid the oppressive laws of the States.
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The Refugees' Home in Sandwich was commenced in 1851. It comprises between sixteen and seventeen hundred acres of land,--I do not know how many families reside on it. I commenced here in the bush three years ago, and have gone over about eight acres--I think the biggest clearing there is. Those near round me are well satisfied with their homes, excepting the oppression they have tried to raise on us as to the price. They were to have it at the original price, but they bought more land at a higher rate, and wanted to average it on all alike. The old settlers are dissatisfied and will probably leave, if this is enforced.

We have a school here. I cannot tell whether it is good or not, as it has just commenced under a new teacher: the former one did well.

The prospect is, that if the new arrangements about the price are given up, the settlers will go on clearing, and progress in the best way we can: I believe the lands will be taken up, and that the colored people will have good farms here.

Slavery is a dreadful thing. Slaveholders--I know not what will become of them. Some of them I love,--but I know they deserve punishment, and leave them in the hands of God.

The people have been told absolute falsehoods about our freezing and suffering, and money has been raised which does no good. It has been reported to us, that thousands of dollars have been raised for our benefit, of which we have never received the first red cent. I say so--I am fifty-five years old, and have ever tried to keep the truth on my side.

I was not sent to school in slave States, but have since learned to write, as witness my hand,

(Signed)
JOHN MARTIN.
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DANIEL HALL.

I escaped from the neighborhood of New Orleans, seventeen years ago; had some difficulty about getting through Illinois--there were many slaveholders in heart in Illinois--but I got through. I settled in Malden at Amherstburg. It was then a dense woods--with but little cleared land. There were very few colored people when I got there. If a man had half or three quarters of an acre of corn, he thought he had a large patch: now they have twenty-five or thirty acre lots. The clearing has been done by colored and white, mostly by colored men, as I know, for I cleared up a great deal myself. On the Lake Erie shore, the colored people have raised in past years, a great deal of tobacco, but now they raise corn, wheat, potatoes, and buckwheat.

I look at slavery as being heinous in the sight of God. And as for slaveholders, what is to become of people who take the husband from his wife, and the infant from its mother, and sell them where they can never see each other again?

What the colored people want is, land and education. With these, they will do well here.

By the blessing of God, I have been enabled to become possessor of fifty acres in Colchester, of which six or seven acres are cleared.
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LYDIA ADAMS.

[Mrs. A. lives in a very comfortable log-house on the road from Windsor to the Refugees' Home.]

I am seventy or eighty years old. I was from Fairfax county, old Virginia. I was married and had three children when I left there for Wood county, where I lived twenty years: thence to Missouri, removing with my master's family. One by one they sent four of my children away from me, and sent them to the South: and four of my grandchildren all to the South but one. My oldest son, Daniel--then Sarah--all gone. "It's no use to cry about it," said one of the young women, "she's got to go." That's what she said when Esther went away. Esther's husband is here now, almost crazy about her: they took her and sold her away from him. They were all Methodist people--great Methodists--all belonged to the church. My master died--he left no testimony whether he was willing to go or not. . . . I have been in Canada about one year, and like it as far as I have seen.

I've been wanting to be free ever since I was a little child. I said to them I did n't believe God ever meant me to be a slave, if my skin was black--at any rate not all my lifetime: why not have it as in old times, seven years' servants? Master would say, "No, you were made to wait on white people: what was niggers made for?--why, just to wait on us all."

I am afraid the slaveholders will go to a bad place--I am really afraid they will. I do n't think any slaveholder can get to the kingdom.
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J. F. WHITE.

I have served twenty-five years as a slave; born in Virginia, and brought up, or rather whipped up, in Kentucky. I have lived in Canada two years--I have bought one hundred acres of land in Sandwich, suitable to raise any kind of grain.

I want you to tell the people of the United States, that as far as begging for fugitives is concerned, that we are amply able to take care of ourselves: we have done it, and can do it. We want none to beg for us; let them give to the fugitive on his way, and to those who are assisting him on his way. Money has been raised--an immense quantity of it too, but we do n't get it--indeed, we do n't want it. We have a society here to take care of our brothers when they get here, and we can do it without assistance. If people send things through pure motives to the suffering, we thank them for their intentions,--still, there is no need of their doing even that.

LEONARD HARROD.

I was born and bred in Georgetown, D. C., where I had a wife and two children. About six o'clock one morning, I was taken suddenly from my wife; she knew no more where I had gone than the hen knows where the hawk carries her chicken. Fifteen hundred miles I wore iron on my wrist, chained in a gang from
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Georgetown to Port Gibson. There I was sold and put to receive and pack cotton, etc., for six years. Then I was sold to Nashville, Tenn., one year; then to New Orleans fifteen years; then I took up my bed and walked for Canada. I have been in Canada nearly two years. I was poor--as low down as a man could be who is not underground. It was in winter,--my wife was in a delicate situation,--and we had nothing for bedclothes at night but what we had worn through the day. We suffered all the winter for things we left on the way, which were never sent us. My wife is now under the doctor's care in consequence.

I have hired a place to work on, and have bought two acres of land.

A man can get more information in Canada about slavery, than he can in the South. There I would have told you to ask master, because I would have been afraid to trust a white man: I would have been afraid that you would tell my master. Many a time my master has told me things to try me. Among others, he said he thought of moving up to Cincinnati, and asked me if I did not want to go. I would tell him, "No! I do n't want to go to none of your free countries!" Then he 'd laugh,--but I did want to come--surely I did. A colored man tells the truth here,--there he is afraid to.
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SANDWICH.

THIS beautiful and quiet town, two miles from Windsor, has a population of about fifteen hundred, including twenty-one colored families, which number, perhaps, one hundred persons.

The colored population have the right to send their children when qualified, into the grammar school. None have hitherto availed themselves of this right. Here, as in many other parts of the province, the colored people by accepting of that provision of law, which allows them separate schools, fail of securing the best education for their children. The colored teachers who present themselves are examined with a great deal of "lenity,"--and some who cannot even spell, are placed in charge of the young.

The prejudice against the African race is here very strongly marked. It had not been customary to levy school taxes on the colored people. Some three or four years since, a trustee assessed a school tax on some of the wealthier citizens of that class. They sent their children at once into the public school. As these sat down, the white children near them deserted the benches: and in a day or two, the white children were wholly withdrawn, leaving the school-house to the teacher and his colored pupils. The matter was at last--"compromised:"
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a notice--"Select School"--was put up on the school-house: the white children were selected in, and the black were selected out.

Still, the prejudice here is not deeply seated: it is only skin-deep. Some slight affairs on the border prove that if a slaveholder were to set his foot in the township with any sinister intention, the true sentiments and feelings of the people would manifest themselves in the most decided and unmistakable manner. The people of Sandwich, as one of them jocosely remarked to me, are "awful independent:" and such is their strong old-fashioned English hatred of oppression, that the population would rally, almost to a man, to defend the rights of the humblest negro in their midst,--even of "crazy Jack," the butt of the village boys.

It is to be observed, moreover, that the law allows separate schools not only to colored people, but to Catholic and Protestant sects, when these are in a minority.

The colored people have also their separate churches here. The Methodists contemplate erecting a building for public worship, and a member of that society remarked to me that he for one, would like to have aid for that purpose, as he did not see how it could be done without; but that the sentiment of his brethren generally was against begging. I asked him why they did not attend the churches of the whites of the same denomination. His reply indicated that they thought they would not be welcomed there with a single exception: "One church," said he, "has thrown open its doors to us; and that is the English Church--Mr. Dewey's--they have invited us all in, and they say if it is not big enough, they will make it bigger." Whether I advised him to comply with an invitation so truly
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Christian in character, the reader, if he is a Yankee, and cares to take the trouble, can readily guess.

There is a school now open here registering thirty colored children, and having an average attendance of twenty-four. It is under the charge of an able and accomplished lady teacher--Miss Gifford--who informed me that the school was established by the Refugees' Home Society.

GEORGE WILLIAMS.

I was from Maysville, Ky., but belonged in Fairfax county at first. Left Virginia at fourteen years old,--am now fifty-three; have lived in Sandwich about fourteen years. When we removed from Virginia, my mother left her husband and two sisters behind. She was much grieved at leaving her husband: the children were taken from her before. This separation of families is an awful thing. At ten or twelve years old, the thought grew in me, that slavery was wrong. I felt mad every day when I thought of being kept a slave. I calculated on buying myself, and offered my master two hundred and fifty dollars. He wanted me to work a year first, going with me to another town. I did not want to go, and came off peaceably.

I remained about six years in the free States. In some respects, I suffered in them on account of my color. Many looked on me with contempt because I was a colored man. My oath was not taken as a white man's. I had a farm in Ohio, and was doing well, but a law was then passed requiring security for good behavior.
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A white man represented it worse than it was, so as to take advantage, as myself and two others had a heavy crop standing. I lost by coming off before harvest: all I got was a few bushels of wheat. It was a great damage breaking us up at that time.

I work at whitewashing, etc. I rent a house and own a small piece of land. The colored men here get a living. The greater part of them have no learning,--almost all of them have been slaves. Some of them have homes of their own; but most of them hire. Most of them send their children to school. But we have to rent a house, and although the rent is low, yet we get behind on the rent, till some of us make a sacrifice and pay up. The school is not kept up through the year. We have not had regular schooling,--we do not send to the same school as the whites. There were too few of us to raise money for a separate school. We received £18 from government, but could not carry it on, and gave it up. There is one school now supported by abolitionists in the United States.

I do not go so strong as some against receiving assistance. I have seen many cases of destitute suffering people, who needed aid, and our people could scarcely help them. But the best way would be to manage by means of societies corresponding with those of the States. In some places, the colored people can manage without aid,--but here not.

HENRY BRANT.

I was from Millwood, Frederic Co., Virginia. I was brought up by Col. N--'s widow. I remained in
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bondage until twenty-three, hired out at different places. I had very little chance to get money,--perhaps two or three dollars a year. Usage was, compared with farming usage, good, as when I was hired out, there were restrictions, that I should be well used.

It always appeared to me that I wanted to be free, and could be free. No person ever taught me so,--it came naturally in my mind. Finally I saw that my case was pretty bad, if I was to live all my lifetime subject to be driven about at the will of another. When I thought of it, I felt wrathy at the white men. At length, I said--this will not do--if I stay here I shall kill somebody--I 'd better go.

In 1834, my mistress being old, I feared that in event of her death, I might be placed on some farm, and be cruelly used. I sought out a chance to get off. I found friends among those who were in the interests of the slaveholders, and by their instructions reached Canada without trouble, and had the satisfaction of having a friend come too by my persuasion. He is in Canada, but I have not seen him since. I settled in Sandwich.

I received on coming into the country neither victuals, clothes, nor money,--I received only a welcome,--that was all I wanted, and I was thankful to get it. I did just what work I could find to be done. I managed to save up what little I got pretty well. I invested in a home. I got me a house and lot. I own ten acres in the bush.

Comparing the condition of the colored population here with an equal number of families of white laborers, I think they are about equal in means.

Slavery is abominable,--I think slaveholders know it is wrong: they are an intelligent people and they know it. They ought to have done their duty,--given
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me my freedom and something to live on for what myself and forefathers had earned. I do n't see how a man can obtain heaven, and continue to do as the slaveholders do. A man may do wrong a long time and repent,--but if he continues it, as they do, I think it a hard case for him.

MRS. HENRY BRANT.

I am from Maryland. I suffered the worst kind of usage: that of being held as a slave.

I was fortunately among those who did not beat and bruise me. I was gambled off to a trader by my owner. I made such a fuss, (and the people told him 't was a shame to let me go to a trader,--that I was too good a girl for that, having taken care of him in sickness,--that I ought to have had a chance to find some one to buy me,) that he felt ashamed of what he had done, and bought me back. Then he gave me a chance to buy myself,--gave me one year to pay $270: before the year was out, I offered him $150 in part payment,--he would n't take that unless I'd pay all. I then asked him, would he take that, and security for $120, payable six months after, and give me my papers down. He refused. Then I said to myself, "If you won't take that, you shan't take any." I started for Canada, and travelled in style,--he could n't take me.

My sister was a free-woman. She was to buy me, and pay $270, and I was to be the security. But he overreached himself: for he drew the paper in such a way, that he could not get the money of my sister. Had I overstayed the year, I would never have seen
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Canada; for then I would have been carried back to the eastern shore.

One thing which makes it bad about getting our children into school here is, we are so near Detroit. The people here would feel ashamed to have the Detroit people know that they sent the white into the same school with the colored. I have heard this from a white woman.
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AMHERSTBURG.

CONTAINS a population of more than two thousand. The colored portion is variously estimated at from four hundred to five hundred,--the latter number probably being nearer exactness. Some of these, who had resided in the free States, before emigrating to Canada, assured me that here the colored people are "doing rather better than the same class in the United States."

A separate school has been established here, at their own request: their request was given them, but leanness went with it. I visited the school. There was an attendance of twenty-four,--number on the list, thirty. The school-house is a small, low building, and contains neither blackboard nor chair. Long benches extend on the sides of the room, close to the walls, with desks of corresponding length in front of them. The whole interior is comfortless and repulsive. The teacher, a colored lady, is much troubled by the frequent absences of the pupils, and the miserably tattered and worn-out condition of the books. Two inkstands were in use, which, on being nearly inverted, yielded a very little bad ink. The teacher appeared to be one of the working sort, disposed to bear up as well as she could under her many discouragements: but the whole school adds one more dreary chapter to "the pursuit of knowledge under difficulties." But there is a better time coming.
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Malden (Amherstburg) is one of the stations at which the Colonial Church and School Society propose to establish schools, "expressly for the benefit of the colored race, but open to all."

The colored people are engaged in the various mechanic arts, and as shopkeepers, etc. One of the best hotels is kept by a very intelligent colored man. In an evening walk about the town, his was the only house from which I heard the cheerful sound of vocal and instrumental music: and this was occasionally interrupted by some "saucy" white boy shouting, as he passed, a stave of our national, Union-saving air; the same which was played in State street, Boston, by a full band, when Massachusetts swallowed so bitter a dose, that the whole world made up faces: when, with all the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, it sent one poor "fugitive black man" "to old Virginia's shore." It was all right, no doubt,--for on examining the Scriptures, a "passage" from the Constitution, "No person held to service or labor," etc., was found so snugly pasted over Deut. 23:15, that if it were possible, it might deceive the very elect. Therefore, said the people, Burns must be sent back: and the poor fellow was marched off, surrounded by beings who differed mainly from Southern "negro dogs," in not being worth, morally speaking, the remotest approximation to "$100 apiece." It is said that pepper was thrown at them: this was in bad taste,--it had been better to offer them salt-- Turks Island--as a very useful antiseptic for men who could scarcely boast soul enough to prevent the action of decomposing chemical forces. The reader is requested to pardon this digression, the only one we have made hitherto. It is difficult to speak with calmness when reminded of so disgraceful
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an action as the surrender of Anthony Burns. The time has come for Americans to adopt the motto of De Witt Clinton--"Patria cara, carior libertas." [Dear is my country, liberty is dearer.]

CHARLES BROWN.

I was born in Virginia, and was raised a slave. My grandmother was a free-woman in Maryland. One day, as she was washing by a river, a kidnapper came up, gagged and bound her, carried her into Virginia, and there sold her into bondage. She there had four children, my mother, my mother's sister, and my mother's two brothers. After about twenty or twenty-five years, when I was a very small boy, a man from Maryland, named Hanks, came through Virginia. He saw my grandmother, and knew her. "What!" said he, "are you here?" She told him how she had been kidnapped. He said, "You are free, and I'll get you your freedom." Her oath was good for nothing, but by Hanks's oath, she would get free. At night she was jerked up and carried to Orleans, and sold on a cotton plantation. She wrote on, a good while after, that she would get free, and come back and free her children. She got free herself, as I have heard, but 't was when she got too old to do any more work. My mother and all the folks there in Virginia knew about her being stolen, and about Hanks's coming there.

I was used kindly, as I always did my work faithfully. But I knew I ought to be free. I told my master one day--said I, "You white folks set the bad example of stealing--you stole us from Africa, and
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not content with that, if any got free here, you stole them afterward, and so we are made slaves." I told him, I would not stay. He shed tears, and said he thought I would be the last one to leave him.

A year after, I left for the North. I have been cook for large hotels. My health is now very poor,--I have had a bad cough for two or three years, from overwork--cooking sometimes for three hundred persons in a hotel. I have always supported myself, and have some money by me yet. I reside in Chatham, and came here to see a physician.

JAMES SMITH.

I was raised on the head waters of the south branch of the Potomac, in Pendleton Co., Va. The treatment there is mild, if there can be any mildness in it. I remained there until my escape in 1847. My father was a white man, and was my master too. My mother's father was also a white man. My master was an Englishman, born in the city of London. When I was five years old, he gave me to his son, who was my half-brother, and he raised me. This son had then children about my age. These children were sent to school, but I was not. These children talked about learning me, but they said, "we mus n't--father says he 'll write a pass and run off." I have learned to read since I came away. I was ordered about like the other slaves. I ate in the kitchen while they, (my brother's family,) ate at a table by themselves. I was stuck off one side. Other people mentioned my relation to my master, but I never mentioned it to him, nor he to me. His sons had it thrown at them that we favored one another: it
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was looked on as a stigma. My mother often told me how it was, but told me not to mention it as it would make it worse for her. She died before her master.

My old master was a very wicked man and died a miserable death. My brother was present. My master always had a custom of cursing and swearing, and he died in the same state. Nothing was said about giving me my freedom.

I used to drive to Richmond, and stop at a tavern with white wagoners. I would notice the landlord's countenance, viewing me very much to see if I had colored blood: the wagoners would look at me and wink. They got me in on purpose to joke and bother him. I ate with the other wagoners, excepting a single time. He followed me out into the kitchen where I was eating, and asked me if I was a slave or not. I told him I was. He said I was too white to be a slave. It is often the case that these rascals feel for their own blood--they will say to a man of my color, "It's a pity you 're a slave--you 're too white to be a slave."

My half-brother got involved and sold me for four hundred dollars to a person in the same neighborhood. I lived with him about two years and six months, clearing up farm six months, balance of the time at gristmill. His treatment I count well for being a slave. His name was N--E--.

After my father's death, my brothers and sisters, (also my father's children,) four in number, were hired out at auction to the highest bidder. E--came home and told me all about it. I then thought, "I'm doing well enough now, but I do n't know how long it will last,--I'll try next fall to get my liberty."

The next fall, I made arrangements and walked away. This was in the fall of '47. After travelling
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fifty miles, I came right along in the road, and nobody asked me any questions, except one man who knew me, and who proved to be my friend. I stayed upwards of three years in the free States, married there a few days before I left in 1850, and came to Canada. I left the United States, in consequence of the Fugitive Slave Bill--it's only a Bill. It vexed me as I was leaving in the boat, to hear the Germans, whom I could understand, laughing about the "niggers" having to leave, and come to Canada. One man was taken away from his wife and three children and carried back before I left.

I am doing tolerably well In Canada, and am getting a very comfortable living. I own a lot of land worth about two hundred dollars, and have other property. I keep a grocery, and sell to all who will buy, without distinction of color.

REV. WILLIAM TROY.

From Essex county, Va. My father was a slave of----, Senator of the United States. My mother was a free-woman.

I lived there until twenty-one. I left there 11th March, 1848. I saw scenes there that made my heart bleed. I can particularize the breaking up of R--P. W--'s farm, some five hundred slaves, many of whom were my associates, with whom I had often been to meeting, belonging to the same church. We had many meetings together, sometimes broken up by patrols. When we had meetings, it was at late hours, to avoid the
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patrols--yet sometimes they would run us away, and sometimes we would get our meetings through. They were sold to different persons--Judge--and others. About the time a part of them were leaving, I went to bid them farewell. Many had their hearts so full of grief that they could not speak--they could only give me their hands.

Another lot who belonged to the same man, aroused me by singing about nine at night, passing my father's residence, singing, bidding farewell to all their friends; many left father, mother, and children behind them. I may mention here that one of these slaves, a woman named Martha Fields, who was hired out at the time, was taken early one morning, without time to get her clothes, hurried off to Richmond, and sold to the highest bidder. From Richmond she went on to New Orleans, put into a slave-pen, and bought by Mr. A--, a celebrated negro trader, and put on his farm, where she married A.'s slave. A. gave them free papers, and they now reside in Cincinnati. She says she has suffered enough herself, and seen so much suffering, that she believes that all those who hold slaves, and those who uphold slavery will, if there is any such place as one of torment, will be sure to go there.

I was aroused at Loretto, Va., by the sale of a slave named William, who was sold by his master. I heard the boy hollowing in the swamp; from hearing his shrieks, I made towards the boy,--when I went there, I found him in the act of catching the boy to have him sold. His mother, who grieved much at the sight, was told if she did not hush, her back would be cow-hided. This same man, soon after that, took her into the stable to whip her, and finding some difficulty about getting off her clothes, took his knife and cut them from her,
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and whipped her until she bled. Before I came away, he had sold the last one of her children. This man was N--S--.

These are facts which cannot be denied by the persons whom I have named, and I intend to be a terror to the system while I live.

Personally, I have suffered on account of my color in regard to education. I was not allowed to go to school publicly,--had to learn privately. The reason of my coming away was, I knew that I was open to the assaults of any ruffian, if he were a white man, and if I made any reply, I was liable to nine and thirty before what they call a justice of the peace. Further, I could not educate my children there, and make them feel as women and men ought--for, under those oppressive laws, they would feel a degradation not intended by Him who made of one blood all the people of the earth.

I have been here a few weeks only--am settled as pastor over the First Baptist Church; about one hundred usually attend divine service here, most of whom have been slaves. They seem to enjoy religion and freedom very much indeed. None are desirous to return to the corn-cobs of Egypt.

At Enorn Church, Essex county, Va., colored and white meet together. On the first Sabbath in the month the colored assemble with the white pastor to attend to their church business after sermon. Sometimes a few whites are present on this Sabbath. I used to go to church regularly, but never heard them preach from, "Masters, render unto your servants that which is just and equal:" but I will write down as near as I can, (and I recollect all his points,) a sermon preached by Rev. Mr.--, on the first Sabbath in the month, and the church proceedings.
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SERMON PREACHED AT THE BAPTIST CHURCH CALLED ENORN,
BY THE REV. MR.--.

Eph. 6: 5. Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart as unto Christ.

First,--Let me state relative to the different positions we occupy in life: I am not a lawyer, neither am I a senator, nor a judge of any court,--still I am contented, because Providence has placed me so, and I am willing to submit to his Divine will; and the Apostle tells us, that godliness with contentment is great gain.

Secondly,--Now you brethren that suffer affliction, should endure it as good soldiers, enduring all hardness. Paul says to his son Timothy, "Let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed." And they that have believing masters, let them not despise them. These are holy injunctions, and must be adhered to. Be contented under all circumstances with singleness of heart to God, not giving railing for railing, but with fear do the will of your master. Count not your slight affliction dear, for God your Father hath so decreed from all eternity that you should suffer, and if you despise the imposition of God, you cannot enjoy his spiritual benefits.

Again,--we will have to take into consideration the base action of one of our brethren who ran away from his master. When we go into this work, you must consider the obligation that the servant is under to his master; then examine the text, and you will know that we shall be compelled to excommunicate brother
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Reuben Smith for running away from his master, Mr.----.

Now the Deacons (colored) who are present will state the case, and we will take action on it. Deacon R--, you will state what you know about Reuben's running away.

Deacon R. Yes, Sir; I know that he ran away from his master, and so far as I know about such conduct, I believe it wrong, and can't be tolerated by us.

Minister. Will Deacon Edmund--, come forward? State what you know about the case.

Deacon E. It is true, Sir, that Reuben ran away, and we must exclude him for it.

Minister. Now, brethren, you hear the statements of your deacons, what will you do with the case?

Deacon R. I move that we exclude brother Reuben, for running away from master.

Deacon E. I second that.

Minister. All that are in favor of that motion will hold up your right hand. It is unanimous. Well, brethren, we have done God's will, let us sing and conclude our meeting. Billy, will you sing?

"Jerusalem, my happy home!
Oh, how I long for thee!
When will my sorrows have an end,
My joys when shall I see?"

Receive the benediction.--May the God of peace crown our efforts with success, and save us all in the end, for the Redeemer's sake. Amen.

Reuben Smith was a preacher, and an intelligent man: that's the reason he ran away. He was caught in the city of Washington, and sold into Louisiana.
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WILLIAM LYONS.

I have worked in Amherstburg at joining--have worked here two years. I get 15 s. York, a day. My family are in Detroit. I was free-born in Virginia, and have been ill-treated in the free States, on account of my color. I went into Columbus, Ohio, to work at my trade; I was employed in a shop. The journeymen all left the shop--would n't work in the shop with a colored man--would n't think of it. I persevered, and got employment from one who defied the prejudice of the city,--Mr. Robert Reardon. After that I found no difficulty at all, and was treated like a gentleman. The people there who had employed me wished me to remain. I own property there now.

The colored people here are industrious and doing well. They are doing as well as those in the States. There is less whiskey drinking by colored people here, than in any place I know of. They use less, in my opinion, than the whites in general.

JOSEPH SANFORD.

At 10 years old I was moved to Kentucky, from Madison Co., Va. I remained in Kentucky till about 50

My father always advised me to be tractable, and get along with the white people in the best manner I could, and not be saucy. My mother always taught me to serve the Lord--which has ever been my aim;
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in which I am not the least tired, and am more anxious to go forward than ever. I could almost lay down my life for an abolitionist, for had it not been for them I should have been in slavery still. I believe the Lord will bless them. They have done every thing for me, and it makes my soul melt towards them.

I recollect that my master in Virginia was a monstrous bad man, but not half so bad as some others. I recollect that my mother wanted some salt to put into bread. My mistress, whenever we came down stairs, would search our pockets, to see if we had taken any thing. I went up to get some salt for my mother, and put half a pint in my pocket. My mistress said, "Let me feel your pocket!" I was afraid and ran. She called her son to catch me, as I had got something. He caught me and punished me very heavily with a cowhide--be beat me till I was out of breath.

In Kentucky, after a few years, the old man died,--I fell to one of his daughters--she hired me out to a brother-in-law. She was very good to me. I was hired out eight years to different persons. My mistress then died. She wanted me to be set free. Some of her kinsfolks said no,--that her brother had had bad luck, and she had better will me to him. She, being bad off, being sick, and not knowing how to carry her mind,--she did so: she willed me to her brother. He kept me seven years working on the farm. He was going to move into Campbell Co. I had a wife and four children. To leave me, he swapped me for another man. I lived with him about thirteen years. He was a very clever man. He was pretty rich--a sportsman, gambler, horse-racer, etc. He came to get broke. Then we were seized and sold. J--G--bought me. My master was now a most cruel man. There was a
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great many who had a high regard for me. I was respected by everybody--could be trusted, no matter with what. I used to do his marketing, going to Cincinnati, sell his butter, flax-seed, potatoes, apples, peaches, yarn--every thing--and took every copper home. I wanted to be free, but was afraid to undertake it; for I thought if I were taken and carried back, it would be a great disgrace to me, as I was always trusted. They thought no more of trusting me with fifty or sixty dollars in their stores than with half a dollar. I made enough raising tobacco nights and Sundays to come to more than seventy or eighty dollars a year. I had always been trusty, and had been foreman on the farm.

My master concluded that he must get an overseer. The overseer made the bargain, that he was not to interfere with the hands at all--what he wanted, he was to go to the overseer, who was to order the hands. The overseer carried on very well. He kept us moving from Monday morning until noon, Saturday--then we left work until Monday. This did not suit master nor mistress--it was a little too much privilege. If the fourth of July or a holiday was a Friday we had it, and Saturday afternoon as before. This troubled my master more than ever. He began to get very uneasy. I had not had a whipping for twenty years, and I said if they would put a hand on me, that I would n't stop any longer. The overseer observed, that he had made a rule that three boys were to make a turn about, one one Sunday, and another the next, to see things correct on the place. I had a wife at home, and was there more or less every Sunday. I always wanted to go to meeting: sometimes I would stop after meeting, but was always at home early to do the business.
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The next Sunday after, the overseer was not satisfied, because none of us had stayed at home. He called me down to the barn,--he had a cow-hide under his coat. He said, why did n't you stay at home yesterday? I told him I wanted to go to church, and came home in the afternoon, after the church was out. "I told you to stay at home," said he, "and whatever I tell you to do, you 've got to do it." The whipping he gave me did not hurt me so much as the scandal of it,--to whip so old a man as I was, and who had been so faithful a servant as I had been: I thought it unsufferable. This was about the time the year rolled round. The overseer's time was out, and the master took his place. I do n't suppose I could tell in two hours what I went through. . . . . In the spring about the 1st of May, he had the corn ground broken up completely. Planted the corn, three of us, fifty acres. After it came up we ploughed in it before holiday. I worked hard to try to please my master. He came home and asked me, "Where have you been ploughing?" "Such and such a piece." "Is that all you 've ploughed?" I told him it was. "Well," says he, "I could plough more land in one day, than you and Dave both have ploughed." It was as big a lie as ever was told, but I did not dare contradict him. The same day, he started away to buy up cattle. "Now," says he, "I'll tell you what you 've got to do: you 've got all this field to weed out, replant, chop all the big briers out, then go to the high-tower place, weed out that, chop out all the big briers and replant it: then go down to old Archy Rendle, and do the same there." "I can't do that," says I, "to-day and to-morrow." "I do n't tell you to do it to-day and to-morrow," said he, "you 've to do it against I come back, if you do n't I'll thump you." He
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told Ben and Dave to plough the same fields over with two furrows in a row. Monday was holiday; but he said, "you must go into Monday too:" taking away our holidays, which was never done to me before.

Finding that he was going to take away our holidays,--we all resolved to break and run away, hit or miss, live or die. There were thirteen of us started away in company,--not all from his place. One of the boys went down to Covington and made the arrangements. On a Sunday night we made our break, and when we got to Convington, it was daybreak; the garrison were up, beating their drums. God was on our side, or we should have been gone. We divided at the last toll-gate. Some going through the gate and myself and little Henry going round. We then found a skiff and oars, got in the skiff and crossed the Ohio into Cincinnati. I was so afraid I'd see somebody that knew me, I knew not what to do. When I got up on Main St., I saw a great black smoke coming out of the chimney of a steamboat as if she was coming right across,--I was certain she was coming after me. I met draymen who said, "Are you travelling?" "No, I'm going up on the hill, to see my brother." My wife was nearly about to give out. "Joe," said she, "do pray stop a few minutes and let us rest." Said I, "I cannot stop,--if you want to stop you can, but I must go on. I caught her by the arm, and helped her on to the top of the hill. There I met a friend--

[Mr. Sandford's narrative was here interrupted. The concluding portion of his fortunes is luckily supplied, however, in the narrative which follows.]
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JOHN HATFIELD.

I am a native of Pennsylvania; and a mulatto. I was employed as a barber on a steamboat plying from New Orleans to Cincinnati. At one time, while in New Orleans, I was afraid they would take me under the law, and put me in jail. I would not conceal myself on board the boat, but went up and stayed with a friend, until I thought it time for the boat to start. But I was too soon, and came back to the boat the day before she sailed. I was arrested, ironed in the street to degrade me, and put in the jail, where I remained twenty-three hours. I found in the jail men from Boston, New York, Baltimore, and other places. There was a chain-gang in there rattling, one crazy fellow shouting--it was awful! It reminded me of the place of torment more than any thing else. In the morning the whip was cracking, starting out the chain-gang, just as one would start up horses. They measured me, and recorded my name. I had committed no crime. I never felt so degraded in my life. If I had murdered a man or stolen a horse, I could not have been treated with more contempt. A friend of mine sent a bed to the jail for me to sleep on--they would not take it in,--said I had a good bed--it was a plank and a blanket. They fed me on baked beans and pork, and charged me eleven dollars. It was a complete system of robbery. They make thousands of dollars so, out of the poor colored people. Still New Orleans used to be the best place in the Union for colored people, after they got the right of citizenship: but I am told it is getting to be harder on them now.

I was in Cincinnati when thirteen slaves reached
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there, running from Kentucky. They got there at seven or eight in the morning. They were questioned very closely by slave-catchers. One, pretending to be their friend, put them in a cellar, and was guarding them very closely, in order to get the reward. Among the slaves were Joseph Sanford and his wife. A few of us hearing of it, went there as quick as possible, and found the man stopping up the holes in the cellar to keep people from seeing them. I went in and asked Mrs. Sanford if she knew that man. She said, "No--never saw him before." I said, "You must get out of this." I put a comrade to watch the man, and we took them out two at a time, and hid them in various parts of the city. Their pursuers were there in less than an hour. They offered large rewards to any one who would just tell what square they were in. But the rewards would not fetch them: a million of dollars would not take a slave in Cincinnati out of some people's hands.

They stayed concealed a fortnight, and then myself and others guided them on the way to Michigan, which they reached in safety. However, they were afterwards all captured in Michigan: but they got off before a judge, and were then sent over the line into Canada.

I came into this country on account of the oppressive laws of the United States. I have as good friends in the United States, colored and white, as ever a man had,--I never expect to get so good friends again--but the laws were against me.

I never felt better pleased with any thing I ever did in my life, than in getting a slave woman clear, when her master was taking her from Virginia. She came on board a steamboat to Cincinnati. She had got to a friend's house in the city. Word came to my ear that too many knew where she was. I went there and told
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the friend; he thought she was safe. Then I went home about sundown from there, and about dark he came to me--he told me they had been there,--they came to the back door,--he wrapped her in a blanket, took her out of a front window, and took her across the street. A man asked him what he had there. "A sick man." He took her to another friend's house across the street: that house was next surrounded. I took a young man's clothes (he lived at my house) and dressed her in them,--we came out at a gate near by, we crossed over the street;--there were five or six persons then coming towards us--all I could say was, "walk heavy!" for they came right upon us. They walked with us half a square--I was scared only for her. They stopped a little--we got fifty yards ahead of them. I then told her, "they are coming again,--hold your head up, and walk straight and heavy!" By this time they were up with us again: they walked with us a whole square, looking right in her face, trying to recognize her. We came to where there was a light opposite,--I did not want to have her come to the light,--I turned the corner and said, "Come this way, Jim." She understood, and followed me. Upon this, they turned and walked away as fast as they could walk. What I said had the effect. I put her in a safe place, and took a turn back again: I wanted to have some fun. There were about a dozen standing at the corner, near the house where they supposed she was, talking about it. I went into a corner house,--there were several of us in there, and we went to laughing and talking about it: we did this on purpose to make fun of them. They went away to a house, and said they had seen the "nigger" dressed in men's clothes, but that they were afraid to take her, there were so
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many "niggers" round. There was no one with her but me, but they did not want to have it appear they were beaten so badly. We had a good deal of sport out of it,--the woman we called "Jim," as long as she stayed there. She came to the North at last. I have had fifteen runaways harbored in my house at one time--in one year, twenty-seven.
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COLCHESTER.

THIS beautiful farming town, on the northern shore of Lake Erie, contains a population not far from 1,500, of whom about 450 are colored persons.

The reeve of the town, Peter Wright, Esq., informed me that much of the land which has been opened to cultivation was cleared by fugitive slaves. They leased portions of wild land for a term of years, and by the time they had made a good clearing, they were obliged to go somewhere else. The amount of crime among them was no more than might have been expected from so ignorant and unenlightened a people. But as a whole, there is a manifest improvement in respect to honesty, and in their general deportment.

They have the same opportunity to instruct their children as is enjoyed by the whites,--that is, they draw their share of the school funds, and the trustees are bound to employ competent teachers. It would be convenient sometimes to employ teachers from the United States, but in that case they cannot draw government money.

The fugitive slave bill drove into Canada a great many who had resided in the free States: these brought some means with them, and their efforts and good example have improved the condition of the older settlers.
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The town clerk of Colchester coincided in the main with Mr. Wright, but expressed himself in more positive terms on the general improvement of the colored race. They have, however, I fear, but few friends among the white settlers. "They ought to be by themselves;" "if we try to encourage them, we shall have to mix with them,"--these and similar expressions are very common. There are not many who wish to see the colored people come up to an equal rank with themselves, politically or otherwise. The True Bands even begin to form an object of groundless distrust.

Mr. Benj. Knapp, a native of the town, an intelligent farmer, and who is one of the assessors, gave me some information, which, with a few items from other sources, and the statements of the colored people themselves, will show the state of things in Colchester.

The school system is not so well organized as in some of the States, sectarianism and prejudice interfere too much: the law allows too many separate schools paid for out of the public funds.

The front part of the township along Lake Erie is well cleared up. The farms in this part belong to white settlers, native Canadians. In the interior there is yet a great deal of wild lands: to clear these up must be a work of time. Back of the cleared farms on the Lake shore, are farms owned mostly by whites, as far back as the fourth concession, with here and there a farm owned by a colored man. These farms are not generally so thoroughly nor so neatly cultivated as those of the whites; though there are some white men's farms no better than theirs.

In regard to fugitives, there is not one who cannot find work within a few hours after he gets here. There is no trouble about that: "we can't get men enough to do our work."
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Beyond the fourth concession, "farms belonging to white and colored are mixed in." This is a newly settled part; it is within a few years that farmers have begun to settle there. Colored people have penetrated further into the woods than any of the whites: they are scattered all through the township up to the sixth concession. They are settled both north and south of the old Malden road: none would have ventured there but them: they are all anxious to own land: they go in anywhere they can make a claim, and clear up a patch. But their ignorance stands most wofully, and in some cases insurmountably, in their way. Instances of this sort are said to have occurred: a settler for instance takes a farm of 100 acres, appraised value $200, with ten years to pay for it in. He pays $12 a year interest for ten years, supposing meanwhile that he is paying up the principal. He do n't understand it,--and when the ten years have come round, he has not got the $200, and must leave his clearing.

The colored people send their children to school, when they have schools, and seem anxious to send their children to school. The "Colonial Church and School Society" have noted this town as a school station.

The settlement spoken of above where the colored people have "penetrated into the woods," is known as New Canaan. It is a prosperous settlement, in which the element of progress is strikingly manifest.

ROBERT NELSON.

I was born in Orange county, Va. My mother was sold away from me before I can remember. I was
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taken from Virginia at seven, and remained there in Kentucky, in Boone county, until forty-seven. While I was in slavery, I belonged to a man who used me as he did his children, except that he gave me no educacation. I cannot write or read.

My master got involved, and I was mortgaged. The mortgage was out and closed,--the sheriff got after me, and I ran to Canada. I was to have been taken to a cotton farm in Louisiana. This was in April, 1845. I left without money. I had heard about the abolitionists, but was afraid of them: I thought no white men would do what they said the abolitionists would do. I had been told that they would sell us. So I was afraid to trust them. The abolitionists wanted to have a meeting to raise money for me, but I slipped out of their hands. After I got here, I found they were all true.

Some persons who wanted to betray me, told me I could not live in Canada. I came in without a shilling. I now own a house and one hundred and one acres of land. I have averaged about fifteen acres of land a year that I cultivated, having myself two thirds of the crop. This enabled me to support myself and family, and buy land. My wife belonged to another man. I sent on and bought her for $400.

It is reported throughout the world, that colored people cannot live here: I have been here ten years, and have seen no one starving yet. Any man that will work can get $10 or $12 a month, cash, and more if he takes it in trade. I can raise corn sixty or seventy bushels to the acre, as good corn as ever was raised in the South. It has been stated that the colored population are lazy, and won't work. The principal part all work. This report has been got out by begging agents, to fill their own pockets by raising money.
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The prejudice is higher here in this place than in any part of Canada. It arises from a wish to keep the colored people so that they can get their labor. They used to work for the whites, but they only received half price, and cases have been known where, for ten pounds of pork, the laborer received five. The fugitive, as ignorant of figures as a hog is of holiday, had cunning enough to go to another place and get it weighed. By these means, the colored people became unwilling to work for the whites, and tried to make themselves independent. They began to take up land and work for themselves: of course the whites could not hire them. They have consequently become freeholders, and are of some consequence at the polls.

The colored people have cleared up two thirds of what has been cleared in this township. Those who came first, bought lands of individuals and lost them again: but when they began to buy of the government, they began to have good claims on the land.

Some, when they first came, would take a lease of a few acres of wild land, for six or seven years. By the time they had got it cleared, and removed some of the stumps, the lease was out. Then the white man said, "you can't have that piece any more,--you must go back in the bush." They found they must do different from this. They began to work on the land for themselves, and to get farms of their own. Now because the white men cannot hire them, they say the colored people won't work.

They say, too, that the colored people steal. It may be that a few are a little light-fingered, they take, perhaps, a few small articles, and the greatest mischief is, it scandalizes us. What two or three bad fellows do, prejudice lays to the whole of us. But some white
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men have stolen on the credit of the colored. It is very easy to say when a thing is missed,--"O, 't is some colored man stole it,"--although, it has, to my knowledge, been proved, that when theft was charged on a colored man, it turned out that a white man did it.

There is a settlement here called New Canaan, where was a large body of wild land. Colored people went in and took it up at one hundred acres apiece. I guess there may be now forty families. [In 1852, there were twenty families.] They paid the first instalment, and had ten years to pay in. But three quarters of them have already paid the whole price, and got the deeds, and are making good improvements on their lands, making enough to support their families. The preaching of the gospel is regularly kept up.

My wish to the people of the States is, to give no more money to the begging agencies. If they wish to give money to the fugitives and the sick, it should be given to the True Band societies, who can disburse it as it is wanted. The Band will attend to the fugitives.

DAVID GRIER.

I was born free in Maryland,--was stolen and sold in Kentucky, when between eight and nine years old. In Kentucky I was set free by will, and as they were trying to break the will up, some of my claimant's friends persuaded me to come off to Ohio. From Ohio, I came here on account of the oppressive laws demanding security for good behavior,--I was a stranger and could not give it. I had to leave my family in Kentucky.
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I came in 1831. I have cleared land on lease for five or six years, then have to leave it, and go into the bush again. I worked so about thirteen years. I could do no better, and the white people, I believe, took advantage of it to get the land cleared. This has kept me poor. I guess I have cleared not short of seventy or eighty acres, and got no benefit. I have now six acres cleared.

EPHRAIM WATERFORD.

I was born free; was bound until twenty-one, in Virginia. The man I was bound out to, was to teach me to read and write, but did not--never gave me any education at all.

I came into Indiana in the spring that James K. Polk was made President. I stayed there till about two years ago. I left on account of oppression in Indiana. I had a farm there of forty acres paid for, and I had the deed. A law was passed that a colored man could not devise real estate to his wife and children, and there were other equally unjust laws enacted. I told them "if that was a republican government, I would try a monarchical one." Between thirty and forty of us, little and big, came over at the same time. I have a farm here of two hundred acres wild land: I have five acres under fence in corn now. E. Casey and S. Casey came over at the same time. They are doing first-rate. Both have farms on the 1st concession--I think between twenty-five and thirty acres under fence together.

There is prejudice right smart in some places in this town. We try to live as upright as we can, get a little
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stock, etc. The whites can easily hire any colored man who has no work to do for himself. A great many are doing hired work about the town to-day--hired more by white men than by colored, the white being more able. I intend to give my child as good an education as I can.

ELI ARTIS.

I have twenty-five acres of land, bought and paid for,--about eight acres cleared. I am often hired out, and never refuse to work where I can get my pay, and have often worked when I got no pay. The colored people are industrious, and if any say they are not willing to work, it is a lie, and I 'll say so, and sign my name to it.

I suffered from mean, oppressive laws in my native State, Ohio, or I would not have been in this country. I have lived here fourteen years.

EPHRAIM CASEY.

I am from the State of Georgia, where I was born free. But the laws were no better about learning for a free man than for a slave. I was never sent to a school in my life. My opportunities for religious information were poor. I am now a member of the Methodist Church. At about twenty-three, I emigrated to Indiana,
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carrying no property. In Indiana, I attended to farming. I had a farm there, and when I left, owned one hundred and eighteen acres. I left on principle--on account of the laws. I liked the country very well. The laws bore hard on me before I came away--I had a case in law, and could not prove my side good by the evidence of colored men, which caused me a loss of fifty or sixty dollars. I did not feel disposed to stand this, and emigrated into Canada.

I settled in Colchester, where I bought out a white settler, land and stock, for seven hundred and fifty dollars. The farm was sixty acres, one half improved: seventeen head of hogs, and five head of cattle. There was no good water there. He had dug in a few places, but got no supply. I sunk a well twenty-eight feet, and the water now rises and runs over the surface, a stream eighteen inches deep; enough to supply water for a steam saw-mill. I have growing eight or ten acres of corn, five or six in wheat, two or three in oats, some potatoes, and other vegetables. The land is better than where I was in Indiana.

I moved in, two years ago last May. I have hired colored men to work for me whenever I wanted their help, and have seen them hired by others: but they prefer, so far as I know, to work for themselves, and to get an independent living.

REV. WILLIAM RUTH.

I am a native of Bourbon county, Ky., left there at twenty-seven, and have resided principally in Colchester since 1825.
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I never met with any rough usage in slavery. It was expected that I would be set at liberty at thirty-one, by the will of my former master; but as there was supposed to be a disposition not to give me a fair chance, I was assisted off by a man who was a slaveholder himself. There are a great many such movements there.

I was young when I left there, but often saw separations of families by sales and by hiring. I happened to fall to an Irishman, who was a good sort of a man--an extraordinary man for a slaveholder--in advance of all the county for kindness to his slaves.

I have fifty acres of land under fence, and had it all cleared and improved years ago. It is well supplied with water. I have an orchard with a good assortment of fruits--apples, pears, and peaches. It is one of the best farms in Colchester. I own seventy acres besides in New Canaan.

New Canaan is going to be one of the finest and most beautiful places. It has every advantage necessary to make it a fine settlement. It is covered with heavy timber, and has a first-rate soil. The settlers are doing extraordinarily for the time they have been there.

The colored people have their inferior class as well as other people; I mean a careless, loafing, negligent, vicious class--and they have their turn in prison, like other persons of that sort. We do n't claim to be better than other people, but we claim to be as good.

In regard to education, we are destitute of it, as a general thing. But the prospect is advancing. The government schools are kept up. The rising generation are improving.

My candid opinion in regard to raising money in the
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United States for fugitives is, that they should have an agent here whom they can place confidence in, and have him expend it under the direction of a committee of white men belonging to the province. I would have the board white, in order to bring the races more to an understanding and better feeling towards each other; another reason is, that the colored population have not generally had the opportunity to learn how to transact business. They might, as they improve, be placed on the board.

The society over which I am placed, is connected with the Wesley or New Connexion in Canada. I preach every Sabbath, generally two or three times a day. They pay good attention to religion, and as a general thing are a moral people. The laws of chastity are well observed: in this they excel the whites.
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GOSFIELD.

Numbers nearly 2,600 inhabitants. The whole colored population, by actual count, is 78.

Of the heads of families, all but two or three are freeholders, and some of them have very good farms. James King, Esq., Clerk of the Courts for the County of Essex, C. W., thus characterized the colored people of Gosfield: "They are good, loyal subjects, and good, honest people. They are as moral as any people. There is no fault to be found with them at all."

JOHN CHAPMAN.

I was originally from Kentucky, but removed into Indiana at fourteen. I did not feel safe in Indiana, and removed with my family into Canada at Gosfield. Then it was pretty much all bush. The farmers raised but little more than they wanted themselves. One raises as much now as twenty did then. It was hard to get a start when I came to this country.

There are now seventy-eight men, women, and children: when I came there were but three colored. We
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live like rich folks, but when we came I was almost discouraged.

They are generally getting along as well as could be expected. All make a good living. Most of them own houses and land. They generally attend divine service, and send their children to school when it is open. It is not kept up in the summer.

THOMAS JOHNSON.

I was raised in Virginia, which I left with my master for Kentucky, at the age of twenty-one. Twenty years after we moved, my master died, and I remained with my mistress taking care of the farm. I used to take a great deal of care of the place, seeing to the farming operations, and have been to Cincinnati to sell produce. The people all considered me trustworthy and honorable, and some of the white people said I could make greater crops than they could.

I had a wife and several children on a neighboring farm. She wished to leave for Canada, with the three youngest children. I gave her money and she got away into Canada safe enough. As soon as she was gone, I was seized and put in jail--her owners said, if they shut up the hen they could soon find the chickens. They asked me in the jail, "if I knew she was going?" I asked them "if they knew the height and size of my wife?" They said they did. "Well," I told them, "that is my life--and if your wife has done as many pretty things for you, as mine has for me, would n't you be willing to give her a little money to help her?" In a few days, I was let out. I still continued on the
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farm attending faithfully to my work--but my mistress' friends, suspecting that when she died, I would run off to rejoin my wife, persuaded her to sell me. One day, eighteen months after my wife left, I was sent for to the house. I went in, and asked my mistress what was wanting. "Oh, dear!" said she, "I don't know, Thomas." But I know what 't was for. Said I, "When our Saviour was on earth, they could make out nothing against him, till they got false witnesses,--and there are false witnesses against me."

I was kept at the house that night, in charge of three men, but was not put into strict confinement. The next morning, one of them produced a pair of handcuffs connected with a long chain, and said, "we must put these on, Thomas." I said, "You will not put them on to me,--I have done nothing for which I should wear such things as them." "I'll tell you the truth, Thomas," said he, "we are going to send you down the river."

I was sitting at the grunsel, and as I sat, I carefully slipped off my boots, then jumped up and ran for the woods. They ran after me a short distance. I had thirty-five dollars in my coat pocket, which came in the way, running. I held it up in my hand, and as I did so, turned to look behind me. My mistress' son was at a fence, and he called out, "Thomas! o-o-h, Tho-o-mas!" pitifully. No one was now following me. I hid in the woods. I could not realize it--I sat down on a stump, and said to myself, "is n't this a dream?" I could not realize that I had done such a thing as to run away--it seemed so low. I--that had always been trusted, and had served faithfully--to be a runaway at last.

That night, I crossed the river to Cincinnati. From this place I sent a letter to a man in Kentucky, that if
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he would buy me, I would return and live with him. He showed the letter to my folks, and they wrote me to come back, promising a great many things. My letter was dated Cleveland, but I was in Cincinnati. I thought as I was now away from them, I might as well go on to Canada. I aimed for Toronto, but on my way fell in with a man on board the boat, who knew where my wife and children lived in Malden. I went there and joined them: and since that time, three others of my children have made their escape and are here.

I hired a piece of land in Malden for three years. It was not cleared,--I cleared it: then my lease was up, and I rented a farm fifty dollars a year for five years. When I took it, the fence was down. I fixed it up, and cleared more. Then I told my folks that I would have a piece of land of my own. They thought I could not pay for it. I told them if they put a piece of ice on a log in the sun, they would see the ice melt away,--so, said I, our strength is melting away. I took a piece of fifty acres, six acres cleared, at five dollars an acre, and I have got the clear deed of it. Others have done the same, and are doing it now. I do n't want anybody to beg for me in the United States.

ELI JOHNSON.

In slavery, we are goods and chattels, and have no surname: but slaves generally take their master's name.

I was born and raised in old Virginia, Orange Co., till I was thirty. My treatment there was only middling. After thirty, I was sold to a trader, and carried
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to Natchez. I was then sold at auction for $1,200,--put on a cotton farm, and allowed a peck of corn a week and three pounds meat,--was called sometimes an hour to day, sometimes less,--must be on hand else got the whip. If there was deemed sufficient cause, if there was any word, or the least thing they did not like, the man was staked down for four hundred lashes. I saw a man staked down and whipped one Sunday, until the blood lay in a pool on each side of him. It was through the fear of the Lord, that I endured the persecution put upon me,--I suffered a great deal there,--and but for the fear of the Lord and the worth of my own soul, I should have murdered the overseer. When I first went it was a warm climate: I had to drink the muddy water of the river, which made me sick and weakened me down. Every day I was threatened with seven hundred and fifty lashes, if I complained of being sick. I had to keep on: being of strong constitution I began to mend, and endured all they put on me for six years.

My wife was with me, and was made to suffer worse than I. I was in constant fear of the lash, but made out to plead off, although the whipping seemed to be sometimes, just to keep their hand in. Many men and women were punished with a paddle and whip. I had to make paddles with twelve holes in them. A block lay in the cotton yard over which they were placed to be paddled. I saw them take one man and paddle him, then they struck him with a handsaw, then with a bull whip: then they ordered me to lock the biggest log chain I could find on the place around his neck with the biggest lock, and keep him at my house until next morning. I went out in the field leaving him at the house, not believing him able to get out. The overseer
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gave me so many minutes to go and get him. I went back for him, and met him hobbling along with the chain. He had to work at chopping wood. Three weeks he wore the chain: then myself and another bailed him, and the chain was taken off: if he had run away, we were to wear the chain. Three days after the whipping, he was allowed no food. We gave him some of ours, but did not dare let it be known.

The whipping was because he ran away. He ran away, because the overseer appropriated his wife. The man threatened to do something about it,--the overseer threatened him with a whipping,--then he ran away. I know all this,--I saw the treatment with my own eyes. E--was the overseer's name,--he stayed there three years.

While under E--, I was put on short allowance of food and made to work on the Sabbath, etc. I was then a professor and used to hold prayer-meetings Saturday night. One Saturday night, during meeting, E--sent for me. I went to him. He told me to stay until he had eaten breakfast next morning, then he would stake me down and give me five hundred lashes; for he would n't have such things as meetings carried on. I managed to slip off, and went to the cabins. I went back to him next morning while he was at breakfast: his wife was facing me, he was back to me. She pointed at me, and said, "there he is." I clapped my hands together and said, "In the name of God why is it, that I can't after working hard all the week, have a meeting on Saturday evening? I am sent for to receive five hundred lashes for trying to serve God. I'll suffer the flesh to be dragged off my bones, until my bones stare my enemy in the face, for the sake of my
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blessed Redeemer." He did not come to me,--he appeared startled at my appearance. He went into the house from the porch, got his gun and walked away. After he had gone I walked away.

I think the reason he did not punish me was, that once when it got to me that he said he would whip me, and his wife wished he would, I had said,--"If he whips me, I'll put him and his wife in hot water." I knew that he had been intimate with some of the slave women. He told me at one time to leave my cabin door, so he could get in, in the night, on account of one of two girls that were there. I left the door on the latch, and warned the girl. He came--but she struggled against him, got away, and came to the bed where were I and my wife. His wife heard what I said about "hot water," and sent for me, making an excuse about a partition. She placed a chair near me, "Well, Eli," she says, "what's that you was going to put me and my husband in hot water for?" I tried to turn it off. She insisted, and at last got mad because I would n't tell her, and said she'd make him make me tell. He made her believe, that he would make me tell, and he told me that he would n't for his right arm have his wife know. So I knew what grounds I stood on, and kept clear of the lash.

The next overseer was S--. He kicked a woman's eye out, the first day he came there. He asked her a question in the gin-house, which she did not understand. She said "No, Sir," at a venture. The answer was wrong--she was stooping down, and he kicked her face. It put her eye out. He went to the house for something to put on it. She cried out aloud. Said he, "Shut up! I've killed a great many better
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looking niggers than you, and thrown 'em in the bayou." This I heard him say myself. Nothing was done about the loss of the eye: the woman's husband dared say nothing about it. In three weeks' time, S--whipped three women and nine men. The talk in the quarters was among some to put him to death; others were afraid to try it. He left before the month was up; another named W--was then overseer.

He went on rather roughly. There had been an underhanded business done in selling cattle and wood off the place, from which master had no benefit, in consequence of which, I was privately made a sort of watchman over the place.

After W--, the next overseer, was my master's brother. At the end of two years, they fell out about settling--the master said he was broke: they drew knives, threatening each other, but did not use them. Master said he would take the best slaves off the place, and then sell the place, with the sorriest ones on it. Then he said he could n't pay his brother in money, but his brother might take it in slaves. The brother picked out myself, wife, and two children and two others, which was too many. Master objected--then they drew the knives. Master gave him me, wife, and children. At night, fearing he might take the others, he took them himself, to his upper place, where he lived above Natchez.

My new master removed us to Kentucky. We were all the slaves he had. We raised tobacco, oats, etc. I considered my treatment worse than at any other place. They gave me great encouragement to come with them, promising me well. Among other things, he promised to pay me $10.25, earned by me at overwork chopping. After I got to Kentucky, I wanted
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a hat. I went and picked one out, and told the shopman I'd get the money of my master. I sent his son in to ask for it. He sent me word that if I mentioned money again, or told any person that he owed it, he would give me five hundred lashes! A while after, I asked him to give me a little money. "What do you want of money?" "To buy me a hat." "Is n't that hat good enough?" "It don't turn the water, and I see the colored people wearing respectable hats, and I want one to wear to meeting." He said "go to such a place, get a wool hat, and have it charged to me." I went and got it,--it was a poor thing, and cost one dollar. I did what he wanted as well as I could, to avoid punishment. I staid with him three years.

One day he had ordered me to draw some water on a sled: then he called me into the field. I stooped down to unloose a chain,--he hurried up to me with an axe in his hand. He says, "When I want you for one thing, you are sure to do another." I answered, "I've got to work till I die, and had as lief work at one thing as another." He threatened me with the axe--I did n't dodge. Then he threatened me that he would give me the five hundred lashes before many days. I thought he might finally undertake it, and that I'd better be off. I received assistance from kind friends, and reached Canada without difficulty about five years ago. I have had a serious time in my life.

I felt so thankful on reaching a land of freedom, that I could n't express myself. When I look back at what I endured, it seems as if I had entered a Paradise. I can here sing and pray with none to molest me. I am a member of the Baptist Church, and endeavor to live a Christian life.

I rent a piece of land, and make out to live. My
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family are sickly, so that I have not been able to purchase land. But I am not discouraged, and intend to work on while I have health and strength, and to live such a life as I should wish when I come to die.

END.

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Benjamin Drew, 1812-1903. A North-Side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada. Related by Themselves, with an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of Upper Canada.

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Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities and The Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation supported the electronic publication of this title. Text transcribed by Apex Data Services, Inc. Images scanned by Andrew SmithText encoded by Lee Ann Morawski and Natalia Smith First edition, 2000 ca.

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Cornelius Sparrow

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The Saint John Theatre Company's production We Were Here, created and directed by Clyde A. Wray, shines a light on legendary Black community members. Eight local actors are taking on the roles of historical figures from Saint John and beyond. Their names may be lesser-known, but their stories have shaped the city. Neil S. Clements, a barrister and solicitor in Saint John, is playing entrepreneur Cornelius Sparrow. Clements reflected on this role.
Cornelius Sparrow was a runaway slave from Norfolk, Va. Born into slavery in 1824, Cornelius managed to escape from Virginia and ultimately found his way to and settled in Saint John in 1851 with his wife, Martha Ann Whitehead.

The irony of Cornelius Sparrow's story is that when he arrived in Saint John, Black men and women were not allowed to live in Saint John ( unless they worked as a servant or labourer) and were not allowed to even fish in the harbour. My assumption is that initially Cornelius would have required a white sponsor.

He went on to start a dining saloon and a hair saloon with his brother and wife.

I have been an entrepreneur for most of my professional career. I have an understanding of how difficult it was in the early 2000s to the present to be a successful Black entrepreneur in Saint John. I really cannot imagine how Cornelius managed to have such great success in the 1800s.

Bringing Cornelius to life in the play We Were Here has been very challenging. I attempted to separate my experience from his character. This I found difficult. I decided not to separate the two and make experience-based assumptions that our emotions would be similar. In the play I am Cornelius Sparrow. I bring him to life expressing Neil Clements's emotions.

Initially, I wanted to portray Cornelius as a happy, successful entrepreneur, despite the period in history in which he lived. I have come to realize that would be a lie. Racial discrimination is still very pervasive in the life of Black business owners in Saint John. I am telling Cornelius Sparrow's story through his words, while the emotion is created by my experiences as the first Black lawyer in Saint John in almost 200 years when I was called.

Cornelius transitions between personal satisfaction and clear expressions of disbelief and anger that the listening audience has been so easily deceived regarding our (the Black communities) involvement and investment in the growth of Saint John.

In Saint John, we have a long history of celebrating our successful entrepreneurs. Having studied history and received a degree in history before I was a lawyer, I understand that history is written by the victors. I think it is time we allow Mr. Sparrow' history to be known. He was a victor in the history of the Black citizenry in Saint John. His victory, our victory, is relived in this play. Communicating the history of this amazing Black entrepreneur who helped define our city is important. Cornelius and others were written out of history because of the success they had in Saint John. It's our turn now to be the victors and write, or rather, correct history.

I am honoured to bring Cornelius to life. It is my opinion that in 2021, my ability to express the emotion he would have expressed should not be lost on the audience. There is a great deal of work to do. I am happy to be part of this production. I am excited to be the change I want to see in my community.

For more stori es about the experiences of Black Canadians - from anti-Black racism to success stories within the Black community - check out Being Black in Canada, a CBC project Black Canadians can be proud of. You can read more stories here.

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Cornelius Sparrow: A runaway slave and Saint John entrepreneur | CBC News

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The Saint John Theatre Company's production We Were Here, created and directed by Clyde A. Wray, shines a light on legendary Black community members. Eight local actors are taking on the roles of historical figures from Saint John and beyond. Their names may be lesser-known, but their stories have shaped the city.

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Robert Patterson

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We acknowledge the support of the Government of Canada through the Department of Canadian Heritage.

Nous reconnaissons l'appui du gouvernement du Canada par l'entremise du ministère du Patrimoine canadien.

We acknowledge the financial support of the Canadian Museum of History through the Online Works of Reference Program funded by the Government of Canada.

Nous reconnaissons l'aide financière du Musée canadien de l'histoire à travers les œuvres du programme de référence en ligne financés par le gouvernement du Canada.

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Biography - PATTERSON, ROBERT J - Volume XI (1881-1890) - Dictionary of Canadian Biography

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We acknowledge the support of the Government of Canada through the Department of Canadian Heritage. Nous reconnaissons l'appui du gouvernement du Canada par l'entremise du ministère du Patrimoine canadien. We acknowledge the financial support of the Canadian Museum of History through the Online Works of Reference Program funded by the Government of Canada.

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A wide-ranging discussion about what does it mean to use DLA.

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Administrator: Okay, we're live.

Tara Moses: Hello, everyone. Welcome to Unsettling Dramaturgy's Launch of our Praxis Sessions for Virtual Collaboration. In this four part series, we will address approaches to, and practices in online convening that center unsettling, decolonization, indigenization and disability justice in process design. This series emerges from our year-plus of work in research, in transnational convening, in creative collaboration through virtual mediums. This series has been developed as our response to the term towards online organizing that has followed the COVID-19 crisis. This, the first session in this series, centers on a practice of land acknowledgements in virtual, cross-geographic collaboration. We are offering this session because our dear collaborator and my co narrator Claudia Alick asked us to reflect on this question with her and we are actively building our own practices, independently and collectively. And so with that, I'm going to turn it over to Claudia to talk about Unsettling Dramaturgy, who we are, what we do, all that cool stuff. Claudia.

Claudia Alick: Thank You. Thank you so much, Tara. So Unsettling Dramaturgy is an ongoing project, bringing together Crip and Indigenous dramaturgs from across Canada, so-called Canada, and the United States who work in theatre, dance and experimental performance. Using digital platforms, we gathered to build relationships, explore, document the critical convergences and divergences in our experiences in work. We're amplifying Crip and Indigenous aesthetics, ethics, practices, leadership in our local, national, and international performance ecologies and this is all to push the conversation from inclusion to centering, from reconciliation to unsettling and decolonization. This project proposes a continuation of the thriving legacies of leadership and innovation that shape Indigenous and Crip dramaturgies, but in a whole new way. By bringing together artists from communities that have been historically excluded from mainstream performance ecologies, and which have been further siloed into spaces of making that have systematically prevented critical cross-community collaboration. We are dismantling these silos to advance emerging conversations, exploring the conflicts of leadership and representation and creation and production, as related to Indigenous sovereignty and Deaf, mad, and disabled culture in the arts. We are generating a platform for self-determined encounter and exchange, where our local bodies of knowledge can be activated.

It bears importance to share that this project does not aim to collapse Crip and Indigenous dramaturges and experiences. The exclusions that our communities face emerge from very specific historical, cultural and political context. Further the ableism, sanism and autism that Deaf, disabled, and mad artists face emerge from colonial ways of assigning value and human dignity. We use "Crip" to include those who identify as mad, sick and disabled as well as those who are deemed disabled by society and or medical institutions. Whether or not they themselves accept the term, for example, those whom are lower d or upper case D "Deafness" is a cultural identity, not a medical condition. We use the word Crip as a political intervention to turn attention onto and to disrupt as our collaborator Carmen Papalia. I'm realizing I'm gonna mess up everybody's name, so I'm apologizing in advance, Carmen, 'cause I think I've only said Carmen. Papalia writes the disabling condition that limits a person and or community's agency and potential to thrive. We use "the Indigenous" with an acknowledgement of the many complex ways that community, family, belonging, polity and heritage interact with systems of state recognition. The words Crip and Indigenous are both used at shorthand and are not intended to generalize or reduce our vast multiplicity of identities, experiences and affiliations. This project, we have been meeting for a long time over the internet across space and time and we are very grateful to this project. The generous support by the Literary Managers and Dramaturgs of the Americas and the Canada Council for the Arts. And of course, huge shout out to our partner HowlRound, which is live streaming today's event for us. Thank you, thank you. I'm now going to hand the metaphorical mic back to Tara.

Tara: Thank you. So everyone, through this live and interactive digital panel, we are bringing together collaborating artists involved in Unsettling Dramaturgy. Two, we are exploring the necessity, importance, complexity, and difficulty of land acknowledgements in the context of online organizing, creation and collaboration. The plan for today's session, is that first, we're going to do an opening. Secondly, following our opening, the Unsettling Dramaturgy creative collaborators will engage in an exchange on today's theme for approximately 60 minutes. We will speak from our respective and body knowledges and practices within orientation towards expanding collective practice as it is relevant to local ecologies. Number three, we will exchange with you. Those of you tuning in. We are very excited to interact with you all throughout this session. We wanna hear your questions, your reflections. In spoiler we're going to ask you some questions. So feel free to interact with us in the ways that you do that. There are three different ones. The first is that you can message us via WhatsApp. That number is one, eight, zero, three, three, two, three, seven, six, three, eight. This information is also on the Facebook event, I believe and other HowlRound page. So in case you miss it, don't worry. You can also email us at unsettlingdramaturgy@gmail.com. And number three you can comment on the live stream itself. On the Unsettling Dramaturgy Facebook page.

We have lovely, lovely moderators who are keeping in track of all of those to send those towards us. And then finally we'll end with a closing. And also another thing about our structure, is that we will be taking a 10 minute break at the hours. So just, we'll put a note up so we know we're on a break. So you know what to expect. And so that's just one of the many things we do for accessibility, which is such a great segue back to Claudia.

Claudia: Thank you so much for naming and highlighting some of our accessibility practices that we have embedded in our meeting culture. So today's session is being live captioned and ASL Interpreted, our interpreters asked us to share the following disclaimer, the ASL English Interpretation serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of the original signed and or spoken language. Only the original signed and or spoken language or the revised written translation is considered authentic. Talking to why ASL interpretation and CART are essential elements of how we've built this event and how this, that is complex and complicated to navigate in online forums. But it's important and it requires input from all of our community, especially our Deaf community to do this well. So we appreciate your participation and we also appreciate all of your feedback. We will remain an emergent and responsive shape throughout today's event. Adjusting our pace. I tend to talk fast. So that's a note for me. Adjusting our pace and the shape of our conversation to reflect the pace and shape of our collaborators. We will name our access needs at the top of the event and anytime they arise throughout our time together. That is our accessibility practice. A recording is being made of this event and will be available for viewing following this event for asynchronous accessibility. And now I'm going to hand the mic back to Tara, so we can Check in as narrators.

Tara: Awesome. So something that we do in our unsettling practice is that at the top of every digital convening, we have a series of check in bullet points that we hit. And they are your name, your pronouns, your land acknowledgement, physical description, how you are, your access needs. And then for today's purposes, we'll also do a very brief introduction to some aspect of our work and practice. And then we also always ask what's unsettling about the work we're presenting right now, and where we feel, how we noticed that in our bodies, how that manifests in other ways. And so for today's purposes we'll go through that. And yes, I'll kick us off. And again, all my friends who are on the Zoom, that's a lot of things to remember. So we have the document up. Just feel free to ask and I'll pop off what you're missing. So first thing, my name is Tara Moses. My pronouns are she, her, hers. I am calling in from a Muskogee, Cherokee, and Osage Nations where they intersect, which is also known as so-called Tulsa, Oklahoma.

My physical description, I have very long, very dark hair that's pulled into a ponytail. I have light brown skin that is being washed out by terrible lighting. It's so bad. Anyway, I also have on bright red glasses today. Very large earrings. They say de-colonize if you can see them. It's pretty exciting. Yes they do. My friend, she's a Lakota artist. She made them, anyway. I also have on a red and black scarf, a light gray heathered shirts. And then behind me you can see my lovely kitchen and if you see a cat running around, it is probably Avocado or Prime Rib. I will let you know. Yes, my access needs are currently being met. I am very parched. My water's about halfway done. So if you see my camera go off, I'm going to get some water, but I will be around. How I am, well, not the best because I feel most of us are. So just keeping it real, just been dealing with a lot of unnecessary living situation, habitability things that we shouldn't also be dealing with during the pandemic. But aside from that, I am very excited to be on this new adventure with my unsettling cohort and the wonderful conversation to come. And so a very brief introduction to some aspect of my personal work and practice. I am a director, a playwrights, a dramaturge, and an artistic director. I think I said. Anyway of a company based in Tulsa that does new native and Latino work. Du du du du du, wonderful. Anyway. And so I guess that's it in a nutshell. I do it all. I'm trying.

And so what's unsettling about the work I am presenting with right now and like where I feel noticed at my body. I mean, First Peoples Fund's Cultural Capital Fellow this year and my project all centered around meeting with elders, do transcribe their stories and then take those stories to create a new play or an anthology of plays, super exciting all about it. However, with the crisis that we're in, that's impossible for me to do. And with the elders I plan to speak with technology is another barrier for and challenge for some folks because of lack of internet access, lack of access to a tablet, phone, computer, anything anyway. And so that's currently unsettling with me now in figuring out how I can continue on with this project. Whenever we're in this unforeseeable future timeline place, we'll find out what we'll do with that. Yeah, and I don't know why, but I'm really feeling that in my feet. Right, like that connection to the earth. Yeah, it's been in today. It's an interesting anyway. Yeah, so that is my check-in. So thank you Madeau, for that. And then for those of you who are on the Zoom we'll go down your way and then we're gonna end with Claudia. And with that really we'll go next. So I'm gonna hand that over to you.

Delesslin George-Warren: Hello everyone. My name is Delesslin George-Warren. But everyone has called me Roo, like kangaroo since I was a fetus, so feel free to call me that. I'm a citizen of Catawba Nation. We are the only federally recognized tribe in South Carolina and one of two in North Carolina. And I'm calling you from our reservation down here in South Carolina, we are, thankfully it is warm, no longer cold, which I'm very thankful for. I use he or they pronouns or really any pronouns said with love is fine by me. Like I said before, I'm on Catawba territory and forever grateful to be on my lands. I am sitting in a white room with a light to my left and a pretty flower, what is this called? Like a shade on my window. I've got on a dark green jacket kind of thing. I have white skin, light brown hair and an increasingly wild beard on my face.

How am I doing? Today I'm one of the co coordinators for Unsettling Dramaturgy along with Mia Amir who is currently holding a very cute baby. And so we are fulfilling the role of moderators today. I'm looking at like five different electronic feeds at this moment. And we're just working through some technical challenges as they arise. This whole project came together pretty rapidly. And so it's been exciting and also a little tense, intense I guess. I'm feeling like I need to breathe and just like remember where I am and remember that it's all gonna be fine. I particularly am feeling the pressure in my neck along my shoulders and then up through my jaw and right around the temples. That's where I tend to carry my tension. Access needs. All of my access needs are being met. If you ask me a direct question, it may just take a few minutes for me to address you. And that's mostly just because of the juggling of all the different technological inputs that are happening right now. I describe my work as which is a word in Catawba, which means both teacher and artist because our oldest art form pottery which we've been doing, archeologists say for 6,000 years, we would say forever. Traditionally, if you're a potter, you're also automatically an educator. So the work of education and the work of art are deeply tied in the way that I see our language and that word from our language. So that's how I think about my practice.

My background is an operatic performance. And then I transitioned into installation and performance art. And then I moved back to my community in 2017 where I've been working on language revitalization as well as food sovereignty as well as educational sovereignty and anything else that might be any needs. At the same time, I've been maintaining my artistic practice through travel, not at the moment obviously, hence why we've decided to do these practices sessions but also through digital organizing spaces. So I've been very happy to be working with Unsettling Dramaturgy for over a year now. And it's meant that this transition to digital spaces that everyone else is dealing with has been a lot gentler. The transition's been a lot gentler for me because I've already seen particularly from the Crip and Deaf practitioners in our program have already demonstrated what those practices can look like for me. What's unsettling about work we are presently with right now? I think what's unsettling to me is how I work from home almost all the time. I go out to do things, but for the most part, all my work is inside all day. But something about this moment of quarantine and physical isolation makes me feel restless even though my day to day life hasn't shifted that much. It's a little bit, it's not so much of my work, but it's just what I'm thinking about right now is how, this is the moment that I realized how dangerous living in different realities, having different facts can be truly dangerous.

I live in a place that is more conservative. And so a lot of people are getting different streams of information that I'm getting and their behaviors are different based on the information that they're getting. And so while I'm receiving information that tells me that it's really urgent, that we isolate, I'm seeing that other people are living in a completely different reality or a different perception of reality. So that's something that's unsettling me at the moment, and it just makes my whole body just like, get really tight. So that's my check-in. Who wants to go next? Anybody?

Tara: I'll call on you if I have to.

DeLesslin: Yeah.

Cindy, ASL Interpreter: The interpreter is gonna switch now, too.

Tara: Thank you.

Jill Carter: I can go, or not.

DeLesslin "Roo": Thank you Jill.

Claudia: That would be lovely, thank you Jill.

Jill: Miigwech. Okay, so annii. Jill Carter nindizhinikaaz. My name is Jill Carter. I'm Anishinaabe and Ashkenazi woman. I'm currently based in Tkaronto, or Toronto. [With an accent] Torontah, Ontario. Toronto is a Treaty 13 territory. It's an interesting territory. Oh my pronouns. I refer to myself by feminine pronouns and I invite anybody else to address, talk about me in any way they wish. Yes. I'm based in Tkaronto. Anishinaabe, Muskogee, Anishnabeg. So my people are from North, Manitoulin Island, North of the Toronto, unseated First Nation. But I'm here, born here, raised here and working here. Toronto is a very interesting place, Tkaronto, with trees grow out of the water with the fishing weirs, have been. It is a site of trade and gathering and has been such for thousands and thousands, thousands upon thousands of years, at least 13,500 years, if not longer. It is so because of the beautiful water highways we have that take us into the beautiful Lake Ontario, Ontario, Lake Ontario. And that Lake of course can take us out to the Saint Lawrence Seaway and out into the Atlantic. So it connects people from the South, from the Gulf of Mexico, right up to the Lake of the Woods. And this place is a beautiful stopping place to gather and meet. So the fact that Toronto may be now an economic engine of the modern day place they call Canada. It was not so because some settler, some European thought, what a great place to have an economic engine. It is what they found. And so it is. Subject to fraudulent purchase. In 1787 the British apparently thought or decided or claim to have thought that they were buying the buying this territory from the Mississauga, Anishinaabe, Mississauga, Anishinaabe people for 96 gallons of rum about 200 gun flints, a bale of flannel. 24 lace hats, 124 mirrors and a little bit of money. When they looked at the deed few years later, the deed was blank. And the so-called clan signatures of the chiefs that apparently had agreed to this quote, sale, were glued on to this blank piece of paper. So in 1805, they tried it again, they threw a little more money at the Mississauga, and said, called it a deal, bought and paid for.

I bring up these things because this is the way I acknowledged the history of the territory in which I live and work. It is a living history that continues. I work on violated land, stolen lands, colonized lands. I am a person who works at the University of Toronto. And I defended my dissertation in the very house that Sir John A. Macdonald leaved in, in the year he signed the Indian Act. And it is not too much of a stretch, although this is not 100% accurate, but it's not too much of a stretch to imagine that he may have actually signed that act in that house, in one of those rooms where I defended my dissertation. So I think about the violence on Indigenous bodies as they walk by that house every day, which is now the school of graduate studies at UFT. And I think about that violence that is on. And I wonder about it. I wonder about this violence and yet I also wonder is there something empowering in having been there, in being there, in walking in, if you're a graduate student, to ask for services in finally defending your work in this place. Where history was made, where the author of the residential schools, where the author and mover and shaker of the Indiana Act that controlled our lives for so many generations. If there is not something also deeply empowering about going in and doing this and in defending our work and coming out and saying, yes, you kept us down. Yes, I tasted blood in my mouth. Like, damn you, it tastes good. This is just part of the history where I am and I think it's important to acknowledge them. And I think because I think in land acknowledgements these things need to be, if the subtler is acknowledging or the visitor is acknowledging the people who were here and the history of these lands, it's important to acknowledge that whole history and to think about, well, what is my responsibility within this story.

And how am I? I'm not dead. So this is a good thing for me. I've been ill for a while, but coming out of it, I'm a little frustrated like Roo, I think hearing very different things and not just from people necessarily, from the quote, uneducated and unwashed like myself. But from the so called experts in one morning I can hear two or three contradicting things about behaviors, about what I should be doing to protect myself. So I'm getting pretty fed up and I'm starting to run on instinct now, pray for the best, pray. And that's what I do. That's my practice, is prayer and trying to do the best work I can given the situation and hope. Access needs. All good except I may have to turn off and stand up every now and again because I'm going through a back injury too, which is old. It's not fresh, but still to keep it old, not fresh, which a fresh is painful. I will have to get up and stretch. So I said I work at the UFT, I teach but I also am a performer and a director and a dramaturg and a documenter of other people's work and process. And that's kind of what I do and I can talk more about that. I also have a guilty pleasure, which is working with first story, Tkaronto, where we research and give Indigenous history tours of the land. And that's becoming a bigger and bigger part of, also my other work. And it's about an educator and my artistic work. What's unsettling? I think I've talked a long time, which can be unsettling for anyone. So I will stop and I think I can address that elsewhere in the conversation. I will shut down now and pass it on to, I don't know, does someone want me to pass it onto them or will they volunteer? Grant Miller is volunteering.

Grant Miller: Hello. I'm Grant Miller. They, them pronouns. I am beaming in from the unseated traditional territory of the Multnomah, Clackamas, Cathlamet, Kalapuya tribes as well as many others. I'm also recognizing the presence of the Confederated Tribes of the Grand Ronde in this area. I get my water from the Bull Run Watershed and that's also Portland, Oregon. And this is where I was born and raised. Let's see. I'm also an uninvited guest ancestry. My physical description is that I am currently in, I'm in a beige room with really gray outside. So description of what you're seeing is my face floating on top of an image of the garden outside of my house. The garden's name is Lenore Evermore and I actually have a really nice view of her from where I'm sitting where it's super gray and dreary. I have black and gray hair. That's a little bit curly. I'm wearing my glasses, which are like my intellectual mask and I'm wearing a necklace made by my friend Max and which is turquoise and pink and I have a green shirt on as well. I'm white and have hazel eyes and I have hands the drape like Willow trees which may make an appearance. How I am. I have this sort of kind of like rippling electric feeling on my face, which I think is just being nervous.

So I think I'm like with just the live casting. So I'm just gonna take a couple breaths. I'm trying to remember that even though I see the front of myself on this, I also have like a whole back of my body, like the back of my head and my shoulders and like this whole space behind me. So I'm just sort of feeling that presence a little bit more, feeling kind of the pull downwards towards the earth. Feeling a lot of support from community like family who aren't here in this moment. My partner brought me some frozen food in this bowl, so I now have food, which is like meeting an access need. I think with present circumstances I'm feeling various degrees of ease and just sort of like reconnecting with my body and what I need. And also just feeling the swell of uncertainty. Sort of like I've been witness to a lot of uncertainty in my community and in my life and noticing many more people who aren't plugged into that suddenly being impacted by that. And how that affects my own nervous system. But I'm glad to be here with all of you. It's good to see you all. My access needs are met. I might just throw off my camera every once in awhile. I don't know why I thought this was only gonna be about an hour. So I think my body is just gonna wanna move around. I might play with the camera a little bit. Just as my attention needs might meet. So introduction to some of my work. I am a performance artist, theatre artist, mover. I also have a social practice work as well. My particular interests are in creating performance spaces that are about collective care which is also just reminding me that just the invitation to like move around as needed. For those who are watching. You don't have to just sit still. Well, people who are watching us aren't, we don't see them.

Questions about how any given performance opportunity or performance moment can be an opportunity to reconnect with the care of all bodies who are present. Whether those bodies are human and nonhuman. The main arc of a project that I've been working on just had sort of a sudden truncation or end because of COVID. So I'm sort of relocating what wants to happen right now. I'm currently working with the title for a virtual space called Sensational Quarantine which could be a place to kind of create some fabulosity in our own realities but also help us reconnect with mapping our senses in this space and time. Anything else? What's unsettling about work we're presently with right now? I feel like I'll say what Jill said, which is, I'll probably say more about that later. I think there's so much that's unsettling right now that I can, I feel like that can be spoken to it at greater distance. What's unsettling about in my body right now is my knee. I have the sharp knee pain that's telling me to like, I don't know, go swimming, but I don't have a pool or a nearby body of water. So I guess I'll just have to imagine that for now. I think there's a strain for me just about the need to be in relationship and dialogue now as much as any time. Thank you.

Tara: Thank you for that. And then, so Jessica, whenever you're ready.

Jessica Schacht: Hello, can everyone hear me? My name is Jessica Schacht. I use she, her pronouns. And I am currently coming to you from the traditional territory of the Cowichan Nation, part of the Hul'qumi'num Treaty Group in stage five treaty negotiations. I have dark hair, tan skin. I'm wearing a round gold frame glasses, cedar bark earrings with turquoise and white beaded moccasins that were a gift from a mentor to remind me to walk the path in a good way. I have a gray wrap on that is containing my now sleeping infant. And I'm in a room with a blue wall that you can see behind me. And how I am. I'm feeling pretty ungrounded, so I'm grateful to be here. I apologies for arriving late. I had a trouble accessing the meeting and then was responding to a screaming infant. And yeah, I'm really glad to be here and I'm feeling a little bit ungrounded and so grateful for the opportunity to think about land acknowledgement. And where I was born in the unceded territories of the Songhees and Esquimalt Nations the Lekwungen speaking peoples now known as Victoria. And thinking about the paths that my family trees have routed through from East to West and from outside of Canada to Canada as a Métis Canadian braiding together those paths. I think being so inside right now like physically because of where we are, I am feeling quite ungrounded today. Which is yeah, a little bit of an unsettling feeling. In terms of access needs. I will need to respond to my baby Lenny that's hanging out with me today.

An introduction to some aspect of our work or practice. I work primarily in theatre between theatre, opera and dance. Primarily as a dramaturg now, though I worked as a stage manager for many years. I also write and produce. But yes, recently dramaturgy has been the most the strongest aspect of my practice. I work primarily in Indigenous and new work. Looking to find new ways of telling stories, centering Indigenous ways of knowing and being able to redefine metrics of success in the work that we make so that it is true to theatremakers and is successful in the ways in which theatremakers hope that it is successful, which often doesn't look like what the product base colonial theatrical processes that we engage in are set up to enforce. What's unsettling about work presently with right now? I think a lot about aesthetics and new aesthetics and as we cover new ground that comes from ways of knowing how we can listen to those aesthetics and explore them and make work that feels, again, right for theatremakers. So what does that look like? And it can be challenging because I have the different educations that I've been given, be they from mentors and elders or my university education. So you have to work with the tools that you're given.

A lot of my work challenges a lot of the more, quote unquote, the colonial teachings of my university degree. So in challenging those aesthetics and wrestling with where we can live with them and flow with those new things. So that is something that I am grateful to have the opportunity to do and I'm just really interested in where that sits with audiences, with makers, what do we expect of our audiences and our makers as we create works in these ways. Feeling, I feel, I don't know, I feel my heart is very fluttery. Again, I think I'm also nervous and just feeling, there's, yeah, just a lot of... I've been having a lot of anxiety in general and stress from the situation that we're in. So I was always very grateful to connect across these virtual pathways with everybody here because it really is an opportunity to just be with people. Thank you. Check.

Claudia: Is Mia available to introduce themselves? If not, I can go, all right Mia, hello.

Mia Amir: I'm gonna make this super brief because I am holding my eight week old to my boob right now, and trying to keep an eye on the messages that we're receiving from those of you who are joining us. So I'm just gonna briefly dip in and then I'll dip out and be a kind of ghost that is circulating around this conversation, helping to hold it up. So my name is Mia Susan Amir. I use she and her pronouns. I am calling in from the unseated and occupied territories of the Musqueam, Squamish Tsleil-Waututh people. Colonially referred to as Vancouver, British Columbia. I was born in Israel, occupied Palestine and I came to these territories as an uninvited settler with my parents. My mother was born in 1944 in Russia as the daughter of a Russian and a Polish Jew and came as refugees to Canada to Winnipeg specifically in the 1940s. And so that's one of the lineages that kind of shapes my, the ways in which I think about land and in my relationship to land and my relationship to migration movement, freedom of movement and also the lack of freedom of movement. And on the other side of my family my grandparents were deeply involved in the colonization of Palestine and were deeply involved in the establishment of the State of Israel.

So I hold the ongoing illegal occupation of that territory as another entry point in my relationship to that place as a Jew alive and how I'm thinking about land and place and belonging and freedom of movement and genocide. Other things, physical description. My camera's tilted upwards so you see my ceiling, which is like modeled, is that the right word? And it's white. You can see part of the wall behind me, which is gray and there's some art from various places that I have relationships to. Vancouver, Oakland, Białystok Poland. My hair is very dark and short in a mess because COVID 19 has prevented me from seeing the hairdresser among other things that are much more important and pressing. I'm wearing a green headband, I'm light skinned, I have dark eyes, I have dark circles under my eyes. I'm wearing a gray sweater and a relatively sheer top, so I won't be pulling the camera down. And my access needs. I'm pulled in many directions these days and maybe this is also my check-in. As a parent of an eight week old baby most of me exists outside of me right now. So I am not so tapped into the momentary experiences that my body and my consciousness are having because I'm in a constant state of responsiveness to a small being that is wholly dependent on my wellness for their wellness. My access needs include that I am gonna be in and out of this in a visible way because I'm attending to this other life. I generally have very strong brain fog.

I'm a Crip mad artist who works across community and a creative practice. And so as somebody with chronic illness, my brain has its own unique and very special ways of operating. And that's true also today with the additional layer of exhaustion. Because again, said tiny human. So I may not finish sentences in ways that make sense to a linear way of thinking and I'll appreciate the opportunity to just finish my thoughts in my own pace and way. What else? Did I cover everything, Tara, Claudia? I'm the convener and along with Roo the co-coordinator, I'm very honored to be the convener and co-coordinator of Unsettling Dramaturgy and have this thrilling pleasure of being able to work with these brilliant minds and hearts and bodies on a regular basis. And I feel really grateful though. This moment is so rot with uncertainty and pain and the ways in which inequity falls most loudly in moments of pandemic and crisis like this. It's all very loud, but I feel very grateful that we are able to bring some of the practices that we've been leaning and learning into collectively and the practices that we bring into this work respectively to a wider relationship and network of folks who are tuning in live now. And who will tune into the recording after and just feel really grateful that we can hopefully be of service in some way in this moment and be in connection, which is paramount in times like these. Being in active relationship and connection. So yeah, thank you. And excited to moderate the online stuff that's happening. That's me, check.

Claudia: Hello, this is Claudia introducing herself, doing my check-in. My name's Claudia Alick. My change of pronouns are they, there, she, hers. You can use those interchangeably. I'm speaking to you from the Bay Area Ohlone territory. The people are still alive. My neighborhood specifically is a neighborhood where there's a lot of signage that tells the story of a Japanese resettlement. So this is a land, this is an area that tells me a story of a concentration camps and people being displaced. And of course it's also incredibly adjacent to a lot of areas where African Americans have been displaced, displaced, displaced. So this is the land on which I stand. I'm in my home, but I'm speaking to you from in front of a green screen that has a black box theatre projected behind me. I'm an African American woman with a long braids. Some of them are Black, some of them are purple. And I am wearing my most conservative dashiki today. How am I? Oh golly. Well, it's this weird thing of being like the ocean where throughout the day I'm connecting with my loving family and they are hilarious on text and they all have way too much time on their hands. So it's amazing. I am so deeply troubled by political things that I'm seeing by some real deep misinformation and the larger narratives that are about hate, disruption that are definitely being pushed and it concerns me quite deeply. And I'm just like kind of on fire 'cause I feel very busy doing many things where it's the practice of my continuing online practice as it already exists, as well as helping others to transform their practice and just be responsive to the community in the best ways. And also my body is cranky. Like all of this stress is giving my body like a lot, so I've been doing a lot more daily meditations. Just 'cause I recognize my body is probably reacting to more of this stuff that's going on in the world.

In terms of my access needs, I have a muscle disorder, so that means I'm sometimes going to pull a face like, 'cause I'm having like a horrible muscle spasm that is never a visual facial, acknowledge, I'm never making a comment, a facial comment on what someone else is saying. It's a comment on what's happening internally. I've got my water. Other than that, all my access needs are met. My work is, well, let's see. I wrote this down in a piece of paper. Currently, this is what I'm working on. I am helping, I'm the guest director for the FoolsFURY Factory Festival in July. So I am a co president of the board of the Network of Ensemble Theatre. I'm an advisor to HowlRound. I am an advisor for the National Theatre Project with NAFA, the New England Foundation for the Arts. I'm an advisor for the National Disabled Theatre. I am commissioning plays all over the country with the Doris Duke Foundation. And I am the executive producer of CALLING UP justice, a trans media social justice company, producing performances of justice online, onstage and in real life. And we run on a model of radical generosity. So I have been giving 30 minutes free consults to anyone who wants them. And those conversations have been incredibly learning for me and also folks who've been getting good stuff out of them. So that's just been beautiful and gorgeous. And the last place I'm affiliated to is with Unsettling Dramaturgy. An amazing group of international Crip and Indigenous dramaturgs and thought leaders. And it's such a pleasure to be meeting with you right now. And of course the thing that's unsettling about this work is I think things we've already spoken about. So I'm going to ask my colleagues for a little help. Is it time for us to take a break?

Tara: I was going to say, yes it is.

Claudia: I love this. So we have beautifully modeled what our practice is. So you, the viewers have witnessed a number of land acknowledgements done from a lot of different places, right? Well, we haven't even gotten into the formal juicy conversation. There's a reason why our Unsettling Dramaturgy meetings are three hours long. It's so we can indulge in such healthy nutritious practice. It is an honor working with you. Thank you for beginning us well. Let's take a break and then come back and have a conversation. What's y'all think? Yeah.

Mia: When are we coming back, Claudia?

Claudia: 10 minutes.

Tara: So we will be coming back the seven minutes after the hour from wherever you're at. So time zone math, seven minutes after your hour we will be back.

Claudia: Awesome.

[Break.]

Tara: For those of you who are still here, we will be back in two minutes and just two minutes we'll be back in our riveting discussion.

[Break.]

Tara: Everyone, we are back. It is seven minutes after our perspective hours. And so with that, I'm gonna throw this back over to Claudia as we jump into our discussion. So we have a few questions that we have written out that we'll discuss amongst ourselves, but then also we will be accepting questions from all of you on those various platforms and ways you can send them in. So without further ado, Claudia. Whenever you're ready.

Claudia: Thank you Tara. So because today's event is on the land acknowledgement, specifically land acknowledgement in digital spaces, we find it important to recognize that we are using the technology of Zoom to have this conversation. Zoom is headquartered in what is now called San Jose, California, which are the traditional lands of the Ohlone who I've already spoken up and the Tamyen in peoples. We've been asking ourselves questions like what is the physical reality and impact of this ethereal technology? How do we recognize the lands and peoples that Zoom specifically impacts in its infrastructure? And then kind of coming out, how do we recognize and acknowledge the global lands that the intranet and its infrastructure impacts? How do we recognize that acknowledgement? I acknowledge that in our conversations, but we wanted to take a moment and do a land acknowledgement specifically for the technology we are using to connect. Thank you for taking that moment with us. Then pass this microphone back to Tara to get our conversation started.

Tara: All right, so with our conversation the first thing that we're going to kick off with is what is a land acknowledgement in the space of digital, cultural, cyber world space and how happy we in working with them. And so to give you all a moment, just our wonderful participants who are on a call with us today to percolate some thoughts. For those of you who are viewing at home, we just gave, as Claudia mentioned, as you just witnessed, what we do in our practice of doing our individual acknowledgements as well as today, acknowledging we are using those headquarter. And so that's one way of a myriad of ways, but getting to the root of that biscuit. So we say where I'm from, what does that mean? How do we work within them? And so this is gonna be a pretty casual sort of discussion. And so for anyone who feels so inclined has thought, the precept, anything like that just spark it off. I'll have you open up. Feel free to unmute your mic whenever you would like to raise some speak, not raise your hand, I means that's fancy. And then we'll go from there. So does anyone have some immediate thoughts for our viewers at home? Who should be at home anyway?

Claudia: I'm a narrator so I don't, I'm facilitating so I don't feel like I should be adding a lot of stuff, but I have a thing. May I add it? Just as part of my ongoing habits of Zoom conversations, I renamed myself and I always rename myself, I add my gender pronouns. I don't know if that's visible to y'all, but on my label, on my face, I have my gender pronouns and I have my land acknowledgement. It reminds me of the spaces that you signage as land acknowledgement. And I love spaces that have that, just like literally just like a cool sign with information on it. Check.

Tara: I'm also curious for any of our, I'm sampling collaborators on the call right now who do a lot of digital work. We were talking about our last phone call last week, how for so many folks, this is just, y'all is normal and now everyone else is getting on that same bandwagon. Anyway. What are ways, if there are any different or even just to echo as like, yeah, that's what I do to acknowledge this space that you're in digitally. I just wonder if any of our more seasoned digital folks have any additional thoughts on that. And also since we are very casual, I will say you don't have to answer right away as we go along. As all those things are, you'll bring it that later, just peep up. By all means. But yeah, just another question to percolate on if anyone has it.

DeLesslin "Roo": I don't feel like I can address that question, so I'll leave that percolating on a different burner. What I've been thinking about is we spoke about this kind of early on in our meetings, which was this question about bringing together Crip dramaturgs and Indigenous dramaturgs and talking about, I mean, we said it at the beginning the language that we kind of developed from those discussions that we're not collapsing those things together. And I believe I shared with the group kind of early on a traditional Catawba diplomacy of camping out near one another. And in camping out in proximity to one another, developing relationship prior to negotiations actually happening. So there were bunch of protocols regarding eating with one another, hearing about each other's stories and all of that being requisite before we can actually get to the task at hand as it were. And so what this process has brought up for me is how it might be easy to say that in the past land has been a requisite part of us coming together. That may be, it's one of the people that are in that diplomatic process. It's one of the persons that's in that diplomatic process.

But now that we have technology, it's not, but as we discussed with that Zoom recognition, we think of the internet as being a theorial. And I think that a lot of businesses are invested in us thinking about it that way. I mean, what is the biggest buzzword of the internet age the last seven years, but the Cloud, right? This idea that it's somewhere up there and that it doesn't have effects on the lands and the waters. In preparing for this, I was doing some research on pipelines that go through oceans that carry the literal fibers of the internet. And like if you look at the so called United States and Canada, there's specific places where those pipelines touchdown on land and from there presumably proliferate. So in one way it's different because we aren't all gathering in a single land, but in another way, we're all gathering on lands across the world because the way that this distributed internet system works is that while we, none of us might be in so-called China, there may be servers that are carrying data from our conversation through that landscape. And then back to the places that we are inhabiting. So it's not just some thoughts that I've been having. Thinking about how is the land still a diplomat in our conversations, even if it's not a singular landscape that we're gathering upon to have these conversations. Check.

Claudia: This is Claudia speaking. Thank you so much for that. You just gave me a light bulb moment of me realizing my stuff isn't in a Cloud. My information is stored in wires and metal boxes that are places. I'm thinking about that hard right now. Thank you for that. Check.

Tara: Thank you for that Roo. This is Tara. And it also makes me think about the questions that we have like listed in our lovely GoogleDoc. You at home cannot see. But the next one that we have coming up is how do you let acknowledgements helps to center the body, place and land as collaborators in creation. And why such, how is this important when we are collaborating on what can be a profoundly disembodied medium? I thought that was your reflections on that, on how there is no Cloud, no ether, it is connected to a place is a great segue into that question. And also more things to percolate on is how else can we use land acknowledgements to help center, body, place and land, especially whenever we are creating and interfacing digitally. And to not forget that we may be sitting in our apartments, on our computers, but those apartments are on certain lands. Those computers come from best buys that are on certain lands et cetera, et cetera. Yeah, so that's just really interesting. Just another thought that I had there. And so speaking of popcorn thoughts also lean this over for anyone else who has another popcorn thought they would like to give. check.

Jill: It's Jill here. And I think that, thank you Roo for, and Claudia both for centering us in place, even though we're in cyberspace. I think a lot about responsibility here in terms of, and you mention this too Tara that, not only are we on lands and have, speaking from specific land basis and territories, but these machines through which we're talking to each other and these pipes that are these pipelines and boxes that are carrying our thoughts and ideas, and work and images, and art, and conversations, these are all made of elements of the earth. And at points we, there may be abuse. Well, I say may and I am really understating, there is abuse of the earth in the creation of these technologies.

We know now that our seedbeds, our ocean floors are being depleted of their sand, the sand that it takes to make the glass on these screens, on our phone screens on our tablets screens. We know that poisonous elements are required to make these computers. And whether I'm terribly untactical it's horrible. I have a pretty box with the glass screen and I see you all. So my language, I don't have the language for this, but the mining and the digging and the, of grabbing these things, not only poisoned people in communities, poisons the water and it poisons the earth itself. But after it's made and then disposed stuff, more poison seeps out. So we're depleting these resources. And I guess all I'm saying is I don't know how to go around it. Somehow we're all behold into this. We've all become tied to this in ways. And it's very good for many people. For many people with differing abilities, this has given them a window out into the world that gives us abilities to communicate in times like this. And I think about too. I don't claim any great wisdom, but I just think that responsibility, using these things responsibly very carefully, when we took a deer, and I was gonna say Anishinaabe, but lots of people have taken deer. So I won't get, I'll try not to get too Anishinaabeon centric on. But if I do, well, forgive me and just give me a virtual punch in the nose. Say, wake up, Jill. There's other of us we also have deer. But you know, when we took a deer, we didn't not take the deer, but we respected the deer and we used everything in a really good way and we wasted nothing.

We didn't abuse this gift because this was life. This was blood in our hands. And this, as I look at my thing in front of you. There is blood, there is blood on this machine and therefore on my hands. I hope that there are those out there and I wish that I were one and I can't claim to be one who's thinking how to make this in a bloodless way. I hope that there are, I will encourage those that there are technical people who can, but then while we must use it or are using it in our art, in our conversations, then it must be. I hope that we use it for the good. We use it sparingly. We spare the machine, we hold onto it for years and years and years. And we put forth our very best with it. And respect the blood that has been shed here. So I think about cyberspace and the cowboys that may be out there, again, disrespecting, riding rampant through cyberspace bullying, abusing, trolling what have you, taking up these spaces using this to hurt people. Oh, I should shut up now because we've got an upcoming question. Many upcoming questions, but that was just, that was supposed to be a popcorn thought. It's not steak dinner. So I'll come back, but I'll just mute me for a minute so we can.

Claudia: I love this brilliant, amazing cohort of folks where somebody drops like a gigantic amount of poetic and brilliant science on all of us and is like, "Oh, I should make more space for other people to speak." Just thank you. Thank you. So we've got some amazing collaborators who have crafted these questions in beautiful, provocative ways. Tara, would you be kind enough to read this? I think the way the question has been asked is incredibly brilliant. Would you be willing just to read the question?

Tara: Yes, the one if we're vibing or the most recent one?

Claudia: Either, they're both amazing.

Tara: Great. It's really sad for you folks at home who can't see our chat box. It's really great. We had a crumpet situation. It was wonderful. Wonderful, great. So thank you Jill for all of that insight. And so I'm actually gonna go to that second upcoming question in there first. And that is how do we address that we are all working in place off and on land that is undergoing ongoing projects of colonization with direct violence impact to Indigenous communities and artists, and that we often do are so supported by the government institutions or foundations engaged in maintaining and benefiting from the colonial project. How do we address from the colonial project? How do we address the critical questions around responsibility in relationship to advocacy, resource distribution, leadership and representation at all levels of creation and production and attention to protocols within our work. Dramatic reading. Anyway. And so again, these are questions that we shouldn't think about now that are on these digital spaces, in how the ongoing projects of colonization, how those direct impacts to frontline communities, but also if and, or when hopefully when, we come out of this and move back into our physical theatrical spaces, how do we continue to reconcile and live within there and create just work, while centering those who are on the frontline and who are experiencing these ongoing violence in their communities.

And then with that, another question, we're just gonna throw questions on there and just whoever's inspired. How do land acknowledgements challenge the empty vessel approaches to organizing collaboration and creation, which require that we leave our identities, embodiments and histories at the door of the studio or the stage or on our desktops in this case, and lead to practices which center relationship, collective care, self-determination and vulnerability, interdependence, responsibility, reciprocity. I got all the words with lots of syllables, adaptability, consent, celebration, emergence and spiritual and cultural practice as core principles of creative practice. Which I say, something I think that unsettling does really well. And how we're able to have all of these different embodiments and different backgrounds and all of these things while still working together and not leaving our histories at the door. And Jessica is piping up, I see. Jessica, whenever you're ready. Check.

Jessica: Was it that obvious? I feel like, yes. Thank you for the wonderful phrasing of these. And what's striking me is how these questions actually work in relationship to each other. So in terms of addressing that we're working in place off and on land that's undergoing ongoing projects of Colonial colonization. I think that, like I offer that previous answer as part of, or that previous question as part of the answer. Very dramaturgy of me. But challenging that empty vessel approach because in doing a land acknowledgement, in acknowledging all the various land that we all come from, that presence is our personal stories, where we are in space, the history that is attached to that place. And so by challenging that empty vessel mentality of that, we are here, we are people on a Zoom call and we're here to do, discuss X, Y, Z. We are people coming from places all across Turtle Island and with specific histories and access needs and so by acknowledging that we are not empty vessels. Acknowledging the land that we are on, that we come from. I think that in part search to address some of those challenges within the colonized spaces that we work within. Check.

DeLesslin "Roo": This is Roo. I'm gonna jump back in and say, particularly vibing off of what Claudia and Jill were talking about before. I mean, again, I do think it's so much in the way that we talk about digital technologies as being spaces without place in a very similar way that we've talked about theatres as being spaces without places. As if like, just like a vacuum opened up in the midst of a landscape and suddenly there was a place that we could do theatre at. And and I think that that's the same way that we talk about our digital technologies. Like I mentioned the Cloud before. I mean, we've also talked about cyberspace. Like there's so many ways that our language tries to get to invest in the idea that it is existing out there somewhere. But in reality, it's existing down here. I wanna read this quote from Fortune Magazine is what it's called, which seems questionable. I think it does a really good job of kind of illustrating that exactly what Jill was saying, the literal like physical object that we use to connect to that cyberspace, to connect that Cloud that is in fact a giant warehouse of very hot servers and computers that are holding our information and serving it to each other. Those technologies also require a lot of energy.

So the first two paragraphs of this article, the music video for "Despacito" set an internet record in April, 2018 when it became the first video to hit 5 billion views on YouTube. In the process, the music video reached a less celebrated milestone. It burned as much energy as 40,000 U.S homes use in a year. And it goes on to talk a little bit more about how that works with data centers. But I'm thinking right now, like we see land and water protectors in places, like Wet'suwet'en, we saw the Dakota Access Pipeline protectors. We see people around the world opposing these energy infrastructure projects while at the same time, one of our most versatile and useful contemporary organizing avenues is in the digital space, right. And we think of any individual action on the internet as being mostly in consequential, but as kind of that paragraph demonstrate, like every time we watch a video, every time we send a Google search, every time we send a tweet, and I've been completely living on Twitter the last like two weeks of quarantine. There is a cost to that or there is a responsibility to that 'cause let's get down to the capitalist framework. We definitely take deer down here as well. But it's okay. Get Anishinaabe as you want. I'll be as Catawba as I want.

And I think that what's so different, like I'm working on our educational curriculum right now and one of our like areas that we talk about for our tribe is technology. And when I first presented that people were like, you mean like computers? Is that part of our cultural tradition? And I said, well, I think it could be, but I think what I'm talking about is like pottery and basketry and how to take a deer in a good way and how to use what is being given to us and what all of our traditional technologies have in common is that in the taking, there is also like a reciprocity that either needs to come at that moment or at some point in the future. But the reality is that our technologies like landfills are filled with cell phones and those cell phones often have incredibly rare metals in them. Through violence were ripped from the earth, not just violence to the earth, but also violence to the people who were forced to labor. We're taking but we're never giving back. That's unsustainable. Just we only have like 15,000 years of experience, but I feel pretty confident in saying that it's pretty unsustainable. Check.

Claudia: This is Claudia. I've been thinking really hard about how sometimes, and I say this with loving acknowledgement. Some of our organizations do a land acknowledgement like it's a bandaid or a prophylactic. Like if they do that at the top, it means nothing else in the event needs to have respect or thoughtful. And it's just like, "Oh, we said those magic words "and now we can do whatever we want to do." But actually what if a land acknowledgement is done right? It serves as sort of a highlight. And I wanted to share the most fire lane. It's my favorite one. It's so fire. I learned this land acknowledgement at the CUNY, Racial Justice and Performance Conference in 2019 and it was scripted by age, Herukhuti Sharif Williams, who was a professor there. We acknowledged that settler colonizers and imperialists from Europe took and unseated the land on which we gather and work, from the Lenape and Wappino peoples who had stewarded it for generations. The land has been and continues to be occupied and held by force. We acknowledged that we are contributing to that legacy now, we recognize Lenape and Wappino people as the rightful protectors of this land and ask for their mercy when the future accounting for our presence on it has been conducted. We acknowledged that settler, colonizers and slavers from Europe, you stole and enforced the labor of African people to subsequently develop the land. We acknowledge the lives of the 20,000 free and enslaved Africans were buried in the middle 1630s and 1795 on the 6.6 acres of land that we call the African Burial Ground. Some three miles away from here in Lower Manhattan. We acknowledge the lives of the more than 250 of the Seneca Village founded by free and formerly enslaved African people on the parcels of land between 83rd and 88th Streets and between Seventh and Eighth Avenues starting in 1825 until the government evicted them to build central park in the mid 1,800s. We honor the lives of all who endured and continue to endure in the face of settler colonial oppression and white supremacy. I love this land acknowledgement because a dramaturg wrote it. It's got so much beautiful historical detail in there. I feel like I truly learned and understood the significance of where I was in that moment, but the exercise of making it feels almost more important than the exercise of speaking it aloud. Check.

Tara: Claudia, we have requests for that to be shared. And so if you have that text of somewhere, could you send it to perhaps Roo or Mia.

Claudia: Already dropped it into the Twitter.

Tara: Oh, lovely. Did you put it in the Facebook comments? Thank you.

DeLesslin "Roo": Yeah, I got it.

Tara: Amazing. We're so efficient. Yeah, exactly. I mean, land acknowledgement does not, and should not be like, bland OneNote, unaccounted for, pieces of colonial language words. And then we call it a day. So thank you so much for sharing that. It makes me wonder, too, about what are more, quote unquote, radical that should be quote unquote normal, ways that we could continue to acknowledge these project products of colonization, continued attacks on to land and community. Well, still continuing to challenge the empty vessel notion. I mean it's all deeply, deeply interrelated. So looking at our questions here. While I'm looking at those, was anyone feeling so inspired? Have anything else to add in there?

DeLesslin "Roo": Mia did you have something?

Mia: I have emergent thoughts that may not be performed with any clarity but. So we're all looking at each other through this Zoom screen, which gives us boxes of equal shape and size. And what I am thinking about is the way in which the internet as a medium can serve to try to reduce our experiences as though they are equal and equitable. And that when we are coming together in these forums that present a fallacy of equity. One of the ways in which we undermine that as Claudia so beautifully shared through sharing that land acknowledgement is that there is an immensity of complexity and specificity that shapes who we are, wherever we are located and specificity that shapes where we are located and the conditions under which the society we participate in or benefit from or are impacted by is operating in and on and around us and in and on and around our work, and in and on and around the ecology of the place where we are, and in and on and around the relationships we're able to build and how and in and on and around how we participate in economy, et cetera, et cetera.

In the fallacy of equity that can be presented through this medium, I think it behooves as we have a deep responsibility to think about all of these things that shape how is it that we are coming together, things that have already been spoken today. And that this is one of the reasons why engaging in a land acknowledgement is so vital because it also for me as a settler, as an uninvited settler, as somebody who has histories of genocide that shaped the bodies of the people and the cultures and the societies of people from whom I come and relationships of displacement, but then choice for movement. For me to then have to think about all of that, my own arrival to here, to where I am right now and to narrate that as one of the, maybe most superficial but very important still acts of responsibility that I attempt to take and make in my work here. It feels really important as a process of dismantling this fallacy of equity that these boxes present to us in. I think that's my current thought. Yeah. And just the danger, the danger that this medium presents in shaping at least an ocular, an ocular perception of the world. This is not an accurate ocular organization of power, of the realities of power that even exist inside of the many of us that are gathered here on the Zoom talking to each other with each other, right. And so like, how we take that apart and how we then find our way to each other and to other ways of being together. This is one of the reasons why land acknowledgements through this medium is so important. That mend end, my end of my mind, my end of my thought.

Jill: I have a very, I'll call it a fetal thought, a baby thought. And I've been thinking about this for awhile, interestingly here, in Tkaronto, in the last, well since before the virus, but I would say in the last eight months before everything shut down, many of the Indigenous plays I saw up here no longer had a land acknowledgement. In play I directed, we didn't do a land acknowledgement because the play was a land acknowledgement. Because the play, because everything we were doing was, well that was just my piece. But I'm finding that in other pieces, even more personal. The land is pulled up and becomes part of it. So that's a very interesting thing for me to think of. Now I'm thinking, and I just had, I was thinking what would I do if I was touring this. And now I'm presenting this. But I think we could. It's another way of working where, and I mean, it's a land and people acknowledgement. It's an acknowledgement of all of it. The stories that we're telling, it's. So that's very interesting. So now I'm almost shocked. I'm not shocked when I see settlers doing it. And often some of them are better than others.

I find the young do some really beautiful work 'cause they're getting it, some of them, really, really moving land acknowledgements but also not just moving but active. In other words it is accompanied even if they're doing a show, it is accompanied with auction, a collection, a call to donate to something, a collection for that or a call to go in and support those other theatre down the street, which is Indigenous. Or they're trying, and I see a lot of these kids who are doing their shows and doing their land acknowledgements. And then I see them three days later at, gathering to support what's in, and this is again, before before the end of the world began, no, I'm kidding. Don't be anxious. We have to laugh. But it was before everything shut down. But I see them. So their work then, as they move and develop, their work is going to become more and more invested with this. It's going to become more and more bone deep. The relationships they build I think will become more and more bone deep. As are these in their artistry and as humans. So it's just at least a hopeful thought I'm having, but an interesting thought about how can our work, it's not just talking about, well, yes, I live here and this is what the colonial projects done. And I acknowledge all this now. Tara was it you saying this, onto the the work. I've said that or was it you, me, I can't remember. But that the work itself is the acknowledgement that Claudia read, even when it's very personal. I'll shut up now, sorry.

Claudia: May I ask a-yeah, everyone's like, don't shut up. Everything you say is gold. Come on. Again, I just have to say, you're a beautiful group of human beings and I love all of your brains. Thank you for allowing us to experience some of them. I have a really basic question. It's so basic. How often, when should you do land acknowledgement? Should you do them for every single meeting? Should you only do them for like the big things that have a large audience like, that is what was just sparked by your acknowledgement that you didn't do one for a cultural production that already had that content embedded in the heat or the meat of the event. So I opened that question to all of my colleagues. I'm curious what y'all think. Check.

Tara: This is Tara. If I may pop on in. So two things. So for me personally, and this is my own individual opinion as an Oklahoma, Seminole and Muskogee woman, on my own thoughts. I think for settler organizations, organizations that are ran by settler folks that operate within settler colonialism, I personally feel is that land acknowledgements need to be normalized in every single thing that you do, you get so sick of it, you won't be memorized. Hooray. But that's not where it ends. I mean where it never ends, it's that it's an ongoing relationship with those people who you are acknowledging, with those people whose lands you reside on, who have history on those lands which you create on because in case there's any confusion, those people aren't still there, living, breathing, working, creating and stewarding that land. And so it needs to be fully embedded within every single practice. And so that's that. But also with part two is a reflection on Jill, what you just said, about going to like these Indigenous works that don't have land acknowledgements.

And it got me thinking about my own practice. And whenever I personally do work within Seminole Nation, Muskogee Nation, Osage Nation, Cherokee Nation, we're all very close here in Oklahoma. We don't do that acknowledgement because again, we know where we are and that is within the work that we're doing because you are creating within community. Now, whenever I take those same works and I present them to non-native audiences or we go into settler institutions, we do that land acknowledgement work. But again, it goes on to who is your audience, who are you creating this for? With and with and by. And if it's deeply embedded within community, like the right now reason for me to stand up to my elders in Muskogee Nation and be like, "Hello, we are on the lands of the Seminole people." Like, "No we know." Like there's no need. But so that's something to think about for those of you who are tuning in and also for those of us here who work within settler organizations, institutions, how those traveling works, where are we, what is the relation to those? And also when it comes to traveling works, whenever I do work that's very Seminole based in Oklahoma, Seminole Nation and I take it over to Creek Nation. And also we thank those folks from Muskogee Creek Nation for inviting us in to present this work.

So again, a little different from a land acknowledgement more as a celebration of thanks to being community with one another. But again, that's never we're working outside of that settler colonialism structure. Which I also imagine for most folks is not the regular. But hopefully one day it will be. But yes, I bring dumb thoughts over here. I'll also be curious to know what other people's thoughts are about how often when you should do them. Again, I'm over here, my little radical trains and all of the damn time every day. But yeah, for the rest of y'all, I would love to know. Check.

Jessica: This is Jessica. I agree with Tara. I think they should be done. And thinking of that, what Roo was talking about earlier in protocol and ceremony, those things don't just exist within Indigenous cultures. When we go to the theatre that is a type of ceremony, whether it's like settler or not. So anytime we're thinking about these ceremonial or ritualistic gatherings, I think it's important to have those acknowledgements. And then also riffing off of what Jill was saying, that reminds me of the process of Kamloopa by Kim Senklip Harvey. I was part of the fire team for that. And we were gifted a welcome song by the Shawnee people that we did as part of the welcome. I'm trying to remember like, I don't know if in Tacoma, we did a specific land acknowledgement, but more of, if we tailored it to each place we were. So we were thanking the Shawnee people. This is Kim's home territory and so adapting it to each process in the way that, as we moved territory on tour. And then that also makes me think like of, how important it is to tailor land acknowledgements for the situation. And so in our part we had three Indigenous women portraying self women who were not self. And so that was part of the acknowledgement. And the welcome song acknowledging that was gifted to us as we took it onto different territories. Taking the time to craft that as part to embed it in the work.

Like Jill was saying so that part of that artistic ceremony, that was part of how we opened. That artistic ceremony was acknowledging the land, thanking the people and that was embedded as part of the show. That it was not separate from the actors who were on stage with the audience as they were coming in because it was important to us that there would not be a distinction between like, now the show is starting, it was like this is all part, this is the whole thing. This is part of the show, the show. This is part of the artistic ceremony that we are creating to engage with people. Check.

DeLesslin "Roo": From my perspective, I think y'all are absolutely right. Like, let's do it all the time. Let's let it become part of the fabric of who we are. Like I think about in my language when I introduced myself, I don't do a land acknowledgement. I do land gratitude. So like if I was doing my introduction in my language, I would say hello. And so giving gratitude to Catawba lands and then giving gratitude specifically to green earth lands. So that brings up a second point for me, which is so often I see land acknowledgements kind of reiterating the idea of territory and border, like gratitude to the Indigenous people or recognition of Indigenous people of this land and then listing off a list. And oftentimes, particularly in institutions, I see this as kind of a settler move to innocence of kind of erasing the specificity of that history of that land and the history of that institution on that land. Like I thought that Jill did a really great job of giving the history of the lands that she is calling from. And the specific house even that she's working in.

And it makes me think about like even in my introduction, I just said I'm on the Catawba reservation, which has so much more complexity to it than my statement would tell you. Like for example, I am on the Catawba reservation, but I'm on the green earth portion of the reservation, which was, we had administrative control over until 1840 when South Carolina made an illegal treaty with us. And we lost control of that land until the 1940s when we regained control of it. And then we lost control of it again in 1959 and then we regained control of it in 1993. So it's so often that we want to lean towards the vagaries of the landscape without looking at the specificities. I'm also thinking about my Alma Mater, Vanderbilt University. And in the times that they did do land acknowledgements, it was again, very like we recognize the Indigenous communities of this land, the Muskogee, Creek, the Shawnee, the Cherokee, but not recognizing the fact that just across the street was a park and that park had been given to this woman. Her last name was Donaldson, who was the sister-in-law to Andrew Jackson. And she had received that land because she and some other women at this fort that was built illegally on Shawnee land, had poured boiling water over the side to try and get some, quote unquote restless Indians from stopping to attack their fort.

And so they're not recognizing the specific ways in which their institution has benefited from those histories and instead talking about this general, this generalized way. And so I think as specific as we can be, because the landscape like the land, the literal spot that I'm on is on a hill. But if I walk down the street, like just 50 feet into the woods, I'm at our river bank. And the story of our river is one of being polluted by industry. And so the story of this spot is a little bit different than the story of that spot. And we have to recognize our relations and our, the unique fabric, the unique web of every single place that we're living in. So, I don't know, that was a little rambly, but check.

Tara: This is Tara. I just wanna piggyback real quick and then I'll be done. But also thinking about how interconnected all of these different spots are. And so like where I currently am is in this inner section of Muskogee Creek Nation, Osage Nation, Cherokee Nation. But I'm also only 10 miles away. And for y'all who ain't out here in Oklahoma in the South, 10 miles is like two minutes. So very close. It's not like city 10 miles. Anyway, is the site of the burning of Black Wall Street and the very large massacre that killed thousands of Black folk in Tulsa. And so having to acknowledge that although I am 10 miles away from where that was and where that happened, to think that the land that I currently reside on did not benefit from that event is negligible. Because it did. And so again, thinking about the interconnectedness of where we are in our space, so it's not just where we create, but even in our own homes right now and we do the digital land acknowledgements to consider everywhere. Again, now I'm getting to the mother land. Anyway, to consider those interconnectedness is so to say. Check.

Claudia: This is Claudia. I'm thinking about, first I'm thinking about how I only in the last couple of weeks because of the increased number of digital meetings, I have begun embedding a land acknowledgement in my introductions reflexively, as well as a gender pronoun introduction reflexively as well as an access check end reflexively. And that's because the folks who were designing the meetings are not designing them with me in mind or with my values in mind. And I figure, well, I can just live my values and model them for the folks who are inside that meeting. But I'm deeply interested in not only how me acknowledging where I am is going to impact the narratives and stories people are telling themselves where they're located, but how their stories can impact me. And I'm just, I'm so curious about how we can help spread this practice even more, but we should keep having our beautiful more intellectual, deep, heady conversations. They are so juicy and delicious. I think we have time for like one more large idea and then we should probably take another break my colleagues.

Grant: This is Grant. Can I just like pull on a little thread that you started and then we'll see kind of what fractals open from there. Claudia about land acknowledgment, access check-in, pronoun check-in. Somebody said the phrase earlier, spaces without place. And I was reminded of the sense of like bodies without place. And how that's an expectation of the colonialist project, is to really strip people of the place that their body exists in and to weave it into the mythology of the empire. These practices that we've been doing of land acknowledgement and access check in to me feel like a practice of becoming present with what is and using that as a basis, as a foundation for the relationships that we build. And like going back to this, well actually, no, I'm gonna continue to follow this a different way. So right now I'm looking out at a fig tree outside my window, and that fig tree is about 60 years old and it was planted by an Italian family whose name I don't know. In a neighborhood that used to be entirely in Italian families within several blocks around Maine. Those families were gentrified about 50 or 60 years ago. And my neighbor across the street still remembers some of those families or the kids of those families. And part of the reason that I named that is because the displacement of those families is a continuation of the legacy of gentrification, which in Portland for example, Portland had one of the largest native populations as of about 10 years ago in a city.

I think it was, I don't know what the percentages are, but a friend of mine whose family who grew up in this area who's native said that that number has gone down so sharply with the price increases in Portland. And that these ways of just giving place, of looking at the stories of the land that are in our immediate surroundings interweave with these larger legacies of colonization, these larger legacies of trying to erase what the reality of our bodies in this place mean. I guess that we're gonna talk more about Crip practices at one of these other convenings. But I'll say that as a part of my organizing, as an uninvited settler who's disabled. Land acknowledgement feels really important for both public and private events. Small organizing and large organizing. And a priority in the way that access check-ins are a priority. It's a way of coming into the present moment of where we are and then using that as a basis for deciding what we're going to do with our bodies, what we're going to do with our time. Which is why it's such a disruption when these institutions do a land acknowledgement and then go right back into the story of Lewis and Clark or whatever. And so yeah, I guess that I'm also wanting to be really mindful as a white settler in this conversation to yield the space. But I've really, really just wanted to give some of the response to what you specifically just pulled in Claudia, 'cause it feels so important that these protocols are a method of coming into the present and building relational foundations. Even if these institutions aren't implementing them, we're implementing them.

Claudia: I love giving us a moment in case there's someone who wants to piggyback on that brilliance. We might want to take the next 10 minutes to ruminate on it and then rejoin this conversation after taking a bio break to replenish our human bodies and come back to the rest of this conversation. Does that sound good my colleagues? I see heads nodding. Brilliant. Thank you so much. We are going to now enter our second and last 10 minute break and then you will return to continue our conversation.

Mia: Could I offer one thing before we go?

Claudia: Yes, please.

Mia: Just to the folks who are watching at home from wherever you are. In this last hour, I know that we are really eager to hear from you, your comments, your questions. And so there are three different ways to get a hold of us that have been posted. I think on all of the places where this video is currently streaming live. So that's by email at unsettlingdramaturgy@gmail.com. You can also comment on the Facebook live video stream. You can leave a comment or question publicly there. And the last is by texting Roo on WhatsApp. And his number is...

DeLesslin "Roo": Eight, zero, three, three, two, three, seven, six, three, eight. And that's United States numbers. So I don't know if that's relevant to WhatsApp, but like do what you will with that information. So can we just round up and say we'll come back at 15 after the hour. Awesome. All right, we'll see you all soon.

[Break.]

Tara: So you have two minutes, everyone who are on break. Two more minutes.

[Break.]

Tara: We are back everyone. We wanna start slowly but surely making your way back to our digital convenience space, which as we discussed is not just digital. Welcome back everyone. I hope you had a very energizing and restful break for those who needed it, to the stretch for those who needed it. And percolated, that is the word of the day or marinated on any of the things we've spoken about. Yeah, so I think for this last section of our time together we'll use that for any resonant thoughts or new thoughts that came from our prior discussions and as well as look to all of you who are tuning in at home and other places who may have sent in thoughts, comments, questions, concerns, any of those. Through the Facebook, WhatsApp or email. And also in regards to access needs my report partner's scheduled a to be delivered right now. So I'm gonna get those.

Claudia: Hello, this is Claudia willing to come back, although here am I, what's going on? I can't see myself and I don't know why. Maybe I just need to hit this button. There I am. Hey. So I just wanna do a shout out to our live captioner I visited, as we've been having our conversation, I've been going from viewpoint to viewpoint, checking out what we look like on Facebook Live as well as visiting the conversation on HowlRound, on the HowlRound page. I'm just seeing the language happening in real time. Thank you so much for helping make this conversation totally accessible. Loved witnessing the words happening in real time. Very impressed. And of course, big shout outs to both Cindy and Gillian who have been doing ASL interpretation. You'll so good. Just snap, snap, snap to you. Preparing for our conversation. However, land acknowledgements in a digital space. Grant had just shared some beautiful big heady ideas around how we're sort of breaking, I wrote down some of the stuff that you said 'cause I liked it so much. And I just wanna do a shout out for whoever's instinct it was to approach these conversations with a dual Crip and Indigenous viewpoint because it feels like having a blended modality is what's making, at least personally for my own practice, it makes it a little more effective. So I appreciate that.

DeLesslin "Roo": This is Roo. Sorry, going off of what Grant was saying, I'm thinking also about right now there was just an announcement that Michigan announced that they would be turning back on water for folks whose water had been turned off in Detroit, I think specifically. And that made me start thinking about, and that's because of the pandemic that's happening. But it also made me think about Flint and how Flint, Michigan continues, as well as many Indigenous communities, continue to not have clean drinking water. And what Grant was talking about the specificity of the land that we come from, like our bodies are literally constituted by the lands that were coming from and by the lands that our foods are coming from. And so when we talk about our land acknowledgements, particularly when we talk about where we're coming from, someone from, for example, Flint recognizing where they're coming from, recognizing the ways that their bodies may have been poisoned by the criminal negligence of folks who'd been entrusted with that responsibility of ensuring clean water for their community.

And so in that way, land and body, land and access, land and ability are intimately tied. And then going back to a conversation we had had before, when we were talking about the way that these digital technologies exist in the physical realm. We talked about all the ways that's kind of hidden by the language that we use around the internet. But I'm wondering how we might kind of flip that script and use the fact that this image of myself, the words that I'm saying are traversing thousands of miles across thousands of landscapes. In a split second how that might actually bring us to start thinking again about what Tara had said earlier about how all of these lands are connected. Like the actions that I take here on Catawba land, whether that's driving my car somewhere, whether that's taking a flight to somewhere have a profound effect for all of the landscapes around the world. So how can we disrupt the language that's used in digital spaces to hide the real impact on the land and flip it towards thinking about how this actually is interconnecting us even more or dramatize in the way that we're interconnected.

Claudia: This is Claudia. I wanna do a quick shout out for a practice that I learned from Annalisa Dias of many different organizations, but I'm just gonna name Groundwater Arts as one of them, but she does a lot of beautiful practice all over the country. And I recall we were doing equity, so this was like racial equity and diversity workshops. But we decided to start it off with a decolonized beginning where instead of people telling us about the institution they came from, they told us the story of the water that was near or around the institution they came from. And what we discovered in that conversation was when you bring together a cohort of people from all over the country and they start telling the story of their water, you find out that all of their waters are ultimately pretty connected. And then that helps you to have other conversations about our connected ecologies and how if you poison something someplace eventually it's all poison. But shout out to Annalisa Dias and that was me riffing off of your beautiful prompt group. Thank you. Check.

Jessica: This is Jessica. This is all just making me bring up thoughts of, with this interconnectedness it is giving me this like sense of why we need to have like hope in our purpose. It gives me hope and for the like acts of kindness and generosity that we can do. Because we are so all interconnected and that in acknowledging the land in recognizing those things, it makes me think about that and want to leave and do those acts of kindness and generosity, not just for myself and the people immediately in the space, but for the history. And all time being like that history is now and what that will ripple forward for seven generations forward and back. I'm feeling very hopeful and generous. Check.

Jill: I think picking up on what Roo and Jessica have said, and thank you for sharing that Claudia. What wonderful practice. Absolutely. Thank you. I think picking up on just thinking about where we are today. I walk a lot and I've always walked a lot and now I walk, well I still have walk a lot. That's all there is to do, be here or a walk. And I walked well. I think about when I'm walking and see, I was out the other day and I saw a man, he was, I don't know if he's homeless entirely or if he's just very, very, very poor, financially challenged, but he was very cold. It's could be still, we've had a couple of warm days here in Tkaronto but we don't get a big spread, we get hail and sleet and rain and mock and then we get summer. So it's often quite chilly at this. It's not like the glorious West coast, I'll tell you that much. So there was a man and he was very under dressed and very cold and he asked me for some money for food. And so first I gave him a few dollars and money for food. And then he asked me how I was and I said, I'm fine, and how are you? And he said he was cold. So not thinking properly, I gave him, I didn't have very much in my wallet, but I gave him about 25 bucks and I said, "This isn't a lot, but if you go maybe to Value Village," not thinking the gel, "if you go to Value Village, "you could maybe buy a nice warm sweater "or maybe even a jacket" "which will keep you warm like a Goodwill, "or a Value Village or something." But he can't, I mean, I don't think even he realized it in the moment, but where is he gonna get anything and what good is any cash? I mean, of course I'm gonna give cash to people, because yes, it can feed you. But what good is anything going to do these homeless people, I mean beyond filling their belly in the moment, they can't even sit inside now. Well, there's no place. They can't go to a JIM WORTON's and buy an hour of warmth. They can go and they can buy a coffee or a donut. But they can't go and buy the right to use a washroom. Everything is closed. There is no hospitality. The story of the lands that I come from is one of immense hospitality, hospitality to the stranger. The hood in the Shawnee, who were also stewards of this land and shared this land with the Muskogee, Anishnabeg. The word Shawnee, and the wonder peoples, those Iroquoian peoples, as the linguist might call them, had traditions, longhouse traditions and had traditions of hospitality, a stranger's house where you'd come hungry and cold and you'd go through an edge of the woods ceremony, a meeting and an introducing of yourself. And then you'd be housed, I mean, before you had to stage a business, before you went in there and said, "Okay, we got to do this, so let's make a deal, or let's," whatever it is, whatever you knew would come running or trudging through, across miles and miles to do this thing that happened where your needs were taken care of, you were given water to drink, you were given food to eat, you were given a warm place to sleep with blankets around you, skins, you were bath. And then once those physical needs and emotional needs, you were given condolence. And once all of that was taken care of, then business started, whatever that business was. In this time, this is part of the story of this land too, which I guess I've been remiss in telling during my walks, I mean, I tried to live hospitality, but telling that and making, creating those bone deep changes where we find ways to keep the stranger warm.

In this case, the stranger is the one who is homeless or the one who is inadequately sheltered. And the one with inadequate funds. The one who's not going to be able to go online and get a code of the internet or something and who now cannot walk into anywhere. I don't know what I'm saying. I'm just babbling, so I'll stop now. Checkout. But I'm just again, thinking about the stories of the land and the people and the places that we come from to remember ourselves, to remember myself as a mixed blood Indigenous woman. And to remember our sounds and what's in this land, because all of these protocols, as I've come to learn is I've been taught, all of these protocols, all of these stories, the very way we met, the very way we practice everything, we were governed by the land, our narrative structures, this beautiful rings, circles within circles within circles. I mean, that's just the land telling us what to do. That's the tree stumps, we said upon. You see those spirals everywhere from the Milky Way above, the galaxies above, to the spider webs below, to the way the rain dances, the drops dancing, the trees and catch the light to the tree stumps.

We see that narrative structure, we see that social structure, we see every law that's it's given to us, given from the land. And so those are part of, I guess the streets we should sell. And I love this, when I think of embedding the land acknowledgement, well why are we doing this? Why are we talking about who was here first and what happened and blah, blah, blah, blah, blah, right. I'm thinking like a Westerner. Why do? Who cares? 'Cause they don't care about their own history. Many settlers, many do, many don't. But why? Why do we bring this up? Why at every ceremony do you go back to the beginning of the beginning of the beginning and all those creation stories and la, la, la, to remember who we are, to remember what those natural laws are, to remember that if we're going to share this land and if people have come here and they're meant to be here perhaps or they aint. So then what is the responsibility moving forward? Certainly not to forget that history. It's to move on in a good way. Okay, I'll shut up, sorry. But embedding, embedding and embedding, I'm gonna write that down, embed, embed, embed.

Claudia: Oh my gosh, again, just affirmation for my beautiful colleagues. Smart, smart brains. Your comments sparked in me questions around private and public space. Like the story I was telling you about analysts, that was one where instead of telling the story of our privatized spaces we were affiliated with, we were sharing the story of these other public spaces we are all affiliated with, connected to, that they're a part of our story and our narrative. I'm deeply interested. I'm always a little concerned about private and public space in these digital spaces. Like for instance, Facebook is not public space. That's not the commons, that's privatized space, that is enriching Mark Zuckerberg and his board members and whatnot and everything we're doing there with cultural production, with all of that is in privatized space. Where is our public space and how do we craft that for ourselves? Is this an act what we're doing right now, collaborated with HowlRound, with their ethos of the commons. Is this an exercise in disrupting the privatization of digital space? I don't know. Would it be awesome though if it was. We had an amazing question that was shared online. Would it be all right with you my colleagues if I shared that question? All right, thank you so much. So I'm just going to the question, would you too. And the question was, is land acknowledgement necessary for the materials utilized in technical aspects of theatrical production? So is it useful to acknowledge not only the physical place that you are on, but the ways it was resourced and where all of those things came from? Lumber, electricity, paint, pigment, fabric, water. So I love that beautiful, provocative question and I lean back and mute myself and I'll have my colleagues respond.

T ara: Well, I have a provocative answer, 'cause of the way you've provoked. Anyway. Again, speaking for myself, but I also think this is pretty universal. None of us are gatekeepers when it comes to land acknowledgement and what institutions should and should not do. I am no supreme authority of anything other than my own life and my cat's lives. And that's it. But this question though I think is really interesting because the word necessary trips me up because again, not being a gatekeeper, not saying these are the roles and then you get an eight plus ally sticker. You are a good settler. But instead though, what it does bring up is what we've all been talking about, about how interconnected these spaces are in how we cannot ignore where our resources came from. Like, although we may be on, like I referenced earlier, I may be on Muskogee, Osage in Cherokee Nation. I was like, but I cannot forget the fact that this building that I am from comes from oil money, which came from again, post this burning of Black Wall Street, which came from more exploitation, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. Like as negligent again, as I said before. And so whenever we think about where do we get our lumber, our electricity, our payment fabric, especially our water, I mean, how can you not act like putting the forefront of your minds front line communities of where those came from. If these resources were exploited, which toiler and those likely they were, depends on where you get them from, but most likely. How does it affect from like communities? And especially right now, as we're not just in this pandemic, but also we are living in a climate crisis, and this pandemic again, is very much a part of that. We have to be very cognizant of lumber, electricity, paint, fabric, water, et cetera, as this wonderful question that came in. And so I think there's different ways than saying, I'm not a peer advocating, saying, here's our land acknowledgement for our theatre. Here's a land acknowledgement for our lumber yard. Here's a land acknowledgement for our paint supplier, et cetera, et cetera.

But I think just being very cognizant of where you get those resources from and who are affected by those and how you, if you are an individual who has institutional power, can help make more just to theatre, can uplift these marginalized communities, front line community folks. Because again, land acknowledgement are not just empty words. It's about those relationships and correcting those as much as we can because no one can. We're trying to, as best as we can, correct those wrongs, reconcile, build relationships. And I think that needs to be universal across the board, not just with land acknowledgement but where we get our supplies. And then also as we have more conversations coming up in the coming weeks with other folks, like we need to be in better conversations with people and understand the harms that we are intentionally unintentionally, subconsciously, consciously inflicting on these front line communities where it comes from. Check.

DeLesslin "Roo": I'm, very similarly to Tara, kind of recoil at the term necessary 'cause like, what does it mean? But I mean Jill was speaking about the whole Shawnee and one teaching that I've heard from one of Shawnee folks is the practice of the words before all else, which in a settler context she might describe as a land acknowledgement, but it's a, in reality, it's an acknowledgement of gratitude and reliance. Again, we cannot exist, right? How can we talk about anything else if we don't talk about the things that make our literal existence possible. And it's also a recognition of what our responsibility and our reciprocity is. And so, I mean I would say that if we wanna be living in a good way, it might be a great idea to acknowledge all these things. But I also wanna recognize that these products that we're interacting with and when we're talking about materials and computers and digital infrastructure they are in one way described as products that the companies that create them are invested in obscuring the sources for the most part.

So it is not simply us correcting a space of neutrality. We're not just walking in and then saying this hasn't been discussed, I'm gonna discuss it. It's often us fighting against a specific desire and strategy by these companies to obscure where they come from. I think about in 2014, I was doing just like a research paper in college about where these metals are coming from that make our cell phone technology possible, that make our computer technology possible. And what had happened in the early 2000s is that companies like Apple started investing in these factories specifically in China that would not disclose where those metals came from. And that was a specific move by them in response to criticism that they weren't sourcing those metals ethically. And so yes, we should be recognizing where these products are coming from, where these materials, where these sources are coming from. But we also have to recognize that we are often individualized in this. And so that work of figuring out where these things come from can feel really insurmountable because so many resources have been invested into obscuring it. Those are just my thoughts. Check.

Claudia: Oh, Grant, please go right ahead.

Grant: I am a part time wheelchair user and I've been really curious about how I would research the lineage of the parts that made my power chair. And I'm reminded of what Jill was talking about earlier about the beautiful glass with the box, beautiful glass box in front of us that is also covered in blood. And I think about these, the body of my wheelchair as like a body that has its own kind of experience. It's very muddy because it lives in my garden. A lot of the time. And there's something for me about what is being said about how it is that I learn to not take these things for granted and to accept responsibility for the collaboration with these items and coexisting on this planet and with this planet and with, and like sharing life. I think there's a lot more here, but I don't feel like I need to say it now. Thanks.

Claudia: I'm reflecting on, and note that, into that our conversation earlier that was around the protocols of theatre and how we often will talk about the Indigenous protocols. Like they're this different thing when all institutions have protocols. And one of the protocols of at least regional theatre inside the United States is the acknowledging of the philanthropy class. That can take place in a lot of different ways, but there's always, in a lot of the moment, there's something that's scripted. Maybe it's a curtain speech, maybe it's a potion thing at the very least, it's acknowledged in like some kind of written documentation. So that piece of resourcing of the institution gets highlighted and it gets highlighted explicitly because that's part of a larger narrative project of creating the philanthropy class and all of the work that takes place around that. So again, I just, I keep going back to this. You gotta be explicit and you get to decide how explicit you're going to be. But this is about making visible the harm that the community work so hard to erase in silence. And if we make it visible, at least then we have to acknowledge it. Ideas, check.

Tara: And then Claudia, from there, as soon as we are able to acknowledge it, because this is a journey, no one's born learning, knowing all this information but once we're able to acknowledge it, then we can start moving forward to a more just future and creating more just and equitable practices, building better relationships with people in changing how our institutions, our individual practices operate with how large and multifaceted interconnected, every single one of these conversations are and groups of people are and our work is. So thank you with that. Right now we're moving towards the very close, the closing period of our conversation.

Thank you all so much for tuning in, but before you hop off we're going to engage in another one of our unsettling practices which is going through and checking in with everyone. So if you would give a word to how you're feeling, a phrase, however, you want to express yourself. Just from our conversation and the ones, everyone who's on Zoom has had that opportunity to go through. We'll come back together, do a final closing, and then thank you all for tuning in at home. And then also for those of you at home, I would also extend that to you to think about the word phrase, however, to express yourself. You're also feeling after listening and be with in conversation with us. So with that I'll go first. I came in very just overwhelmed from all of these outside things and right now I'm feeling the most energized that I've been in the 22 days I've been in quarantine. So thank you all for that. Energized is my word. Check.

DeLesslin "Roo": This is Roo. I'm feeling a sense of unfolding. I was similarly stressed and feeling compacted towards the beginning and I feel like this conversation has helped me open up a little bit and also feeling more integrated with you all and with my practice and with the lands that I'm living on and that we're all living on. And I know that we're talking about checkout, but I just wanna say one more thing to that question earlier, which was maybe the answer is to approach it as if maybe it is important to do land acknowledgement for the technical side of it and see where that leads you. There's no perfect answer to it, but maybe that exploration is what's gonna create some productive changes in your practices. Check.

Jessica: This is Jessica. I'm feeling related and connected in the sense that I haven't felt for a while. So thank you. I'm really considering relationality to all things in many new and exciting ways, and I feel so much more grounded than I did when I landed here. So thank you. Check.

Mia: This is Mia. I feel still small tornado of breath in my throat and upper chest. So still some wait and anxiety intention of the outer world seeping into the inner world and the inner world as it relates to the outer world. And simultaneous to that, I feel an unfurling maybe, is that what you just said Roo? And then weaving of the tight ball of thread in me connecting in with all of you and with all of the people who have been with us, who we haven't been directly speaking with and seeing over the course of the last two hours and 46 minutes and really profoundly impacted by the immensity of knowledge and wisdom, and our willingness to question and to mistake and arrive and mistake and arrive and cover that this group shapes itself towards. Thank you. And I wanna make a practical announcement that, but I'll hold that until we've all checked out.

Claudia: Hi, this is Claudia checking out. I am feeling a lot of the same language that my colleagues have been repeating, so I'm feeling warm, I'm feeling warmed up, but warm also like with the emotional warmness. So yeah, I'm feeling warm and flexible and like I'm ready to dance after having three hours of this just amazing exercise. I'm ready to dance with these ideas in the broader world.

Grant: This is Grant. I feel a lot of gratitude to all of the bodies supporting this work, particularly the bodies in digital space that I can see right now. A lot of big gratitude to you, Tara and Claudia and Mia and Roo, also Jessica and Jill. Just feeling a lot of that gratitude. I think in my body I feel like a tightness in the back of my neck. And so I think for my close out, I just wanna invite like space, space at the top of the neck and all of the wonderful little nerve bodies up there that wanna wiggle and move in nonlinear impractical, beautiful ways. The invitation to comfort and soothing and, for the body supporting this work. And also I need just noise that wants to be made that feels supportive or generative.

Jill: Chi-miigwech, Grant. It's still here. Until I started doing this neck thing, I had no idea how tight it was up there. Excuse me. I'm feeling, I feel a great deal of gratitude. I feel like it's exciting to, I'm feeling challenge and all these new fresh ideas have come in and like, Claudia, well, I wasn't going to say I was ready to dance. I like what you said the best though, Claudia, but I was gonna say I'm ready to play. Play, dance something. I feel very yeah, all charged up and ready to do something. So all of you. It's wonderful to see you. It's killing me Grant to look at your picture. I'm feeling super jealous. It's nice. It's nice to know that there are places in the world that look like that. No, it's not mine today. But yes, it's good to see you all in your lovely spaces and lovely faces and I look forward to our next meeting.

Claudia: I believe we have all checked out, yes. we should do a shout out for when we're doing this again. So for the last three hours you have had the pleasure of experiencing what Unsettling Dramaturgy does. Our deep deep practice. And our next gathering where we will be sharing will be April 10th, Unsettling Dramaturgy practice session. Cripping a Practice in Virtual Convenings. It will be taking place and the same time, same places, so you can go to all the internet spaces to find that information. You go to that HowlRound. You go to watch Facebook page, like our Facebook page, go to the Twitter. You should also drop some comments in the Twitter. We would love to hear from you. Thank you so much for joining all of us. I'm gonna hand the mic back to my colleague, Tara. It has been, I just wanna do like a big round of affirmation for all of our panelists. Thank you for your time and your participation. Thank you for so much amazing support from HowlRound and just the accessibility, yay. And also thank you, my fellow narrator. It has been a pleasure facilitating with you. I pass the mic to you for any final comments to close us out.

Tara: Now, awesome. Thank you so much. So again, as Claudia mentioned, we'll be back at it on April 10th. That is a Friday. And then we still have two more sessions, April 20th and April 30th. Those topics are to be announced, so stay tuned on our Facebook which is a great place to get all that information. And then also, if you have any other things you want to send us, any like that, you have our emails, you can what's happening Roo all the time. Send him jokes. I don't know. Anyway, whatever you like, do that Roo. Anyway ,just kidding don't do that, don't do that. Oh, no, we're live. Don't do that, anyway. Wonderful, thanks y'all. So with that again, that is all that we have today and I look so forward to being in conversation with more of our unsettling colleagues and the more of y'all folks at home. So put on your calendar, same time. That's 5:00 p.m Eastern, 2:00 p.m is for Pacific. Yes, great. On April 10th. And with that, thank you all so much. Great, thank you, see y'all. Bye.

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Praxis Sessions for Virtual Collaboration: Land Acknowledgements

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hosted by Unsettling Dramaturgy: Crip & Indigenous Dramaturgies ​​​​​​ |Unsettling Dramaturgy presented Praxis Sessions for Virtual Collaboration: Land Acknowledgements livestreamed on the global, commons-based, peer-produced HowlRound TV network at howlround.tv on Tuesday 31 March 2020 at 2 p.m. PDT (San Francisco, UTC-7) / 4 p.m. CDT (Chicago, UTC-5) / 5 p.m.

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The Case of Shadrach Minkins

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Shadrach Minkins

c.1814 - December 13, 1875

Follow Minkins' long journey north to freedom.

While enslaved, Minkins worked by Market Square in Norfolk. (Credit: Henry Howe, 1845)

c. 1814-1849: Market Square, Norfolk, Virginia

Born enslaved, likely in 1814, Shadrach Minkins lived and worked in Norfolk, Virginia until his escape in 1849. Thomas Glenn, the slaveholder who owned Minkins and his parents, ran the Eagle Tavern and Hotel near Market Square. Minkins worked at the Eagle Tavern until Glenn hired him out to Martha Hutchings to work at her store and warehouse, also near Market Square.

Shadrach Minkins worked as a waiter at Cornhill Coffee House and Tavern, believed to have been located in the highlighted area. (Credit: Digital Commonwealth)

May 1850-February 15, 1851: Cornhill Coffee House and Tavern, Boston, Massachusetts

Though we do not know Minkins' exact route to Massachusetts, he set foot in Boston in May 1850. He soon found steady work as a waiter in the Cornhill Coffee House and Tavern, in the commercial heart of the city. He may have lived there for a time as well.

Shadrach Minkins worked as a waiter at Cornhill Coffee House and Tavern, believed to have been located in the highlighted area. (Credit: Boston Public Library)

February 15, 1851: Cornhill Coffee House and Tavern, Boston, Massachusetts

Nine months later, John Caphart, a constable from Norfolk, acting on behalf of Shadrach's owner, John DeBree, enlisted the help of the U.S. Commissioner and federal marshals in Boston to execute the Fugitive Slave Law, arrest Shadrach, and transport him back to Virginia.

On the morning of February 15, 1851, Assistant Deputy Marshall Patrick Riley and other agents arrested Shadrach at the Cornhill Coffee House, minutes after he served them coffee.

With his arrest, Minkins became the first fugitive slave to be seized in New England under the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850.

Minkins escaped from the Boston Courthouse, depicted here in an 1836 print. (Credit: Boston Public Library)

February 15, 1851: The Courthouse, Court Square, Boston, Massachusetts

Following Minkins' arrest, Riley and his deputies brought him directly to the courthouse nearby to await his hearing. Crowds soon gathered in and around the courthouse demanding answers.

As tensions mounted, a group of Black men, led by Lewis Hayden, rushed the courtroom, overwhelmed the guards, and seized Shadrach Minkins. The rescue party hustled Minkins out of the courthouse and into the streets heading for the Black community on Beacon Hill.

Shocked and defeated, the authorities did not pursue Minkins and his rescuers.

Dr. Henry Bowditch, a prominent member of the Boston Vigilance Committee, wrote, "Today will ever be a holy day in my calendar, for another slave has been rescued from the fangs of the slave hunter." Reverend Theodore Parker considered this rescue to be "the most noble deed done in Boston since the destruction of the tea in 1773."

The North Star printed Minkins' letter, mailed from Montreal. (Credit: The North Star)

1851-c.1860: Old Montreal, Quebec, Canada

Within a week of arriving in Montreal, Shadrach Minkins sent the following letter to an unknown recipient to let him know of his whereabouts. He signed it "Frederick Minkins," the name he adopted in Boston to conceal his identity when he first ran away.

"Dear Sir:

I feel it my duty to forward you the account of my arrival in this city. I reached here last Friday evening, a journey of four days. The weather was very severe during this time, and we had to cross the ice twice; once the distance was nine miles. My health is not so good as when I left, but I hope a few days will restore me. I am at a loss for words to express the gratitude I feel to those kind and dear friends in Boston, and believe me I shall always consider it my duty to pray for their health and happiness. Please to remember me kindly here - and to the ladies. And in conclusion, permit me to subscribe myself,

Your grateful servant,

Photograph of Notre Dame Street in Old Montreal, 1866, where Minkins opened a business. (Credit: Musee McCord Museum)

1851-c.1860: Old Montreal, Quebec, Canada

To support himself, Minkins initially worked as a waiter in the Montreal House Hotel near Custom House Square in the section of the city known as Old Montreal. By late March, he opened a barbershop there. By the end of summer, he closed his barbershop and opened the West End Lunch at 172 ½ Notre Dame Street.

One of Minkins' visitors wrote, "he is in excellent spirits, and feels what he never felt previous to his residence in Canada, that he owns himself, and is perfectly safe from the impious clutch of the manhunter..."

By 1853, he met and married his wife Mary and soon began to start a family. Throughout the rest of the 1850s, he owned and operated several barbershops, inns, and restaurants in Old Montreal. He named one of them Uncle Tom's Cabin, after Harriet Beecher Stowe's bestselling novel, in an obvious nod to his stature as a fugitive from American slavery.

While Minkins and his family lived on Montagne Street, he owned a barbershop on St. Antoine Street. (Credit: Images Montreal)

c.1860-1875: St. Antoine Ward, Montreal, Quebec, Canada

By 1860, Shadrach Minkins and his family moved from Old Montreal to the St. Antoine Ward, the emerging industrial center of the city. He opened a new barbershop on St. Antoine Street and moved his growing family to a home at 83 Montagne (now Mountain) Street.

He also involved himself in civic life. In 1860, he joined nearly forty other Black petitioners as they called for the creation of a Black Militia. Minkins and the other petitioners declared themselves "loyal and dutiful subjects of Her Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria...desirous of proving their attachment to the British Crown under which they hold their rights and privileges as Free Citizens, in common with their brethren of European origin."

Mount Royal Cemetery became Shadrach Minkins final resting place when he died in 1875. (Credit: Musee McCord Museum)

December 13, 1875: Mount Royal Cemetery, Outremont, Quebe, Canada

Shadrach Minkins died a "Free Citizen" of Canada on December 13, 1875 of "disease of the stomach." His remains are buried in an unmarked grave in Mount Royal Cemetery.

Though born enslaved in Virginia, his journey on the underground railroad, though fraught at times, led to a new life of family, opportunity, and freedom in his adopted home of Canada.

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"Rescued from the Fangs of the Slave Hunter": The Case of Shadrach Minkins (U.S. National Park Service)

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c.1814 - December 13, 1875 Follow Minkins' long journey north to freedom. While enslaved, Minkins worked by Market Square in Norfolk. (Credit: Henry Howe, 1845) Born enslaved, likely in 1814, Shadrach Minkins lived and worked in Norfolk, Virginia until his escape in 1849.

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Shadrach Minkins and Zinn

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Feb. 15, 1851: Shadrach Minkins Arrested by U.S. Marshals Under Fugitive Slave Act | Zinn Education Project

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Shadrach Minkins, who had escaped from slavery in Norfolk, Virginia, became the first person arrested in Massachusetts under the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 on Feb. 15, 1851. A group of abolitionists freed Minkins from the U.S. Marshals in Boston and helped him escape to Canada.

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Charles Mitchell

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Courtesy David Rumsey Historical Map Collection (P831-36)
Few people connect Washington Territory with slavery. However one incident in 1860 was a reminder that the peculiar institution reached the pre-Civil War Pacific Northwest. In the account below, historian Lorraine McConaghy describes the saga of Charles Mitchell whose attempted escape from slavery in a vessel sailing between Olympia, Washington Territory and Victoria, British Colombia, touched off an incident that had international repercussions.
In 1847, Charles Mitchell was born at Marengo Plantation on Chesapeake Bay in Talbot County, Maryland. His father was a white oyster fisherman named Charles Mitchell; his mother was a young black house slave whose name is unknown to us. We do not know anything about the relationship between Charles Mitchell senior and the house slave, but it may have been consensual or even loving since the boy was named for his father. In any case, slavery ran through the female line, and so Charles Mitchell was born a slave, despite his father's freedom.

Slaves had been born, toiled, and died at Marengo Plantation for more than 150 years. Marengo had been named by the grandson of the plantation's founder, Jacob Gibson, in admiration for a victory of Napoleon Bonaparte. The Gibson family presided over Marengo, and the plantation's fields grew tobacco profitably until the soil was depleted. The land was then switched to wheat. In about 1800, there were three dozen slaves on Marengo Plantation; in the 1850 slave census, there were thirteen. Charles Mitchell's mother was one of them, the personal servant of Mistress Rebecca Gibson; the two women had grown up together.

It is likely that the young black woman's sister, parents, and grandparents, along with Charles, were all living as a family within the slave quarters. During the great cholera epidemic of 1850, Charles' mother fell ill and died. According to Gibson family tradition, Rebecca Gibson asked the dying woman what she could do for her. "Take care of my Charlie," was her reply, and Rebecca answered, "I will."

The Gibson family of Marengo Plantation had been inter-marrying with the Tilton family of Tilton Hill in Wilmington, Delaware for generations. Unlike the Gibsons, the Tiltons were not tied to the land. Instead, they were professional men: physicians, attorneys, and surveyors. Dr. James Tilton and his wife Frances Gibson Tilton moved the family from Delaware to Indiana in 1827 to find new opportunities on the western frontier. Their son, also named James Tilton, was ambitious. He apprenticed as a surveyor, joined the U.S. Navy, and fought in the Mexican War, twice wounded. But James Tilton really made his fortune as a political man, campaigning aggressively in Indiana for the election of Franklin Pierce to the presidency. In return, the successful President Pierce awarded Tilton a patronage prize, appointing him surveyor general of Washington Territory.

James Tilton, his wife, their young children, his widowed sister and her children, and an Irish cook prepared for the long journey from the eastern seacoast of the United States to Olympia, the capital of Washington Territory. Rebecca Gibson had decided to keep her promise to her dead slave by giving Charles Mitchell to James Tilton to take to the distant Pacific Northwest.

The Tilton household arrived in Olympia in the spring of 1855. Tilton took up his responsibilities as surveyor general and his family entered the tiny world of territorial society. As a Pierce appointee, he was comfortable in the territory, participating fully in the Democratic politics of this distant place.

In 1860, the federal census taker found Charles Mitchell, a boy of 12, living with the extended Tilton family in Olympia, Washington Territory. He attended school and church, and made friends among the Indian and mixed race Indian children. During the spring and summer of that same year, while running errands for the Tilton family in Olympia, Charles Mitchell was approached in secret by representatives of the black community in the Crown Colony of Victoria.

At that time, Victoria was 25% black, peopled by a migration of black families from California. A man named William Jerome had briefly lived in Olympia and he had noticed Charlie, a lonely black child in a white family to which he did not belong. In Victoria, Jerome turned for help to James Allen, the cook on board the mail steamer Eliza Anderson, and another man named William Davis. These three black men twice took Charlie Mitchell aside. They told him that he was a slave in the Tilton family, suggested that he could become a fugitive, that they would help him get free, and that he could live in a loving black community in Victoria. It was not an easy decision. Charlie had to decide to leave the only home he could remember for an uncertain future. But on September 24, 1860, he sneaked out of the Tilton home at dawn to board the Eliza Anderson, where James Allen hid him in the pantry of the ship's galley.

The steamer headed north to Steilacoom, then to Seattle, and on to Victoria. Along the way Charlie was discovered, and Captain John Fleming and First Mate Woodbury Doane decided to make him work for his passage. They then intended to take him back to James Tilton in Olympia.

In 1860 Washington Territory, Charles Mitchell's status was ambiguous. In the 1857 Dred Scott decision, the U.S. Supreme Court had found that a slave had no status before the law, and that the U.S. Congress had improperly passed legislation that interfered with the relationship of a master and a slave by passing the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Instead, the Court held, a white man's ownership of a black slave was a property relationship, guaranteed by the Constitution. Until a territory became a state and could pass a referendum by popular sovereignty for or against slavery, a white man's black property was his to keep. Washington Territory's legislature passed a resolution expressing their approval of the Dred Scott decision and of by-then President James Buchanan's pro-slavery administration. In short, James Tilton owned Charles Mitchell, and so the captain and first mate of the Eliza Anderson intended to restore that relationship.

Charlie Mitchell was locked up in the ship's lamp room when the Anderson steamed into Victoria harbor, but the ship was met by a hundred black and white residents who were in on the conspiracy and eager to welcome the boy. The three black men - Jerome, Davis, and Allen - hurried off to speak with barrister Henry Crease, who was sympathetic to the black community in Victoria. Crease had the three dictate and swear to affidavits stating the following: that Mitchell was a slave, that he belonged to James Tilton, that he had tried to run away before but had been too closely watched, that he was trying to escape captivity in Olympia, Washington Territory, United States of America, fleeing to freedom in the Crown Colony of Victoria, that he had stowed away on the Eliza Anderson, and that Captain Fleming had locked him in the lamp room to prevent him from "obtaining his freedom by setting foot on British soil." Crease secured a writ of habeas corpus to seize Charlie Mitchell from the steamer, arguing that the captain had no right, in British waters, to confine Charles Mitchell against his will.

Back on the dock, Victoria's sheriff served the writ and Charles Mitchell was freed to his custody, to spend the night in jail. In court the following morning, Mitchell was freed. There was no slavery anywhere in the British Empire, and the judge freed Charlie to the custody of Victoria's black community.

When James Tilton learned that Mitchell had run away, he joined Captain Fleming in lodging a protest. Washington Territory's acting governor Henry McGill summarized these documents to the U.S. Secretary of State Lewis Cass. In Olympia, Tilton gave a lengthy interview to the newspaper Pioneer and Democrat, which summarized his point of view. Newspapers from the Victoria Colonist to the San Francisco Daily Evening Bulletin reported this remarkable flight - the only fugitive slave to flee a master in Washington Territory. The editor of the Steilacoom newspaper wrote thoughtfully, "Our proximity to the British Possessions on this Coast affords the same facilities to an underground railroad that the Canadas do on the Atlantic."

The language of this paper trail is interesting. James Tilton was called a master, an employer, a guardian, an owner, and a man "like a father to [Charlie]." Conversely, Charles Mitchell was called a slave, an employee, a ward, property, and "like a son to [James Tilton]." Tilton claimed that he had promised his cousin Rebecca Gibson that he would raise Charles Mitchell, schooling and churching him, and then have him trained to work as a steward on a steamer in Puget Sound. It was assumed that one day Washington would enter the union as a free state and Charles Mitchell would be a free man. In the last analysis, Charles Mitchell was owned and was not free to come and go as he pleased - severed from his family, a black child in a white household.

It is not clear what became of Charles Mitchell. He may have returned to Baltimore, Maryland after the conclusion of the Civil War to find his aunt, since there is a Charles Mitchell, identified as "mulatto," in the 1870 census there. Afterward, he may have returned to Victoria. According to a newspaper report, a "colored man named Charles Mitchell" left Sooke with a white man and a canoe laden with cedar shingles on Sunday, February 13th, 1876. Five days later, the canoe and some of the shingles washed up on shore at Beachy Bay at the foot of Church Hill, but there was no sign of either man. A second canoe sent out to search for them found nothing. He left a wife and three children. This is most likely the Charles Mitchell who fled slavery in Washington Territory in September 1860, and is best known for being the first and only fugitive slave to travel from Washington Territory to the Crown Colony of Victoria on the Puget Sound Underground Railroad.

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Charles Mitchell, Slavery, and Washington Territory in 1860 *

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Few people connect Washington Territory with slavery. However one incident in 1860 was a reminder that the peculiar institution reached the pre-Civil War Pacific Northwest. In the account below, historian Lorraine McConaghy describes the saga of Charles Mitchell whose attempted escape from slavery in a ...

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Virtual Tour

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A Note from the Chairs

An accurate and complete understanding of our history is essential for establishing our true identity. This understanding allows us the opportunity to respond, and the manner of our response uncovers our character and shapes our future. The presentation of Canadian history often excludes the voices of Blacks, one of the earliest group of settlers.

The Town of Niagara-on-the-Lake has set aside a significant site in the heart of the Old Town to understand, celebrate, and honour its Black history. Voices of Freedom is an experiential art installation designed to engage, educate, and challenge visitors about this most important aspect of our history. Voices from the past will tell their stories, enriching visitors' understanding of how they shaped our town and nation.

But Voices of Freedom isn't just about looking back. Ongoing research and programming will allow today's and tomorrow's voices to impact our nation's future.

It is a tragic injustice that, amidst the celebrated historical importance of Niagara-on-the-Lake, the Town's significant and nation-shifting Black history has not been given a proper "hearing."

Voices of Freedom is intent on righting this wrong. Individually and collectively, all of Canada will benefit from listening to the Black voices of Canada's past, present, and future. Such a hearing is essential for our nation to move towards a fair, just, and free society.

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An accurate and complete understanding of our history is essential for establishing our true identity. This understanding allows us the opportunity to respond, and the manner of our response uncovers our character and shapes our future. The presentation of Canadian history often excludes the voices of Blacks, one of the earliest group of settlers.

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Virtual Walking Tour

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The Niagara-on-the-Lake Museum channel features videos about the history of Niagara-on-the-Lake and the activities of the Museum.

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Uncle Tom's Cabin Historic Site Virtual Tour

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Uncle Tom's Cabin Historic Site Virtual Tour

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Black History featuring Uncle Tom's Cabin Historic Site

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Only available in Canada

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Narrated by Danny Glover, Josiah tells the remarkable story of author, abolitionist, and former slave, Josiah Henson, who escaped to Canada in 1830 after 42 years of enslavement, and was a key inspiration for Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin. Once free, Henson rescued 118 slaves and founded the Dawn freeman settlement in Dresden, Ontario. Viewer discretion advised.

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Narrated by Danny Glover, Josiah tells the remarkable story of author, abolitionist, and former slave, Josiah Henson, who escaped to Canada in 1830 after 42 years of enslavement, and was a key inspiration for Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin. Once free, Henson rescued 118 slaves and founded the Dawn freeman settlement in Dresden, Ontario.

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The Greatest Freedom Show on Earth - The Story of Walter Perry

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The Greatest Freedom Show on Earth - The Story of Walter Perry

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The Greatest Freedom Show on Earth - The Story of Walter Perry

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For years I drove down Burnhamthorpe Rd. every day on my way to work, oblivious to my neighbourhood's past history. Not long ago I joined the EHS and started my research on notable people and events in Etobicoke. In the book Villages of Etobicoke, I came across a scant reference to black residents who lived in my Burnhamthorpe Rd. and Dundas St. W. area in the early 1800's. I was intrigued to discover that the locals called a section of this area "Darky Street", a contemporary (now offensive) reference to black people.

Wanting to know more about Darky Street and black settlement in my area, my investigations led me to the story of Joshua Glover, a settler who once lived close by my home in the Lambton/ Kingsway area and worked in Islington.

Joshua Glover was a slave who ran away from his owner in St. Louis, Missouri in the spring of 1852. On his way to freedom in Canada, he travelled four hundred miles, nights only, dodging slave hunters and ending up in Racine, Wisconsin by the summer. Racine was known as an anti-slavery town and he was able to find work at a sawmill. However, Glover tasted freedom for less than two years. On March 10, 1854, his owner tracked him down and took him off to jail in Milwaukee.

Anti-slavery citizens in both Racine and Milwaukee were galvanized into action. An angry crowd assembled outside the courthouse the next day. Men decided to take the law into their own hands. They battered down the jail house door and rescued Glover, an extraordinary event that highlighted the concern of many people about the injustice of slavery at that time.

Glover was guided along the "underground railway", a series of safe houses around Wisconsin, until he was eventually able to take a ship to Canada in the spring of 1854.

Joshua landed in either Owen Sound or Collingwood, and soon made his way to Etobicoke where he found work with Thomas Montgomery, owner of Montgomery's Inn. He was not the only runaway slave to find refuge in the area. Glover became one of 39 blacks living in Etobicoke, out of a population of 2,900. He settled into a small house in Lambton Mills, rented from Mr. Montgomery. The house was on a property on Lot 10, Concession C, on the north side of Dundas Street, about half way between Earlington Avenue and Kingsway Crescent.

After all the hardships that he'd endured, Glover no doubt felt very relieved to have a job, shelter and freedom from the slave catchers. Slavery had been abolished in Canada about twenty years before he arrived. Although there was a law in effect to extradite fugitives charged with all manner of crimes by the U.S., this law left the judgment of each case up to the Canadian governors. Not seeing flight from slavery as a crime, the governors refused to return fugitive slaves. Indeed, by the time Glover arrived, slaves were not returned to the States even if they had been accused of other crimes while seeking their freedom.

Glover was free, but this is not to say that he wasn't a victim of discrimination in Etobicoke. Although there is no record of prejudice against him specifically, we do know that blacks were subject to prejudice in many parts of Canada. For example, in 1849 Chatham's sheriff called a meeting to prevent blacks from owning land. Some white parents were removed their children from school when black children were enrolled.

For over twenty years Glover worked for Montgomery, cutting wood, harvesting crops and doing various other jobs around the farm. His wages and purchases are documented in Montgomery's still existing record books. It is evident from these records that Glover was not a stranger to hard work, performing strenuous labour into his sixties.

Recently I saw the movie Loving, which chronicles the struggle of an inter-racial couple to live a married life in the U.S. during the 1960's. They were barred from their home state for being married. Imagine my surprise when I learned that Glover married Ann, a white Irish woman, one hundred years earlier. Not only that, but it turns out that by 1871 there were three other blacks who married white Irish women and were living on Montgomery's land. We don't know what forms of discrimination they may have faced, but at least they weren't forced to leave the province!

Unfortunately, Ann Glover died about ten years after her marriage to Joshua. The cause of death was inflammation of the lungs from exposure during an accident. She was thirty-five. Ann is buried in the cemetery of St. George's Anglican Church on-the-Hill on Dundas St. W.

No doubt Ann's death affected the fifty-eight year old Glover greatly. From the records it is evident that he didn't work for a while. Eventually he resumed manual labour with his usual stamina. It seems that he didn't like being alone, however, since he married again, this time to another Irish woman, Mary Ann Wattes. The only record of this marriage is in Mary Ann's death record for 1881.

A remarkable detail about Glover's life in Etobicoke is the extent to which Thomas Montgomery's son, William, and other notable citizens came to his assistance in 1884 when he was accused of stabbing a white man. Glover (at age 70) was charged with wounding with intent. William Montgomery came to his assistance by arranging for his lawyer, who took on the case without charge. William visited Glover while he was in jail and bought some new clothes for him, presumably so he would look presentable in court. It seems that Montgomery may have gone further by getting a local shopkeeper and the reeve of Etobicoke, along with himself, to speak on Glover's behalf during the trial. Each of them spoke at length of his good manners and character.

The result of the trial was that Glover was convicted of the lesser charge of wounding without intent and had to spend three months in jail. Despite his actions, Glover must have been looked upon fondly by the community to receive such a light sentence.

Four years after this incident, Joshua Glover appears to have been too old to support himself. Montgomery noted in his daybook that "Old Josh... went to the County House," referring to the York County Home for the Aged in Newmarket. Glover died there in 1888 at the age of 74. Montgomery attempted to retrieve his body for burial, but due to a mix-up it was sent to the University of Toronto for medical research. Glover is now buried in Toronto's St. James Cemetery.

Citizens of Etobicoke and indeed Canada should be proud of the history of Joshua Glover. His story tells of the early ways in which Canadians offered a hand to oppressed refugees, which we continue to do today. It is also a story of how we accepted others, as we do now, on the basis of their humanity, and not on their colour or place of birth.
Researched and Written by Joel Winters (Source material: Finding Freedom, The Untold Story of Joshua Glover, Runaway Slave by Ruby West Jackson and Walter T. McDonald, 2007. I am currently working on an initiative to have more historical plaques installed in park areas of Etobicoke. I'm surprised there isn't a plaque commemorating this man's fascinating story.)

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For years I drove down Burnhamthorpe Rd. every day on my way to work, oblivious to my neighbourhood's past history. Not long ago I joined the EHS and started my research on notable people and events in Etobicoke. In the book Villages of Etobicoke, I came across a scant reference to black residents who lived in my Burnhamthorpe Rd.

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The Ward Uncovered: The Archaeology of Everyday Life

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The Ward Uncovered: The Archaeology of Everyday Life

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Spacing Store: Toronto's City Gift Store

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The Ward Uncovered: The Archaeology of Everyday Life

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In early 2015, a team of archaeologists began digging test trenches on a non-descript parking lot next to Toronto City Hall -- a site designated to become a major new court house.

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An Essay Marking Black History Month in the City of Toronto

February 2017 | By John Lorinc ¹

During the summer of 1858, the raucous taverns of St. John's Ward, the working class enclave that extended north of Queen Street and west of Yonge, boiled with intense, and often fractious, political debate.

With conservative and reform-minded factions waging a see-saw battle for control of the legislature of pre-Confederation Canada, politicians from different parties had come to the neighbourhood looking for votes, including those of the significant number of Black residents who had been settling there since the 1840s.

Toronto, at the time, had a population of 47,000, of whom approximately one thousand were Black, according censuses conducted in 1856 ² and 1861. ³ About half lived in the southern section of St. John's Ward, which extended from Yonge to University (then known as College), and from Queen north to Bloor. ⁴ Dubbed "The Noble Ward," the area - now home to Nathan Phillips Square and the institutional buildings north and south of Dundas - was known for its rowdy saloons and the Orange lodges that served the Irish Protestants who dominated Toronto's public life.

The city's Black community was hardly homogenous in its political outlook. Some more established and affluent members steadfastly supported the conservative Tories and the British crown, while others backed reformers, like the newspaper publisher and MP George Brown, who used the pages of The Globe, the paper he founded in 1844, to back causes like the separation of church and state, representation by population, and the abolition of slavery in the United States. ⁵

Indeed, Brown, who grew up in New York, had lent his support to the many abolitionist organizations that sprang during the 1840s and 1850s in Toronto, which had become a destination for hundreds of refugees fleeing slavery. ⁶

One of the Black Torontonians who found himself attracted to Brown's politics was a young man named Francis Griffin Simpson. Born in Schenectady, New York, in 1830, he'd come to Toronto in the mid-1850s and set himself up as a shoemaker. Within a few years, he was working out of a modest cottage at 26 Elizabeth Street. ⁷

The young newcomer wasted little time inserting himself in the city's civic life. He served as vice-president of the "Moral and Mental Improvement Society (African)," a Black debating society that met Monday evenings in a store at 120 Yonge, just north of Adelaide. Simpson also was active in assisting refugees get settled, often introducing the men to John Tinsley, a prosperous Black building contractor on Agnes Street (now Dundas). The Virginia-born Tinsley, described many years later in The Globe as the "celebrated patriarch of the coloured community," ⁸ hired newcomers and put them to work on construction projects.

Beyond this work, Simpson threw himself into politics, helping George Brown round up support among Black voters living in St. John's Ward. That meant turning up in rowdy local halls and speaking out during hard-fought nomination battles. On August 8, 1858, Simpson found himself at the notorious tavern and bowling alley ⁹ owned by "Captain Bob" Moodie, a rough-hewn mariner regarded as the area's chief power broker (he also served as the alderman). ¹⁰ According to The Globe's account, forty Black residents, as well as many other local voters, showed up to choose between two rival candidates. But the meeting spiraled into arguments and fights. Simpson sought unsuccessfully to rally the participants to Brown's side, and pledged to do his "utmost" to secure a victory for the abolitionist publisher. ¹¹

The following month, Simpson came to another political meeting hosted by Brown himself, and also geared at Black electors. This time, The Globe reported, there was little dissent. As the meeting wound down, Simpson moved a motion backing Brown, whose parliamentary faction briefly held power but then lost it to the Tories. Brown, he said, deserves the "support of us as coloured electors." ¹²

A couple of weeks later, Simpson appeared at yet another political organizing meeting in St. John's Ward, this one at Welch's Tavern on Elizabeth Street. ¹³ For someone relatively new to the city and not even 20, Simpson seemed intent on making his mark. His words, in later years, would reach well beyond the confines of his working class neighbourhood.

Canadian colonialists owned slaves well into the early 19th century, but the practice was gradually constrained by judicial rulings. Slavery in Canada had all but ended by the 1820s, almost a decade before the British parliament formally abolished slavery throughout the colonies as of August 1, 1834. ¹⁴

At the time, many Black residents lived and worked near the municipal market (now St. Lawrence Market). ¹⁵ But as the exodus from the U.S. began to gather momentum due to increasingly aggressive fugitive slave laws and other incidents that further destabilized the lives of enslaved people, Canada West's Black population grew. Many refugees settled in small communities in south-western Ontario. In Toronto, the expanding Black community shifted west and then north, to streets like York, and eventually Sayer (now Chestnut) and Centre. By the 1830s, the city even had two Black churches - the African Baptist, at Queen and Victoria, and the African Methodist Church, at Richmond (then Hospital Street) and York. ¹⁶

Despite the mythology that later accrued around the Underground Railroad and Canada as a kind of promised land of freedom, the Black refugees who arrived in places like Chatham, Oro or other small Canada West (Ontario) towns experienced significant hostility and overt racism from white settlers.

"Blacks in the colony realized only a very constrained freedom," observes University of Waterloo historian Julie Roberts. "Being black meant having unequal access to land and occupation. It meant segregated schools, churches and voluntary associations." ¹⁷ As University of Ottawa doctoral candidate Kristin McLaren noted in a recent journal article about the forced segregation of Black students in Canada West's education system, "The discrimination [Black refugees] faced in their daily lives and their exclusion from social institutions such as churches and schools is for the most part ignored or misrepresented." ¹⁸

But according to current and contemporary accounts, Toronto seemed to be an exception. "Toronto," as McLaren writes, "was perhaps the one place where segregation in public education was never the norm."

The city, in fact, had become accustomed to large influxes of very poor newcomers. In 1847, at the height of the Irish potato famine, 38,000 Irish migrants, mostly Protestants, arrived in Toronto, which then had a population of just 20,000. ¹⁹ The Black population, though only a fraction of that size, was also growing quickly as tensions over slavery in the U.S. intensified. In 1840, Toronto's Anglican archbishop John Strachan commissioned a young Black man and former student, Peter Gallego, to conduct a census of Toronto's Black residents; he counted 525. ²⁰ Within 15 years, that number had almost doubled, with over half of city's 973 Black residents living in St. John's Ward. ²¹ (With a population of almost 7,700, St. John's had become the most populous of the city's seven wards; the vast majority of its residents came from Ireland or the British Isles.)

The area's Black community buzzed with both abolitionist organizing and the work of community volunteer groups, such as the Ladies Coloured Fugitive Association, that had formed to assist refugees who were fleeing the U.S. south in ever growing numbers because of the Second Fugitive Slave Act (1850). That law allowed slave-owners to dispatch mercenaries to re-capture those who'd fled and imposed heavy penalties on anyone who helped. (During the pre-Civil War years, there were persistent rumours about American bounty hunters who stayed in Toronto hotels, looking to kidnap fugitive slaves. ²²)

The mounting turmoil in the U.S. drew the attention and involvement of white Torontonians, at least in part because of the media coverage George Brown provided. Then, in 1852, the publication of Harriet Beecher Stowe's novel, "Uncle Tom's Cabin," drew a mass reading audience, in Toronto and elsewhere, with her epic tale of several Kentucky slaves who escaped to Canada. Brown serialized portions of the novel in The Globe and a Toronto publisher sold large numbers. ²³

Meanwhile, Black community leaders, and not just those living in St. John's Ward, repeatedly pressed City Council and the colonial legislature to oppose public displays of bigotry, performances of racist minstrel shows and legislative proposals to segregate public schools by race across Canada West. ²⁴ Anti-slavery lecturers, including Fredrick Douglass, came to Toronto on speaking tours, sometimes choosing to appear in the Black churches in The Ward in order to draw a crowd.

Indeed, the handful of Black churches played a crucial social and political role, providing space and resources to organizing, education and self-help efforts. Besides the two older churches mentioned above, a pair of newer ones were built in St John's Ward to serve the growing Black community that had formed north of Queen Street: the British Methodist Episcopal (BME), on Sayer (later Chestnut) Street, and the Agnes Street Baptist Church. ²⁵The BME, initially established in 1838 as a small wooden chapel by five men who lived on Sayer, traced its roots to the African Methodist Episcopal church, the first American Black denomination, which was founded in Philadelphia in the late 18th century. Many Black residents lived in the blocks surrounding the BME, the later foundations of which were found beneath a parking lot during a 2015 archeological excavation. ²⁶

By the eve of the U.S. Civil War, the condition of Canada's Black community had began to draw attention in the U.S., with partisans on either side of the abolition fight making competing claims and counter-accusations about whether Canada was a promised land or a miserable place. In 1856, Benjamin Drew, a Boston abolitionist, was invited to Canada by a Canadian anti-slavery group to interview former slaves living in Toronto and elsewhere. The resulting book, "A North-Side View of Slavery: The Refugee," ²⁷ offered testimony from those who had survived slavery. As Drew wrote in his preface, "The narratives were gathered promiscuously from persons whom the author met with in the course of a tour through the cities and settlements of Canada West. While his informants talked, the author wrote." While he traveled to Windsor, London, Hamilton, St. Catharine's and other cities, Drew credits Francis Simpson for helping to arrange interviews with ten men in Toronto, "Many of the colored people own the houses in which they dwell, and some have acquired valuable estates. No distinction exists in Toronto, in regard to school privileges. One of the students in the Normal School was a fugitive slave, and colored youths are attending lectures in the University," Drew observed. "Their condition is such as to ... afford encouragement to the friends of emancipation everywhere. A portion of them sustain a lyceum or debating club (which is attended by both sexes) where debates are held, and original essays are read." ²⁸

One interview is with William Howard, who'd been born into slavery in Baltimore, fled to the northern U.S. at age 27, but continued to Canada to reunite with friends.

"I expected to work for a living," he told Drew. "I could not be stopped from working. Canada is the best place that ever I saw: I can make more money here than anywhere else I know of. The colored people, taken as a whole, are as industrious as any people you will find. They have a good deal of ambition to go forward, and take a good stand in the community. I know several who own houses and lands. They are a very temperate people." ²⁹

Six years after Drew's book came out, and with Union Army forces poised to win the U.S. Civil War, another American came to Toronto, also with the goal of determining how free Black society functioned. Samuel Gridley Howe, a Boston physician and advocate for the blind, had been named to the American Freedman's Inquiry Commission (AFIC), which was set up in March, 1863, by President Abraham Lincoln's secretary of war. The AFIC's three commissioners were to travel to the Caribbean, the American West and Canada West to determine how free Black communities functioned.

Howe arrived in Toronto on September 5, and set to work interviewing both prominent white figures - among them George Brown, Egerton Ryerson and University of Toronto president John McCaul - and several Black residents, including barber John J. Cary, carpenter Thomas Smallwood, and Francis Simpson.

Fifteen years after he'd been so embroiled in those charged political meetings in the taverns of St. John's Ward, Simpson offered a nuanced and clear-eyed evaluation of life in Toronto. By contrast to the U.S., he told Howe, it was difficult to earn a lot of money in Toronto. While there was no shortage of prejudice, Simpson said, the law and the courts provided protection. Black residents, he added, experienced no discrimination in the city's schools and churches.

The Black community, Simpson continued, had a diversity that reflected the city generally. "We have shoemakers, carpenters, blacksmiths and tobacco manufacturers. There are three benevolent societies among the colored people - one male society, and two female societies. Then there is one literary and social society. There are men here who have been here between thirty and forty years."

He also confided that he had heard some Black residents were talking about going back to the U.S., and their homes, once the war ended. Yet he also mentioned others for whom the exodus had brought not just freedom but prosperity.

"A gentleman came to me a little while ago and said, 'How do you do, Mr. Simpson?' 'Well,' said I, 'I am pretty well, how do you do?' 'I am well, thank you,' said he. 'But you have the advantage of me,' I said; 'I don't know you.' 'You don't know me? You don't know Butler?' said he. Said I - 'Yes, Sir, I know a great many Butlers, but I don't know you.' Then he went on to tell me that he was a poor fugitive in 1853 and came to me in the office, and I assisted him, and although he had never seen me since, the moment he saw me, he knew me. He said I told him the best thing he could do was to go away into the country and see what he could do; that he did so, 'and now,' said he, 'I have got a little hotel and boarding-house in Hamilton, that I own myself, and my property amounts to some $1,500.'"

When Howe wrapped up his fact-finding work, he and the other two AFIC commissioners wrote up their report, which they presented to Lincoln Administration officials and the U.S. Senate. The document, which included some of Simpson's observations about Toronto, informed one of the first post-Civil War reconstruction programs, the Freedman's Bureau, that sought to assist emancipated African Americans transition to life after slavery.

In the years after the end of the Civil War (1865), the Black community in Canada did, in fact, shrink as many former refugees returned to the U.S. As Winks noted, the 1871 Black population in post-confederation Canada was a "fraction" of what it had been in the 1850s and early 1860s. ³¹

Yet there's indirect evidence that the Black community in and around St. John's Ward did grow (Canadian censuses didn't record race after 1861). The British Methodist Episcopal Church, at 94 Chestnut Street, completed an expansion in 1871. A little over twenty years later, the BME again grew, this time with an $8,000 capital infusion raised mainly from its congregants. The enlarged brick church, The Globe reported, featured two formidable spires, a sloped sanctuary for 600 parishioners and a vaulted ceiling. ³²

As for Simpson, he moved in the 1860s from his cottage on Elizabeth Street to a rented brick row house at 17 Centre Avenue, and later acquired the house at 31 Centre, a few doors north, in 1876. A highly respected fixture of the community and the city, Simpson could have seen the rear of the BME from his backyard. He lived there until the late 1890s, when he moved with his son Frank and his family to a home on Richmond Street. Simpson died on March 19, 1900, after a brief illness.

Simpson's latter years, interestingly, overlap slightly with the beginning of another landmark career. George Brown, according to some accounts ³³, was traveling by cab when it nearly tipped into the Don River. A baker-turned-cabbie named William Peyton Hubbard, the Toronto-born son of Virginia slaves, somehow saved Brown before he took the plunge. The two struck up a friendship and Brown, late in his life, encouraged Hubbard to enter politics. Half a century after Black refugees began to carve out new lives on the streets of St. John's Ward, Hubbard was elected to Toronto council in 1894 to represent a ward that ran between University and Bathurst between Lake Ontario and St. Clair.

He would be Toronto's first Black elected official. ³⁴

¹ This essay provides one historical interpretation of The Ward and is not written on behalf of the City of Toronto.

² The Census of Toronto: The Globe, October 10, 1856.

³ For 1861 census figures, see https://www.scribd.com/document/340098601/Howe-Interview-Microfilms-Canada-West, pg. 16. Also, Furrow, "Samuel Gridley Howe, the Black Population of Canada West, and the Racial Ideology of the 'Blueprint for Radical Reconstruction.'" The Journal of American History, September, 2010. Pg 344.

⁵ Some affluent Black residents, like Wilson Abbott, a wealthy land-owner and tobacconist who'd originally come from Mobile, Alabama, "detested George Brown as a hypocrite. He had refused to employ a black printer, they said, and curried favour with explicitly racist parliamentarians. From Barrie Dyster, "Captain Bob and the Noble Ward." In, Forging a Consensus: Historical Essays on Toronto, ed. Victor L. Russell. (Toronto, 1984)

⁶ Daniel G. Hill, The Freedom Seekers: Blacks in Early Canada. Book Society of Canada. Toronto: 1981. Pg. 109.

⁷ Simpson's address is confirmed in city directories from that period. Today, the location would be a few metres south of the new Nathan Phillips Square stage.

⁸ "LD John M Tinsley Dead: The Patriarch of Toronto Quietly Passes Away." The Globe, October 6, 1892.

⁹ Moodie's Tavern was located at 14 Terauley (later Bay Street). The tavern's location, on the east edge of Nathan Phillips Square, would be just south of the traffic light across Bay at Albert.

¹⁰ Ibid Dyster. pp. 87-115.

¹¹ "Meeting of Coloured Electors St John's Ward." The Globe, August 9, 1858.

¹² "Meeting of Coloured Electors Unanimity for Mr. Brown." The Globe, August 24, 1858.

¹³ "Meeting of Coloured Electors: Large Majority for Mr. Romain." The Globe, Sept. 15, 1858.

¹⁴ Robin Winks, The Blacks in Canada: A History. (Montreal: 1972). Pp. 110-111

¹⁵ Karolyn Smardz Frost, "A Fresh Start: Black Toronto in the Nineteenth Century." In The Ward: The Life and Loss of Toronto's First Immigrant Neighbourhood. Ed. John Lorinc, Michael McClelland, Ellen Scheinberg and Tatum Taylor (Toronto, 2015). Pp 66-70.

¹⁶ The African Methodist on the north side of Richmond, just east of York was located at what is now the south driveway entrance of the Sheraton Hotel.

¹⁷ Julia Roberts, In Mixed Company: Taverns and Public Life in Upper Canada. (Vancouver, 2009).

¹⁸ Kristin McLaren, "'We had no desire to be set apart.' Forced Segregation of Black Students in Canada West Public Schools and Myths of British Egalitarianism." In Social History, Vol 37, No 73 (2004), pg 28.

¹⁹ William J. Smyth, Toronto, The Belfast of Canada: The Orange Order and the Shaping of Municipal Culture. (Toronto: 2015), pg 45.

²⁰ Toronto Public Library "Freedom City" Exhibit. Available here: http://omeka.tplcs.ca/virtual-exhibits/exhibits/show/freedom-city/stories-of-freedom

²¹ "The Census of Toronto," The Globe, October 15, 1856.

²² On July 3, 1840, the Toronto Patriot reported, "Two persons, Irishmen we believe by birth, but Yankeefied by habit, were charged on Thursday last, before Alderman Gurnett and King, with an attempt to kidnap a coloured man whom they asserted to be their slave, and with drawing bowie knives on another person." Cited in Daniel Hill, The Freedom Seekers. Pg. 42.

²³ According to Winks, Uncle Tom's Cabin remained the mostly widely read American novel among Canadian school children until the 1930s, over 80 years after it was first published. He and others attribute the mythology around the Underground Railroad to the book's staggering popularity.

²⁴ "School Meeting," The Globe, June 25, 1850.

²⁵ Situated on the north-east corner of Bay and Dundas, the Agnes Street Baptist church operated for decades until, in 1909, the building was deconsecrated and acquired by a Yiddish lyric theatre company. The site was redeveloped in the late 1920s to make way for the Ford Hotel, which became notoriously seedy and was demolished in 1973. The Atrium on Bay now occupies that corner. See also: http://www.blogto.com/city/2012/11/a_brief_history_of_the_ford_hotels_fall_from_grace/

²⁶ John Lorinc, "Toronto's black history unearthed in excavation of landmark church." Toronto Star, February 16, 2016. https://www.thestar.com/news/insight/2016/02/15/torontos-black-history-unearthed-in-excavation-of-landmark-church.html.

²⁷ Drew's entire manuscript can be found online at: http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/drew/drew.html.

²⁸ Ibid 26. http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/drew/drew.html#p94

³⁰ Butler's own testimony claims 1855 as his date of arrival (see page 309).

³² "Methodist Episcopal Church," The Globe, April 20, 1895.

³³ Kevin Plummer, "Public History and William Peyton Hubbard." http://torontoist.com/2009/02/historicist_public_history_and_william_peyton_hubbard/

³⁴ Mark Maloney, "Son of Slaves changed the face of Toronto as first black councilor." Toronto Star, February 11, 2011. https://www.thestar.com/news/insight/2011/02/11/son_of_slaves_changed_the_face_of_toronto_as_first_black_councillor.html

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An Essay Marking Black History Month in the City of Toronto February 2017 | By John Lorinc1 During the summer of 1858, the raucous taverns of St. John's Ward, the working class enclave that extended north of Queen Street and west of Yonge, boiled with intense, and often fractious, political debate.

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Reading List for CBC Enslaved Docu-Series (Episode 5)

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Reading List for CBC Enslaved Docu-Series (Episode 5)

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Natasha Henry compiled this list

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The documentary series Enslaved examines a range of topics that are connected to Canadian and Atlantic histories. This list of suggested titles provides viewers the opportunity to further explore these topics and learn more through many non-fiction and fictional literary works, news articles, and numerous historical sources." .

This list is designed to extend the exploration of the topics of the middle passage, the transatlantic slave trade, Black enslavement in colonial Canada, foodways, the settlement of African American freedom seekers in Canada, Black Canadian communities, abolition, emancipation, and migrations.

Hollywood icon and human rights activist Samuel L. Jackson goes on a personal journey to Africa, launching the epic story of the transatlantic slave trade, as told from the ocean floor.
Digital Resources Canadian connections Books: News and Essays
How did the ideology of racism begin? How did Europeans rationalize the practice of chattel slavery?
Slave ports on the coast of West Africa Africa before the Transatlantic Slave Trade Slave Narratives that mention capture from Africa Books
How did Europe's 17th Century mania for coffee cause an expansion in the transatlantic slave trade?
Companies that benefited from the slave trade: Canadian Connections Enslaved Blacks in paintings: Books

Unyielding Spirits: Black Women and Slavery in Early Canada and Jamaica by Maureen Elgersman, Taylor & Francis,, 1999

Sugar and Slaves: Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 by Richard Dunn, UNC Press 1972

The Hanging of Angélique: The Untold Story of Canadian Slavery and the Burning of Old Montrealby Afua Cooper, Harper Collins, Toronto, 2006.

The Transatlantic Slave Trade by Duchess Harris and Marcia Amidon Lusted, ABDO, 2019

How much of global culture - from reggae to mathematical fractals - originate in Africa
The Clotilda: Slave Foodways: The banjo: Denmark in the slave trade: Port Royal, Jamaica: Canadian Connections
Painting in the episode - George Heriot's Minuets of the Canadians
African Nova Scotia Culinary History Books

How enslaved Africans resisted and sought freedom in Africa, in the U.S., and on the high seas.

Freedom ships and the little-known history of resistance (CBC)

Freedom boats: The Niagara |The Schooner Home
Slave mutinies on ships Slave rebellions The Underground Railroad Black Heritage Sites across Canada
Black and general heritage sites connected to the Underground Railroad:
Black heritage plaques Freedom Seekers Settle in Canada Song: I'm On My Way to Canada Books
Episode 6: Abolition

The final episode in this series on the transatlantic slave trade explores the politics that brought the enslavement of Africans in the West to an end.
Abolitionists in Europe Canadian Connections Emancipation Day Anti-slavery movement in Canada
Black Canadian anti-slavery newspapers
Books
Natasha Henry is the president of the Ontario Black History Society and is a PhD Candidate at York University, studying the lives of Black people who were enslaved in colonial Ontario.

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'Enslaved' reading list | CBC Documentaries

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The documentary series Enslaved examines a range of topics that are connected to Canadian and Atlantic histories. This list of suggested titles provides viewers the opportunity to further explore these topics and learn more through many non-fiction and fictional literary works, news articles, and numerous historical sources." .

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My Brother's Keeper and the American Civil War

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Bryan Prince

Bryan Prince is a respected historical researcher on the Underground Railroad, slavery, and abolition. His previous books include One More River to Cross, A Shadow on the Household, and I Came as a Stranger. Bryan is in demand as a presenter throughout North America, and he and his wife were awarded the 2011 prize for the Advancement of Knowledge by the Underground Railroad Free Press. He lives in North Buxton, Ontario.

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Bryan Prince's Underground Railroad 2-Book Bundle

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Bryan Prince Bryan Prince is a respected historical researcher on the Underground Railroad, slavery, and abolition. His previous books include One More River to Cross, A Shadow on the Household, and I Came as a Stranger.

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Rubicon Sankofa Black Heritage Collection

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Rubicon Sankofa Black Heritage Collection

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Collection of books for Grade 4-8

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Ontario Heritage Trust Heritage Plaques and Resources

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Ontario Heritage Trust Heritage Plaques and Resources

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From the arrival of interpreter Mathieu Da Costa - the first known Black man to arrive in what is now Canada in the early 17th century - people of African descent have made an indelible impact in helping to shape Canadian culture.

Through its museum sites, web resources, publications and Provincial Plaque Program, the Ontario Heritage Trust shares the stories of Ontario's Black communities.

"Ontario Black history helps to define me, and is an integral part of my identity. I - a Jamaican-born African diaspora daughter - move through this land, connecting the lineages from the Caribbean, West and Central Africa, East Africa and African Canada." Dr. Afua Cooper

Photo: Ontario Southwest/Chatham Kent Tourism

Uncle Tom's Cabin Historic Site

Uncle Tom's Cabin Historic Site takes its name from Harriet Beecher Stowe's successful 1852 anti-slavery novel Uncle Tom's Cabin, featuring a character named Tom (loosely based on Josiah Henson). Henson's own story is told in his autobiography, first published in 1849.

Photo: Tourism Windsor Essex Pelee Island

Slavery to Freedom

The Slavery to Freedom web resource chronicles the perilous path that 19th-century Blacks followed to find sanctuary in Ontario. Explore the robust history and timeline, as well as links to many of our partners in the Black Heritage Network, to understand this journey to freedom.

Provincial plaques

Our provincial plaques commemorate important stories related to Ontario's Black Heritage - from War of 1812 soldiers and Underground Railroad conductor Harriet Tubman to churches and settlements that have carved out a place in Ontario's story.

Heritage Matters magazine

Heritage Matters, the Trust's signature publication, has provided a forum for many writers to share their unique stories and perspectives - especially as it relates to Ontario's Black heritage experience. Check out back issues of Heritage Matters and learn more.

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From the arrival of interpreter Mathieu Da Costa - the first known Black man to arrive in what is now Canada in the early 17th century - people of African descent have made an indelible impact in helping to shape Canadian culture.

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Archives of Ontario Black Canadian History REsources

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Archives of Ontario Black Canadian History REsources

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Along with workshops and online exhibits, the Archives of Ontario provides History and Social Studies lesson plans that align with the Social Studies, History, and Canadian and World Studies curricula for grades 3 to 12. Developed by historians and classroom teachers, these plans feature primary source material from our extensive collections. View by theme or click here to browse by grade.
Lesson Plans

Grade 10: Post-War Life: Girls, Boys, and Their Toys (Word, PDF)

Grade 10: Youth & Ethnic Conflict in 1960s Toronto (Word, PDF)

Online Exhibits Lesson Plans Online Exhibits Lesson Plans

Grades 4-6: Human-Animal Connections (Word, PDF)

Grade 9: Fishy Business: Managing Wildlife in Ontario (Word, PDF)

Grade 9-12: Height of the Land: Natural Resources and the James Bay Treaty (Treaty No. 9) (Word, PDF)

Lesson Plans Online Exhibits Lesson Plans Online Exhibits Lesson Plans Online Exhibits Online Exhibits Lesson Plans Lesson Plans

Grade 10: Evaluating Wartime Posters: Were they Good Propaganda?(Word, PDF)
Online Exhibits Lesson Plans Online Exhibits Workshops [Return to top of page]
In Education Section-

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Online Lesson Plans from the Archives of Ontario Organized by Theme

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Along with workshops and online exhibits, the Archives of Ontario provides History and Social Studies lesson plans that align with the Social Studies, History, and Canadian and World Studies curricula for grades 3 to 12. Developed by historians and classroom teachers, these plans feature primary source material from our extensive collections.

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A selection of images from the Alvin D. McCurdy fonds, held at the Archives of Ontario. These images are from Series F 2076-16, Alvin D. McCurdy's photographs, which consists of photographic material collected by Alvin McCurdy. Most of the older photographs were given to McCurdy, a known collector of Black history, by family, friends and acquaintances. McCurdy used some of these photographs to supplement his literary work.

The series includes early views of Amherstburg and its surroundings. Also represented are many families and social organizations in the Amherstburg area. Within the collection description "local" or "Amherstburg area" are terms which include southern Ontario and northern United States including areas near Lake Michigan, Lake Erie and Lake St. Clair. These areas encompass Windsor, Essex County, Ohio (Oberlin), and Michigan (Detroit).

Fonds held at Archives of Ontario

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fonds

Inventory number

Start time

1808

End time

1986

official website

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Category:Images from Archives of Ontario - F 2076 Alvin D. McCurdy fonds - Wikimedia Commons

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A selection of images from the Alvin D. McCurdy fonds, held at the Archives of Ontario. These images are from Series F 2076-16, Alvin D. McCurdy's photographs, which consists of photographic material collected by Alvin McCurdy. Most of the older photographs were given to McCurdy, a known collector of Black history, by family, friends and acquaintances.

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The fonds contains materials relating to the Bell family and associated family members. The associated family members include the names Sloman, Johnson, Smith, Taylor, Tyrell, Butler, Gains, Hall and Jones. The archive includes a significant number of 19th century tintypes, as well as cabinet card and modern size photographs. Also included in the archive are marriage records, genealogical information from a family Bible, tithing records, receipts, a broadside ad from William Still's Boarding House and other materials.

For a complete inventory and description, see the finding aid -

https://dr.library.brocku.ca/bitstream/handle/10464/3125/Rick%20Bell%20Family%20fonds%20RG%2063%20rev%202016.pdf

Rick Bell, the donor of this collection, is always happy to talk about these materials and his family's history. He can be emailed at bellrick55@yahoo.ca.

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The fonds contains materials relating to the Bell family and associated family members. The associated family members include the names Sloman, Johnson, Smith, Taylor, Tyrell, Butler, Gains, Hall and Jones. The archive includes a significant number of 19th century tintypes, as well as cabinet card and modern size photographs.

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Great info and resources on Land Acknowledgments from UBC in Vancouver

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Territory Acknowledgements

Kyle Shaughnessey, Educational Consultant: Staff Training, models a land acknowledgement and provides history and context for the importance of this practice. Kyle also advises on how to acknowledge territory in a thoughtful and meaningful way.

Centring Positionality and Place

Erin Yun, Educational Consultant: Classroom and Campus Climate, models a meaningful land acknowledgement in the online environment. Erin shares and walks through her process of creating a land acknowledgement in the virtual space.

Xwi7xwa Library Resources

Centring Indigenous Perspectives in your Syllabus

Sarah Dupont, Head Librarian at Xwi7xwa Library, guides the viewer through the Xwi7xwa website and online resources. Sarah demonstrates where to locate Xwi7xwa's Resource Guides and how to use them.

Territory Acknowledgement Activity

Karleen Delaurier-Lyle, Information Services Librarian at Xwi7xwa Library, uses UBC Library and external resources in an activity to help the viewer locate the territory they are occupying. Karleen demonstrates how to navigate through Nation's websites using Musqueam and Squamish websites as examples.

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Kyle Shaughnessey, Educational Consultant: Staff Training, models a land acknowledgement and provides history and context for the importance of this practice. Kyle also advises on how to acknowledge territory in a thoughtful and meaningful way. Erin Yun, Educational Consultant: Classroom and Campus Climate, models a meaningful land acknowledgement in the online environment.

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CBC Interactive Site

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EDITORS' LETTER

What does it mean to be Black in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba? It is impossible to limit more than 200 years of recorded Black presence on the Prairies to a single definition.

The CBC project Black on the Prairies began with a conversation among colleagues in the spring of 2020. The Prairies, like the rest of the country, were gripped by the rallying cry of "Black Lives Matter."

That conversation revealed a mutual desire to share the fullness of Black life on the Prairies. These stories are vital and urgent, especially during what the United Nations has labelled the International Decade for People of African Descent.

This project does not position the Prairies as Black ancestral territory or homelands. To be Black on the Prairies is to be part of a colonial legacy that begins on the ancestral lands of the First Nations and Métis people of this region. We aim to recognize Black and Indigenous peoples' shared histories and affirm our ongoing relationships.

Through five themes - Migration, Putting in Work, Black and Indigenous Relations, Politics and Resistance, and Black to the Future - this project places Black people's experiences at the centre of the Prairie narrative.

These stories explore the richness, complexity, depth and multiplicity of Black Prairie life - past, present and future. They highlight achievements and histories that affirm the influence of Black life on the Prairies and challenge assumptions about its newness.

Bringing this project to life involved contributions from a 10-person community advisory board. They shared insights, curiosities and perspectives, ensuring that Black on the Prairies authentically represents a diversity of experiences and histories. To them, we are incredibly grateful.

In this project, you will find personal essays, articles, audio stories, images and more. We invite you to enter through any door.

Welcome to Black on the Prairies.

Omayra Issa & Ify Chiwetelu
Black On The Prairies creators and project leads

"It is not only Black students who are robbed when the richness of their histories is excised from the history books; all of us are deprived when the full complexity of our collective history is denied us because it cheats us of a full understanding of our own present moment."

Karina Vernon, editor of The Black Prairie Archives: An Anthology, The whitewashing of Prairie history

COMMUNITY
ADVISORY BOARD

Thank you to the Black on the Prairies Community Advisory Board for their support and guidance

SHARE

If you've enjoyed Black on the Prairies, please take a moment to share it. If you have thoughts you'd like to share with us, email BlackPrairies@cbc.ca. For more stories about the experiences of Black people across Canada, check out Being Black in Canada.

Creators, Producers
Omayra Issa & Ify Chiwetelu

Associate Producer, Researcher, Audio Lead
Melissa Fundira

Associate Producer
Orinthia Babb

Designed by Andrew McManus

Developed by Dwight Friesen

Special Thanks
David Hutton
Lise Kouri
Heather Loughran
Natascia Lypny
Emily Mills
Sean Trembath
Karin Yeske

With support from CBC Calgary, CBC Edmonton, CBC Saskatoon, CBC Saskatchewan and CBC Manitoba

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EDITORS' LETTER What does it mean to be Black in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba? It is impossible to limit more than 200 years of recorded Black presence on the Prairies to a single definition. The CBC project Black on the Prairies began with a conversation among colleagues in the spring of 2020.

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Civix.Ca's main site

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CIVIX is a non-partisan, national registered charity dedicated to building the skills and habits of active and engaged citizenship among young Canadians. Our vision is a strong and inclusive democracy where all young people are ready, willing and able to participate.

CIVIX provides experiential learning opportunities to help young Canadians practice their rights and responsibilities as citizens. Instead of studying about democracy, they experience it first-hand with real issues in real-time.

CIVIX is organizing a Student Vote parallel election for elementary, intermediate and secondary schools coinciding with the New Brunswick local government elections in the spring of 2021. Educators can register now.

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CIVIX is a non-partisan, national registered charity dedicated to building the skills and habits of active and engaged citizenship among young Canadians. Our vision is a strong and inclusive democracy where all young people are ready, willing and able to participate. CIVIX provides experiential learning opportunities to help young Canadians practice their rights and responsibilities as citizens.

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Slides from  Session 3/ May 4th

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Civix's Digital Literacy curriculum

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Mike Caufield's book "Web-Literacy for Student Fact Checkers"

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Mike Caufield's book "Web-Literacy for Student Fact Checkers"

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Full text here

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Web Literacy for Student Fact-Checkers - Simple Book Production

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Web Literacy for Student Fact-Checkers by Michael A. Caulfield is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.

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We're committed to providing educators accessible, high-quality teaching tools. That's why all our lessons and assessments are free. Please consider donating to SHEG to support our creation of new materials. All gifts are made through Stanford University and are tax-deductible.

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Today, thousands of unsolved cases of missing and murdered Native Americans continue to cry out for justice and healing. On Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons Awareness Day, we remember the Indigenous people who we have lost to murder and those who remain missing and commit to working with Tribal Nations to ensure any instance of a missing or murdered person is met with swift and effective action.

Our failure to allocate the necessary resources and muster the necessary commitment to addressing and preventing this ongoing tragedy not only demeans the dignity and humanity of each person who goes missing or is murdered, it sends pain and shockwaves across our Tribal communities. Our treaty and trust responsibilities to Tribal Nations require our best efforts, and our concern for the well-being of these fellow citizens require us to act with urgency. To this end, our Government must strengthen its support and collaboration with Tribal communities.

My Administration is fully committed to working with Tribal Nations to address the disproportionately high number of missing or murdered Indigenous people, as well as increasing coordination to investigate and resolve these cases and ensure accountability. I am further committed to addressing the underlying causes behind those numbers, including - among others - sexual violence, human trafficking, domestic violence, violent crime, systemic racism, economic disparities, and substance use and addiction. Federal partnerships to address the number of missing and murdered Indigenous peoples will be governed by the Nation-to-Nation foundation of our relationship with Tribal governments and respect for Tribal sovereignty and self-determination. The challenges in Tribal communities are best met by solutions that are informed and shaped by Tribal leaders and Tribal governments.

Tribes across the United States have long worked to provide solutions for their communities. In April, the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Indian Reservation, the United States Attorney's Office for the District of Montana, and the FBI announced the Nation's first Tribal Community Response Plan, part of a Department of Justice pilot project to address emergent missing person cases in their community. When someone goes missing, it is often an urgent and time-sensitive situation. The Tribal community response plan lays out a blueprint for how Tribal law enforcement; local, State, and Federal law enforcement; and community members can respond when someone goes missing from a Tribal community - resolving important issues of jurisdictional overlap and gaps in order to respond swiftly and effectively. Other Tribes and Native villages such as the Muscogee (Creek) Nation in Oklahoma, Native Village of Unalakleet in Alaska, and the Bay Mills Indian Community in Michigan, are working with Federal partners on their own community response plans.

My Administration has made a priority of helping to solve the issues surrounding Native Americans who go missing and those who are murdered across the United States - including high rates of Native women and girls, including transgender women and girls. We recognize there is a level of mistrust of the United States Government in many Native communities, stemming from a long history of broken promises, oppression, and trauma. That is why we are pursuing ways to build trust in our Government and the systems designed to provide support to families in need. We must bridge the gap for families in crisis, provide necessary support services, and support opportunities for healing through holistic community-driven approaches.

I am committed to building on the successes of the 2013 reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) by supporting the passage of the VAWA Reauthorization of 2021. Among other protections, this bill reaffirms inherent Tribal authority to prosecute certain non-Indian offenders - extending protections from domestic violence and dating violence to Native American victims of sexual violence, stalking, trafficking, child abuse, elder abuse, and assault against law enforcement or justice personnel when crimes are committed on Tribal territory. Additionally, through the American Rescue Plan we provided an additional $35 million in grants for Tribes to provide temporary housing, assistance, and supportive services to victims of domestic and dating violence, as well as supplemental funding for the StrongHearts Native Helpline, and additional funding for services for sexual assault survivors.

My Administration has also committed to effectively implement the requirements of Savanna's Act and the Not Invisible Act, legislation focused on combating the issues surrounding missing or murdered Indigenous persons. The Presidential Task Force on Missing and Murdered American Indians and Alaska Natives continues to convene the Department of Justice, the Department of the Interior, and the Department of Health and Human Services, to address the issues from a combined public health-public safety partnership. Furthering the efforts of the task force, the White House Council on Native American Affairs will bring together all relevant Federal agencies to work with Tribal Nations on exploring additional ways to enhance prevention efforts and improve access to safety and justice.

Furthermore, informed by Tribal input, the Department of the Interior recently established the Missing & Murdered Unit (MMU) within the Bureau of Indian Affairs Office of Justice Services to provide leadership and direction for cross-departmental and interagency work involving missing and murdered American Indians and Alaska Natives. The MMU will help bring the weight of the Federal Government to bear when investigating these cases and marshal law enforcement resources across Federal agencies and throughout Indian country.

Our commitment to addressing these issues and to strengthening these critical partnerships is unwavering. For too long, there has been too much sorrow and worry. United by our mutual investment in healthy, safe communities, we will work together to achieve lasting progress.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim May 5, 2021, as Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons Awareness Day. I call on all Americans and ask all levels of government to support Tribal governments and Tribal communities' efforts to increase awareness of the issue of missing and murdered American Indians and Alaska Natives through appropriate programs and activities.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fourth day of May, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-fifth.

JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.

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A Proclamation on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons Awareness Day, 2021 | The White House

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Today, thousands of unsolved cases of missing and murdered Native Americans continue to cry out for justice and healing. On Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons Awareness Day, we remember the Indigenous people who we have lost to murder and those who remain missing and commit to working with Tribal Nations to ensure any instance of a missing or murdered person is met with swift and effective action.

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Resources from Coalition to Stop Violence Against Native Women

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Resources from Coalition to Stop Violence Against Native Women

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MMIWG2S - Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two Spirit

4 out of 5
of our Native women
experienced some form of violence in their lifetime.

Source: Rosay, André B., Violence Against American Indian and Alaska Native Women and Men: 2010 Findings from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, 2016, NCJ 249736.

Native women face
murder rates more than
10x times
the national average

Source: Bachman, R., Zaykowski, H., Kallymer, R., Poteyeva, M., & Lanier, C. (2008). Violence Against American Indian and Alaska Native Women and the Criminal Justice Response: What is Known. Washington, DC: US Department of Justice.

Homicide is the third leading cause of death among Native girls & women aged 10 to 24, and the fifth leading cause of death for Native women aged 25 to 34

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Leading Causes of Death in Females by Age Group, American Indian/Alaska Native. 2015. Retrieved from: https://www.cdc.gov/women/lcod/2015/native/index.htm.

What is MMIWG? It is a community-based grassroots movement raising awareness and addressing the lack of response when a Native women or girl goes missing or is murdered.

What Contributes to MMIWG? The legacy of violence against our Native women and children within New Mexico dates to the Spanish and Euro-American invasion of our Native lands and our sacred bodies. From the Navajo Long Walk to the slave trades in Albuquerque's Old Town to the current struggles of cases being lost within our judicial system- this is a legacy of violence... This incursion of violence onto our most sacred... Must be spoken about. Many times Native people are targeted in bordertowns for the color of a person's skin, anti-Indianism, and the influences of settler colonialism.

New Mexico ranks 3rd of being the "highest violent" state in the United States with 6,561 violent crimes per 100,000. When we look at border-town violence and police brutality against Native people, Native people are more likely to be killed by police officers than any other minority group in the Nation. We are #1 in child poverty, and we rank 49th in education; over 40% of our Native youth live in poverty here.

Source: Lucchesi A., & Echo-Hawk, A. (2018). Missing and murdered Indigenous women & girls: A snapshot of data from 71 urban cities in the United States. Urban Indian Health Institute.

House Subcommittee on Civil Rights and Civil Liberties hearing on "T he Neglected Epidemic of Missing BIPOC Women and Girls" (March 3, 2022)

Watch our CSVANW Executive Director, Angel Charley, testify before the House Subcommittee on Civil Rights and Civil Liberties as part of their hearing on "The Neglected Epidemic of Missing BIPOC Women and Girls".

On-going struggles that continue the pattern of structural violence:

Jurisdictional - Federal, State, County, Tribal, Private

Lack of - Emergency Services, Amber Alert, Counseling, Family Services

Relationships between governing entities

FBI and Tribal Communication

State and Tribal Communication

Overall Community Awareness

Chapters, Pueblos, Apache Communities

Definitions:

Settler Colonialism: "US policies and actions related to Indigenous peoples, through often termed "racist" or discriminatory," are rarely depicted as what they are: classic cases on imperialism, a particular form of colonialism - settler colonialism...Settler Colonialism is a genocidal policy" (2 & 6). - Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz in An Indigenous Peoples' History of the US.

Bordertown Violence: Towns that are nearby reservations that are economically dependent on Indigenous peoples and that neighbor Native Nations

Police brutality against Native people: Native people are more likely to be killed by police officers than any other minority group in the Nation.

"A Call to Remember our Missing and Murdered Native Women and Girls" By Cheyenne Antonio

"Anthonette Christine Cayedito. Remember her name. The legacy of violence against our Native women and children within New Mexico dates back to the Spanish and Euro-American invasion of our Native lands and our sacred bodies. [...] READ MORE

Slavery In New Mexico, Missing And Murdered Indigenous Women And Girls Movement, The Line
New Mexico In Focus, a Production of NMPBS

In solidarity, we are thinking of our sisters who've gone missing or murdered such as:

Loreal Tsinigie

Ashlynn Mike

Anthonette Christine Cayedito

...the list goes on.

CSVANW MMIWG in NM Handout

REPORT: Missing And Murdered Indigenous Women & Girls

A snapshot of data from 71 urban cities in the United States. Read the report here.

Decolonizing Data: Strengthening Community Voices to Take Action for Our Missing Relatives

Learn how to enter your missing Native loved ones' information into the NamUs database, CLICK HERE

New Mexico Missing & Murdered Indigenous Women & Relatives: Task Force Report, December 2020

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MMIWG2S - Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two Spirit 4 out of 5 of our Native women experienced some form of violence in their lifetime. Source: Rosay, André B., Violence Against American Indian and Alaska Native Women and Men: 2010 Findings from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey.

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Lakota People's Law Project MMIW Resources

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Lakota People's Law Project MMIW Resources

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Why Are Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Cases Being Ignored? | HuffPost's Between the Lines: Annita Lucchesi's and Abigail Echo-Hawk's Data Collection: Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women & Girls. Videos
Why Are Indigenous Women Missing in Canada? By SBS Dateline

W.A.R.N Ride by the Warrior Women Project

Webinar: Decolonizing Data by the Urban Indian Health Institute

The Search: Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women by Al Jazeera's Fault Lines

Ashley Loring Heavy Runner: Indigenous Student's Disappearance, Just one in Epidemic of Missing Native Women by ABC News Nightline

Searchers: Highway of Tears by Vice

Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women by Native Hope

Canada's Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women by CBC News: The National

Running for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women: TEDx Talk by Rosalie Fish

How Do We Stop Aboriginal Women from Disappearing? TEDx Talk by Beverly Jacobs

Aboriginal Women: Resilience, Resistance, and Revitalization: TEDx Talk by Patti Boyle Bedwell

Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Lecture at Central Washington University by Emily Washines, State Rep. Gina Mosbrucker, R-Goldendale; Lottie A. Sam, and Robert Udell

Social Media
Follow for updates on missing Native relatives.

Facebook:
Missing and Murdered Native Americans Murdered and Disappeared Native Women Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women USA Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Washington MissingFlowers: Missing Murdered Indigenous Women & Men Navajo Nation Missing Persons Updates
Instagram:
@missing.murdered.natives @sacred_mmiwg @navajommdr
Twitter:

@NNMPU1 - Navajo Nation Missing Persons Updates

@NIWRC - National Indigenous Women's Resource Center
@RedHouseSeries National Hotlines Domestic Violence, Child Abuse & Assault
The National Domestic Violence Hotline:1-800-799-7233

National Dating Abuse Helpline: 1-866-331-9474

National Child Abuse Hotline/Childhelp: 1-800-4-A-Child or 1-800-422-4453

National Sexual Assault Hotline:1-800-656-4673

WAVAW Crisis Center (Canada): 604-255-6344
Suicide Prevention, Depression and Crisis Hotlines
National Suicide Prevention Lifeline: 1-800-273-8255 & Esta es la línea directa en Español para la prevención del suicidio. 1-888-628-9454

National Center on Domestic Violence, Trauma & Mental Health 1-312-726-7020 ext. 2011

* LGBTQIA+, Two-Spirit, and GenderNon-Conforming Specific Hotlines

*Trans Lifeline: US: 1-877-565-8860/Canada: 1-877-330-6366

* Northwest Network of Bisexual, Trans, Lesbian, and Gay Survivors of Abuse: 1-206-568-7777

* The Audre Lorde Project: 1-178-596-0342

* The Trevor Project (LGBTQ YOUTH crisis line) 1-866-488-7386
Youth Specific Hotlines
* The Trevor Project (LGBTQ youth crisis line): 1-866-488-7386

The National Teen Dating Abuse Helpline: 1-866-331-9474, or text "loveis" to 77054

The National Runaway Hotline: 1-800-786-2929

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MMIW Resource Guide - Let's Green California

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Why Are Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Cases Being Ignored? | HuffPost's Between the Lines: Annita Lucchesi's and Abigail Echo-Hawk's Data Collection: Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women & Girls. Videos Why Are Indigenous Women Missing in Canada?

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Toronto Public Library Red Dress Day Resources

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Toronto Public Library Red Dress Day Resources

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May 5 every year is the National Day of Awareness of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) in Canada. Also known as Red Dress Day. On this day in a typical year, you might notice some red dresses hanging near a church, on campus, or from someone's balcony, and you have probably wondered what it means.

This day began as " an aesthetic response to more than 1000 missing and murdered Aboriginal women in Canada" by Jaime Black (Métis). It started in 2010, and also includes Trans and Two-Spirit individuals who have gone missing or have been murdered. The red dresses act as a visual reminder all of the missing women, girls, and Two-Spirit people. This year, the REDress Project is in downtown Nelson, British Columbia, but pop-ups can also occur across the country.

We encourage you to wear red if you can to raise awareness about Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two-Spirit people. Here are some books in our collection where you can learn more about Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls and Two-Spirit people. If an author is Indigenous, their nation will be included as a bracket next to their name.

Available in Print

imâmâ by Melanie Florence (Cree), illustrated by François Thisdale

"Missing nimama is a story of love, loss, and acceptance, showing the human side of a national tragedy."

If I Go Missing by Brianna Jonnie (Ojibway), Nahanni Shingoose (Ojibway/Saulteaux) and illustrated by Neal Shannacappo (Ojibway/Saulteaux)

"A powerfully illustrated graphic novel for teens about the subject of missing and murdered Indigenous people. Combining graphic fiction and non-fiction, this young adult graphic novel serves as a window into one of the unique dangers of being an Indigenous teen in Canada today. The text of the book is derived from excerpts of a letter written to the Winnipeg Chief of Police by fourteen-year-old Brianna Jonnie -- a letter that went viral and in which, Jonnie calls out the authorities for neglecting to immediately investigate and involve the public in the search for missing Indigenous people, and urges them to "not treat me as the Indigenous person I am proud to be" if she were to be reported missing. Indigenous artist Neal Shannacappo provides the artwork for the book. Through his illustrations he imagines a situation in which a young Indigenous woman does disappear, portraying the reaction of her community, her friends, the police and media. An author's note at the end of the book provides context for young readers about Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in Canada."

Available in Multiple Formats

Will I See? By David Alexander Robertson (Cree), Iskwé (Cree/Métis) and Leslie Erin, and illustrated GMB Chomichuk and Erin Leslie.

""May, a young teenage girl, traverses the city streets, finding keepsakes in different places along her journey. When May and her kookum make these keepsakes into a necklace, it opens a world of danger and fantasy. While May fights against a terrible reality, she learns that there is strength in the spirit of those that have passed. But will that strength be able to save her? A story of tragedy and beauty, Will I See illuminates the issue of missing and murdered Indigenous women."

Keetsahnak: Our Missing and Murdered Indigenous Sisters edited by Kim Anderson (Cree/Métis), Christi Belcourt (Métis) and Maria Campbell (Métis)

"Through stories of resilience, resistance, and activism, the editors give voice to powerful personal testimony and allow for the creation of knowledge. It's in all of our best interests to take on gender violence as a core resurgence project, a core decolonization project, a core of Indigenous nation building, and as the backbone of any Indigenous mobilization."

Highway of Tears: A True Story of Racism, Indifference and the Pursuit of Justice for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls by Jessica McDiarmid

"Highway of Tears will offer an intimate, first-hand look at the communities along Highway 16 and the families of the victims, as well as examine the historically fraught social and cultural tensions between settler and Indigenous peoples that underlie life in the region. Finally, it will link these cases with others found across Canada--estimated to number over 1,200--contextualizing them within a broader examination of the undervaluing of Indigenous lives in the country and of our ongoing failure to provide justice for the missing and murdered."

Forever Loved: Exposing the Hidden Crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in Canada contributed by Jennifer Brant (Kanien'kehá:ka) and Dawn Memee Lavell-Harvard (Anishinabe)

"This collection brings together the voices of Indigenous and non-Indigenous academics, frontline workers and activists who weave together academic and personal narratives, spoken word and poetry in the spirit of demanding immediate action. Our intent is to honour our missing sisters and their families, to honour their lives and their stories."

Stolen Sisters: The Story of Two Missing Girls, Their Families, and how Canada has Failed Indigenous Women by Emmanuelle Walter

"In 2014, the nation was rocked by the brutal violence against young Aboriginal women Loretta Saunders, Tina Fontaine and Rinelle Harper. But tragically, they were not the only Aboriginal women to suffer that year. In fact, an official report reveals that since1980, 1,200 Canadian Aboriginal women have been murdered or have gone missing. This alarming official figure reveals a national tragedy and the systemic failure of law enforcement and of all levels of government to address the issue."

Surviving the City, Volume 1 by Tasha Sumner-Spillett (Cree), illustrated by Natasha Donovan (Métis)

"Tasha Spillet's graphic-novel debut, Surviving the City, is a story about womanhood, friendship, resilience, and the anguish of a missing loved one. Miikwan and Dez are best friends. Miikwan's Anishinaabe; Dez is Inninew. Together, the teens navigate the challenges of growing up in an urban landscape - they're so close, they even completed their Berry Fast together. However, when Dez's grandmother becomes too sick, Dez is told she can't stay with her anymore. With the threat of a group home looming, Dez can't bring herself to go home and disappears. Miikwan is devastated, and the wound of her missing mother resurfaces. Will Dez's community find her before it's too late? Will Miikwan be able to cope if they don't? Colonialism and the issue of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two-Spirit People are explored in Natasha Donovan's beautiful illustrations."

Available Online

Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (Canada)

Download volume 1a (PDF) and volume 1b (PDF) of this report.

"The National Inquiry's Final Report reveals that persistent and deliberate human and Indigenous rights violations and abuses are the root cause behind Canada's staggering rates of violence against Indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA people. The two volume report calls for transformative legal and social changes to resolve the crisis that has devastated Indigenous communities across the country." (statement from the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls website.)

A Legal Analysis of Genocide: Supplementary Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (PDF) by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (Canada)

"This supplementary legal analysis represents the views and opinions of the National Inquiry. In reaching our conclusion, we consulted with international legal scholars and lawyers with expertise on genocide and international crimes." (statement from the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls website.)

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Red Dress Day 2021: National Day of Awareness of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls and Two-Spirit People

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May 5 every year is the National Day of Awareness of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) in Canada. Also known as Red Dress Day. On this day in a typical year, you might notice some red dresses hanging near a church, on campus, or from someone's balcony,...

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From Clara Bradley

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WEBINAR: Student Vote, Student Voice: Engaging Students in Canadian Elections and Democracy

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Civix animations explaining Canadian Government

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Civix animations explaining Canadian Government

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Free to use in your classroom

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CIVIX is a national, charitable organization and its mission is to grow young Canadians into engaged, committed and active citizens. CIVIX est un organisme de bienfaisance national dont la mission consiste à inciter les jeunes Canadiens à devenir des citoyens dynamiques, engagés et actifs.

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CIVIX is organizing a Student Vote parallel election for elementary, intermediate and high schools throughout the country coinciding with the 2019 federal el...

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Canadian Museum of Humann Rights Stories

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Canadian Museum of Humann Rights Stories

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The Canadian Museum for Human Rights is located on ancestral lands, on Treaty 1 Territory. The Red River Valley is also the birthplace of the Métis. We acknowledge the water in the Museum is sourced from Shoal Lake 40 First Nation.

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The Canadian Museum for Human Rights is located on ancestral lands, on Treaty 1 Territory. The Red River Valley is also the birthplace of the Métis. We acknowledge the water in the Museum is sourced from Shoal Lake 40 First Nation.

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Canadian Museum of Human Rights - Upstander

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Canadian Museum of Human Rights - Upstander

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Our new interactive classroom resource takes students from knowing about human rights to knowing how to take action. humanrights.ca

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Canadian Museum of Human Rights Education Rights

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Canadian Museum of Human Rights Education Rights

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We are open and accessible to all: health and safety measures when visiting the Museum We are open and accessible to all

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Canadian Museum of Human Rights School Programs

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Canadian Museum of Human Rights School Programs

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Thanks to the support of The Richardson Foundation and The Asper Foundation, more than 17,500 students visited us virtually this year! We are now fully booked for the remainder of the 2020/2021 school year.

Thanks to all the teachers and students from across Canada who participated in our virtual field trips. We will be offering free virtual programs to Canadian classrooms in the 2021/2022 school year. Bookings can be made starting July 1, 2021. We look forward to seeing you next year!

Our in‐person school programs remain temporarily unavailable. We have adapted some of our school programs for students and teachers learning at home.

We offer a variety of K‑12 school programs onsite at the Museum or virtually from your classroom.

Our programs are designed to be inclusive and accessible for students of all needs and ages. Running between one and two hours, each of our curriculum‐based programs allows students to explore and discuss human rights issues through hands‐on learning and activities.

All of our onsite programs are followed by a visit to galleries and exhibits that reflect their lessons. We also offer tours, which allow students to explore the Museum's highlights and specific themes.

Programs and tours are offered daily from September to June. For more information, please visit our hours page.

Virtual Field Trips

Bringing the Museum to you, wherever your class is! We offer virtual field trips for students in K‑12. No need to leave home or the classroom to experience the Museum's architecture and engage in discussion and reflection on human rights.

Self-Guided Tours

We offer engaging and age‐appropriate self‐guided tours for students in grades 5-12. The tours include activities to enrich your students' experience at the Museum.

Please note that all schools and organized groups must book in advance.

Multiple Groups and Group Sizes

To ensure the safety of staff and groups, we are limiting self‐guided program bookings to a maximum of 25 per group, including adult teachers and chaperones. All students K‑12 and adults will be required to wear masks when visiting the Museum.

If your group is larger, we recommend that you call us to discuss options such as staggered entry and start times.

Can't get here in person? Take your class on a virtual field trip! Experience the Museum's galleries and architecture, and explore human rights with one of our Museum guides. Each tour ends with a visit to the Israel Asper Tower of Hope to see a 360‐degree view of the city of Winnipeg.
Virtual Field Trip: Quick Start Guide Our virtual field trips are now fully booked for the 2020/21 school year.
Onsite self‐guided tours are currently available. For a guided program, please see virtual field trip options above.

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Thanks to the support of The Richardson Foundation and The Asper Foundation, more than 17,500 students visited us virtually this year! We are now fully booked for the remainder of the 2020/2021 school year. Thanks to all the teachers and students from across Canada who participated in our virtual field trips.

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Mapping

We strive to map Indigenous territories, treaties, and languages across the world in a way that goes beyond colonial ways of thinking in order to better represent how Indigenous people want to see themselves.

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Native Land is a resource to learn more about Indigenous territories, languages, lands, and ways of life. We welcome you to our site.

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Books for kids about Residential Schools

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Books for kids about Residential Schools

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Collected by the CBC

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More and more children will be read stories about the legacy of residential schools in the classroom this year.

Provinces are changing curriculums and educators across the country are developing resource guides in response to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) recommendations.

"One of the first criteria for choosing anything is that it's a good story," said Jo-Anne Chrona. She has been developing age-appropriate curriculum materials in B.C. through the First Nations Education Steering Committee (FNESC).

It opens up that space for conversation. -&nbsp; Jo-Anne Chrona, educator

For parents reading these books at home to their children, Chrona says it's important to be mindful of what's appropriate, emotionally and developmentally.

"Talk with your children about what it is that they're reading, what it is that they understand," she said.

"It opens up that space for conversation."

The following ten books reflect on the residential school experience in different ways. They have all been identified as age-appropriate for children under 12 by reputable organizations, like FNESC and Project of Heart.

Campbell's story - and illustrations by Kim LaFave - follow Shi-shi-etko as she absorbs the world around her and collects a 'bag of memories' at the instruction of her grandmother. But she doesn't take the memories with her. Instead she buries them under a tree, for safekeeping while she is gone.

As the children are driven away in the back of a cattle truck, Shin-chi's sister tells him all the things they must remember about home. Shin-chi knows it will be a long time before he sees his family, not until the sockeye salmon return.

Shin-chi endures a long year of hard work, hunger and loneliness before returning home to his family with his sister.

The book also includes the story of Agatha being sent away for school, "The nuns did not make very good mothers and the priests, who were called fathers, did not make very good fathers," Kusugak writes.

Throughout the story Kookum reveals what was lost in her life, and how goodness persisted.

When she gets there a mean-spirited nun known as the Raven is intent on making Margaret's time at school difficult. But Margaret refuses to be defeated.

The story follows Margaret as she moves through feelings of rejection and tries to reconnect with her family, language and culture.

The children cope as best they can at Kuper Island Residential School but it's a far cry from the life they're used to.

The book is described as sometimes funny, sometimes sad.

Lawrence learns things like how to care for a baby owl, and how to gather medicinal plants with his Kokom. Loyie's story highlights how his education at home was disrupted by the residential school system.

Sterling's award-winning book has been described as an honest, inside look at the residential school experience - one that highlights the resilience of a child in a place governed by strict nuns, and arbitrary rules.

She also shares the story of her land, Khaii luk, the place of winter fish. She writes in the book, "The land has a story to tell, if you know how to listen. When I travel, the land tells me where my ancestors have been. It tells me where the animals have come and gone, and it tells me what the weather may be like tomorrow."

André is Gwichya Gwich'in from Tsiigehtchic, NWT.

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10 books about truth and reconciliation to read with your kids | CBC News

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More and more children will be reading stories about the legacy of residential schools and reconciliation in the classroom this year.

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Study Canada's 'metischildrensbooks' books on Goodreads (15 books)

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Study Canada has 15 books on their metischildrensbooks shelf: The Diamond Willow Walking Stick by Leah Marie Dorion, Métis Christmas Mittens by Leah Mari...

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Check out the tabs above to see for yourself what is being offered, then contact us to arrange a virtual session ranging from 1 hour to full day. Education is the key to understanding Canada's Indigenous peoples.

Due to the uncertainty because of the COVID-19 pandemic, virtual information sessions are being offered to schools, public servants, cultural groups and others who may be interested in learning more about Mtis history, culture, governance, the current political state of affairs and much more.

Check out the tabs above to see for yourself what is being offered, then contact us to arrange a virtual session ranging from 1 hour to full day. Education is the key to understanding Canada's Indigenous peoples.

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Check out the tabs above to see for yourself what is being offered, then contact us to arrange a virtual session ranging from 1 hour to full day. Education is the key to understanding Canada's Indigenous peoples.

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Cristi Belcourt - beadwork and Metis artist

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Cristi Belcourt - beadwork and Metis artist

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Métis music and dance

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From the Rupertsland Centre for Teaching and Learning in Alberta

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métis "métis nation of alberta" metis "métis education" "rupertsland institute" rctl "rupertsland centre for teaching and learning"

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Rupertsland Centre for Teaching and Learning

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Share your videos with friends, family, and the world

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From the Gabriel Dumont Institute

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The Virtual Museum of Métis History and Culture

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© Gabriel Dumont Institute of Native Studies and Applied Research

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Marge Friedel | Métis Nation of Alberta Region 4 | Urban Elder

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Marge Friedel | Métis Nation of Alberta Region 4 | Urban Elder

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Métis Elder Marge Friedel provides insight into ways to approach and show respect for an Elder and discusses what can be learned.

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Elders:

Elders Mavis and Frank schedule a visit with Erin.

Erin has a number of students in her class who identify as First Nations, Métis and Inuit. During the first meeting, Erin explains that when these students were in Division I, an Elder shared a general, whole-class presentation on traditional values. Erin is now looking for information on cultural differences, realizing she needs to be aware of gender roles. After indicating they have the expertise to share information on cultural traditions, Mavis and Frank see an opportunity for an Elders-in-Residence project in this urban setting where students' cultural backgrounds are varied.

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Elders: Elders Mavis and Frank schedule a visit with Erin. Erin has a number of students in her class who identify as First Nations, Métis and Inuit. During the first meeting, Erin explains that when these students were in Division I, an Elder shared a general, whole-class presentation on traditional values.

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Curriculum and Resources from BC Comox Valley School District

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MIKI'SIW Métis Association​
​The Métis Nation
The advent of the fur trade in west central North America during the 18th century was accompanied by a growing number of mixed offspring of Indian women and European fur traders. As this population established distinct communities separate from those of Indians and Europeans and married among themselves, a new Aboriginal people emerged - the Métis people - with their own unique culture, traditions, language (Michif), way of life, collective consciousness and nationhood.​
http://www.comoxvalleymetis.com/M_tis_People.html Louis Riel - Heritage Minutes
What thoughts ran through Louis Riel's mind as he stood on the scaffold, waiting for the trap door to open to his death? Perhaps he thought about the turmoil that surrounded him, a turmoil that still surrounds the controversial Métis leader today. Even now, Louis Riel is a hero to many, a visionary, the fiery leader of a downtrodden people. To others he is a madman, a traitor, or a misguided zealot.​

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​The Métis Nation The advent of the fur trade in west central North America during the 18th century was accompanied by a growing number of mixed offspring of Indian women and European fur traders.

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National Day for Truth and Reconciliation 

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National Day for Truth and Reconciliation 

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Each year, September 30 marks the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation.

The day honours the children who never returned home and Survivors of residential schools, as well as their families and communities. Public commemoration of the tragic and painful history and ongoing impacts of residential schools is a vital component of the reconciliation process.

This federal statutory holiday was created through legislative amendments made by Parliament.

Wear orange

Commemorating the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation

Across the country, you can find open to public local activities organized to commemorate the history and legacy of residential schools. Come back on this page to find out about the 2024 events.

Mental health supports available

Former residential school students can call 1-866-925-4419 for emotional crisis referral services and information on other health supports from the Government of Canada.

Indigenous peoples across Canada can also go to The Hope for Wellness Help Line 24 hours a day, 7 days a week for counselling and crisis intervention.

Call the toll-free Help Line at 1-855-242-3310 or connect to the online chat (Please use Google Chrome).

Truth and Reconciliation Commission and its calls to action

There were 140 federally run residential schools in Canada that operated between 1867 and 1996. Survivors advocated for recognition and reparations and demanded accountability for the intergenerational impacts of harm caused. Their efforts culminated in:

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission ran from 2008 to 2015 and provided those directly or indirectly affected by the legacy of the residential schools policy with an opportunity to share their stories and experiences. The Commission released its final report detailing 94 calls to action. The National Day for Truth and Reconciliation is a direct response to Call to Action 80, which called for a federal statutory day of commemoration.

The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation has become the permanent archive for the statements, documents and other materials the Commission gathered. Its library and collections, as well as its National Student Memorial Register, are the foundation for ongoing learning and research.

To learn more

This National Day for Truth and Reconciliation, explore the rich and diverse cultures, voices, experiences and stories of the First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples. Start your learning journey today.

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National Day for Truth and Reconciliation

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The National Day for Truth and Reconciliation is observed September 30. The day honours First Nations, Inuit and Métis Survivors and their families and communities and ensures that public commemoration of the tragic and painful history of residential schools is a vital component of the reconciliation process.

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From Walk for Reconciliation

It has been a week since the media shared information from the Tk'emlups te Secwepemc First Nation, that ground-penetrating radar had confirmed 215 bodies of children buried at the former Kamloops Indian Residential.

I write this now in the place between sadness and anger.

It is the sadness that existed as a layer over my soul for as long as I have been aware of the devastation felt by so many generations of First Nation, Inuit, and Metis people as the result not only of residential schools, but also as a result of other government policies deigned to assimilate or eliminate First Nations, Inuit, and Metis in Canada. It is the sadness that took up residency in my heart when I came to understand the impact that residential schools had on so many in my extended family. It is the sadness that weighs heavy as I think about the bodies of 215 children at the Kamloops Indian Residential school.

And I am angry. I want to soften that word, to replace it with "frustration", or to remove it altogether because I know that some people are not comfortable with the feelings of discomfort that may arise. But I will not do that today. I will name the anger. It is the anger that clouds my soul at the fact that it has taken this revelation of these bodies to awaken so many people out of the slumber of ignorance. It is the anger that pricks my skin with the memories of times I have heard "Why don't they just get over it?" in reference to the legacy of residential schools. It is the anger that is an ache in my heart every time I have seen or heard an educator turn away from engaging in their own work in reconciliation in education because they do not see it as important for their role in the system, or "it does not relate to the subject they teach", or when their engagement cloaks epistemic and systemic racism in the pretense of "examining both sides".

It is the anger that, despite the work of so many people since the findings of the TRC were made available, and since the Walks for Reconciliation across the country over half a decade ago, little seems to be understood by so many.

I do understand. I can repeat the litany of reasons that people give about why they or others did not know the extent or the scope of the damage done by these schools, and the relationship between that legacy and our education systems today. But at this point, reasons become excuses to actively avoid learning. There have been so many people and organizations in the last decade working across this country to support the learning of educators and others about residential schools, the legacies, and about how everyone plays a role in reconciliation. People have been invited into the learning in caring, supportive ways with everything from book clubs to focussed workshops, to the provision of resources to use in classrooms and schools. In BC a new professional standard for BC teaching certificate holders was developed, and required professional learning focussing on Indigenous education was mandated. And yet excuses continue.

I also know about the desire of some people to turn away to avoid the discomfort of facing ugliness and pain. I understand that. I have done that. But, the ability to turn away comes from a place of privilege that survivors, their families and communities have not had.

Instead of turning away, I ask people to enter into discomfort with the understanding that it will help in the learning that needs to happen. We can think about how the legacies of residential schools show up in more than the heart-wrenching knowledge of bodies of children buried in unmarked graves. We acknowledge that the experiences of the children who went to the different types of Indian Residential and day schools differed from school to school, but there are common legacies that affect so many. In making sense of the long-term effects of these schools, we can also understand that in addition to the individual trauma that many experiences there is a collective trauma created by the sum of all those experiences.

Think about how children tried to make sense of what they were taught those schools - that, at best, they could learn a serviceable skill, and that at worse, they should be ashamed of who they were, and where who they came from. Think about the strength it took for those who were abused to survive. Think about the pain that comes from feeling so much alienation and powerlessness. Think about how this affected entire lives.

Think about what it was like for parents who had little recourse when their children were taken away. While many resisted and took action (such as hiding their children for as long as they could), others felt powerless. Think about the impact of that sustained feeling over years.

Think about what it was like for a community when there were no children left. Some communities actively protested and resisted, but with little result. Think about the disruption to the continuation of cultural knowledge.

Think about what it was like for parents when their children returned as strangers years later without the ability to speak in their own language. And yes, think about the parents whose children never returned.

Think about the ways that many people try to erase the pain of those schools, and you may better understand some of the challenges that some people continue to face today. This is not "just history". This is now.

I know that the current generations are not responsible for the actions of the past, but we ARE responsible for our actions now. Turning away, not engaging, contributes to the trauma. It implies that what happened, and what continues to happen, is not important enough for a collective response that begins with our personal actions. It diminishes us all.

And here is another whisper of anger. It is the expectation that the work of teaching about the full scope of residential schools and of responding to "I don't know what I can do as a non-Indigenous person" is the responsibility of First Nations, Inuit or Metis people. It is not.

There is, has been, so much that people can undertake to initiate their own learning. Some of the suggestions that follow are general, others are more specific. All will provide more context about the histories and contemporary contexts of this country. Some support specific recommendations and changes. It is tempting to respond to proposed changes with a "Yes, but...". Remember that changes required for social justice and equity can be inconvenient; they can be challenging, and people may resist with the "Yes, but...". But changes are necessary if we are serious about meaningful response to what we collectively now know.

It is important to take responsibility for our own learning. By learning more and deepening understanding, we can increase our ability to understand what next steps we can take in moving from awareness to action.

Read the Truth and Reconciliation Reports. The reports are lengthy, so choose one and read one chapter.

Read the Calls to Action http://www.trc.ca/about-us/trc-findings.html

Increase understanding about the historical and contemporary effects of colonization in BC and elsewhere, and government to government and nation to nation relationships by exploring FNESC's BC First Nations, Land, Title and Governance Teacher Resource Guide

Educate yourself about local First Nations, Inuit and Metis

Pressure political leaders to enact all TRC Calls to Action

Read the British Columbia based resources focussing on Residential Schools. It does not matter if you teach in a related area of not. There is personal and professional learning in FNESC Residential Schools and Reconciliation Teacher Resources Guides and Education for Reconciliation Metis Professional Learning and also see They Came for the Children

Help educate your family and friends about Canada's true history

Read more books written by First Nations, Inuit and Metis authors. Watch more films created by First Nations, Inuit, and Metis peoples

Read the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and collaborate with colleagues to determine how you might change something you do to in response to the Declaration

Learn about how racism toward Indigenous peoples shows itself in health care with In Plain Sight: Addressing Indigenous Specific Racism and Discrimination in B.C. Health Care

Find and participate in an anti-racism workshop. Yes, racism is at the heart of this issue. Learn about the different ways that racism manifests itself

Learn about how racism toward Indigenous learners shows itself in education with the Education of Aboriginal Students in the BC Public System

Examine publicly available resources to help learn about residential schools such as the Project of Heart e-book by the BCTF

Advocate for mandated Indigenous focussed courses to happen in every high school

Read Thomas King's The Inconvenient Indian to help understand the relationship between the desire for land, and governmental policies enacted to control Indigenous peoples in Canada and the USA

Challenge people when you hear stereotypes about First Nations, Inuit, and Metis

Read 21 Things You May Have Not Known About the Indian Act Bob Joseph to learn about the Indian Act and its impact on generations of Indigenous peoples in Canada

Critically examine your work places to understand how racism might be embedded in structures, processes, or policies

Take a free on-line course such as UBC's Reconciliation Through Indigenous Education to help learn how Indigenous histories, perspectives, and worldviews can be made part of the work we do in various contexts

Advocate for more First Nation, Inuit and Metis people in positions of decision-making in this country

Avoid usurping Indigenous voice. Create and hold space for it.

Avoid denying or minimalizing First Nation, Inuit and Metis peoples' experiences of racism in this country. Pay attention when you see and hear it, whether it is overt as shown in the attacks on Mi'kmaq fishers in Nova Scotia, Joyce Echaquan's death in Quebec, or the hand-cuffing of a grandfather and grand-daughter in British Columbia, or embedded in the daily experiences of First Nations, Inuit, and Metis peoples as we live daily in this country.

Commit to continual learning to widen the scope of what you know or to deepen your understanding. Learn something. Reflect on it. Share it. Ask yourself, "what can I learn next?".

In all, avoid the "Yes, but's...". Read, listen, reflect, act - repeat.

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It has been a week since the media shared information from the Tk'emlups te Secwepemc First Nation, that ground-penetrating radar had confirmed 215 bodies of children buried at the former Kamloops Indian Residential. I write this now in the place between sadness and anger.

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NCTR - National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation

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About the NCTR The NCTR is a place of learning and dialogue where the truths of the residential school experience will be honoured and kept safe for future generations. The most important service we provide is delivering Survivors and their families a record of their own history, a sacred bundle that the NCTR will protect

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Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act - Province of British Columbia

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The Declaration Act (2019) establishes the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as the Province’s framework for reconciliation, as called for by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Calls to Action. The Act creates a path forward that respects the human rights of Indig…

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Make sure to Open as a New Window in order to access all the sheets and catagories.

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Interpreting the Do No Harm guide through a Canadian context for Truth and Reconciliation - Voilà:

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How do we approach and present data responsibly, with intention and purpose? The Do No Harm Guide for data visualization, published by Jon Schwabish and Alice Feng (Urban Institute) earlier this year, presented a set

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Find information about the system of government in Canada and how it operates.

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Decision Time: Life as a Parliamentarian

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parliament "parliament of canada" youth "youth connection" senate "house of commons" library "library of parliament" democracy guide teacher "teacher's insti...

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This is the official YouTube Channel for the Parliament of Canada. Canada's Parliament is a democratic institution where Senators and Members of Parliament meet to represent the interests of Canadians. Parliamentarians work together in the Senate and House of Commons to create laws that impact the lives of Canadians.

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Parliament: The Virtual Reality Experience (360º video version)

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https://www.aci-iac.ca/education/teacher-resource-guides/

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Art Canada Institute - Institut de l'art canadien

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Canadian art is a door to learning about a wide range of subjects. The Art Canada Institute teacher resource guides presented here offer students the opportunity to study a multitude of subjects-from environmental awareness to activism, social justice to gender studies, politics to computer science (to name a few)-through the art and artists who have defined this country's visual culture. Following our provinces' education curricula, the teacher resource guides provide multidisciplinary learning activities that reveal how Canadian art powerfully reflects our world so we can better understand it. For activities specifically designed to be provided to students for online, at home learning, please consult the Independent Student Learning Activities.

Read More Learning Activities Related Subjects

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Canadian art is a door to learning about a wide range of subjects. The Art Canada Institute teacher resource guides presented here offer students the opportunity to study a multitude of subjects-from environmental awareness to activism, social justice to gender studies, politics to computer science (to name a few)-through the art and artists who have defined this country's visual culture.

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https://www.gallery.ca/

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The National Gallery of Canada is home to one of the finest collections of Indigenous and Canadian art in the world, and is dedicated to amplifying voices through art.