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https://www.sansimera.gr/biographies/2030

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Μαρία Κάλλας

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Μαρία Κάλλας

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https://www.sansimera.gr/biographies/732

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ΜΑΡΙΑ ΚΑΛΛΑΣ

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Simonde Beauvoir: η ιδρύτρια του φεμινισμού                                                 Ίσως το πιο αναγνωρίσιμο παράδειγμα γυναίκας που άλλαξε τον κόσμο. Κι αυτό γιατί χάρη στην ίδια μπορούμε να μιλάμε για φεμινισμό. Τα βιβλία τους αποτελούν τεράστιο κομμάτι για τη γυναικεία ύπαρξη, με πρώτο και ίσως σημαντικότερο το «Δεύτερο Φύλο». Γεννήθηκε το 1908 και παρά το πρώιμο στάδιο της κοινωνίας, η ίδια δεν σταμάτησε ποτέ να αποδεικνύει την ελεύθερη φύση της και φυσικά την πίστη της στις γυναίκας. Στα 21 της αποφασίζει να σπουδάσει φιλοσοφία στη Σορβόννη, όπου γνωρίζει τον αιώνιο σύντροφο της: Ζαν Πωλ Σαρτρ. Το διαδίκτυο βρίθει από ιστορίες, θρύλους αλλά και εκφράσεις που περιγράφουν όχι μόνο την ιδιότυπη–ακόμα και για τα σημερινά δεδομένα-φύση της σχέσης τους, αλλά πολύ περισσότερο την αξία της φιλοσοφίας και της διανόησής τους. 

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Simonde Beauvoir: η ιδρύτρια του φεμινισμού                                                 Ίσως το πιο αναγνωρίσιμο παράδειγμα γυναίκας που άλλαξε τον κόσμο. Κι αυτό γιατί χάρη στην ίδια μπορούμε να μιλάμε για φεμινισμό. Τα βιβλία τους αποτελούν τεράστιο κομμάτι για τη γυναικεία ύπαρξη, με πρώτο και ίσως σημαντικότερο το «Δεύτερο Φύλο». Γεννήθηκε το 1908 και παρά το πρώιμο στάδιο της κοινωνίας, η ίδια δεν σταμάτησε ποτέ να αποδεικνύει την ελεύθερη φύση της και φυσικά την πίστη της στις γυναίκας. Στα 21 της αποφασίζει να σπουδάσει φιλοσοφία στη Σορβόννη, όπου γνωρίζει τον αιώνιο σύντροφο της: Ζαν Πωλ Σαρτρ. Το διαδίκτυο βρίθει από ιστορίες, θρύλους αλλά και εκφράσεις που περιγράφουν όχι μόνο την ιδιότυπη–ακόμα και για τα σημερινά δεδομένα-φύση της σχέσης τους, αλλά πολύ περισσότερο την αξία της φιλοσοφίας και της διανόησής τους. 

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Γιορτάζουμε την Παγκόσμια Ημέρα της Γυναίκας με ένα αφιέρωμα σε γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο! Ποιες είναι και πώς άφησαν το σημάδι τους στην παγκόσμια μνήμη;

Valentina Tereshkova: η πρώτη γυναίκα αστροναύτης

Γεννήθηκε το 1937, στη Ρωσία. Εκπαιδεύτηκε κυρίως μέσω αλληλογραφίας και μεγαλώνοντας εξασκήθηκε στην πτήση με αλεξίπτωτο. Η εμπειρία της στην πτώση, της χάρισε μια θέση στο διαστημικό πρόγραμμα της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης. Ήταν Ιούνιος του 1963, όταν η Valentina Tereshkova, μετά από 18 μήνες εκπαίδευσης, έγινε η πρώτη γυναίκα που ταξίδευε στο διάστημα, με το διαστημόπλοιο Vostok 6. Δεν είχε κλείσει καν τα 26 της χρόνια! Στη συνέχεια της επαγγελματικής της πορείας απέκτησε διδακτορικό δίπλωμα στη μηχανική και άσκησε διάφορα πολιτικά αξιώματα, αφήνοντας τη δική της κληρονομιά. Το όνομά της φυσικά ακούγεται μέχρι σήμερα, με τη ζωή και το έργο της να γίνονται εκθέσεις, θεατρικά έργα αλλά και ντοκιμαντέρ!

Margaret Hamilton: χάρη στον κώδικά της πήγαμε στο φεγγάρι

Τα τελευταία χρόνια που η πληροφορική και ο κώδικας γίνονται όλο και πιο περιζήτητα, πολλοί δεν γνωρίζουν πως το Apollo 11 πραγματοποίησε την πτήση του χάρη στον κώδικα που ανέπτυξε η Margaret Hamilton. Η ίδια γεννήθηκε το 1936 και έχοντας ολοκληρώσει τις σπουδές της, βρέθηκε στο Εργαστήριο Charles Stark Draper του MIT, το οποίο μελετούσε τη διαστημική αποστολή του Apollo. Kατά τη διάρκεια της αποστολής του Apollo 11, επινόησε τον όρο "software engineering", ώστε η δουλειά της να ξεχωρίσει από αυτή των υπόλοιπων μηχανικών. Για την προσφορά της στην ανθρωπότητα έχει αποσπάσει διάφορα σημαντικά βραβεία, μεταξύ των οποίων και αυτό του Προεδρικού Μεταλλίου της Ελευθερίας το 2016 από τον Πρόεδρο των Η.Π.Α. Barack Obama.

Kathrine Switzer: η γυναίκα που έτρεξε πρώτη το μαραθώνιο της Βοστώνης

Μπορεί ο υπότιτλος για αυτή τη γυναίκα να μην καταδεικνύει σήμερα τη σημασία της νίκης της, αλλά για τη δεκαετία του '60 και την εξέλιξη των γυναικείων δικαιωμάτων, η πράξη της θεωρήθηκε ηρωική, κάνοντας την ίδια σύμβολο του σύγχρονου γυναικείου αγώνα. Ο μαραθώνιος της Βοστώνης, λοιπόν, ήταν κάποτε ένα ανδροκρατούμενο άθλημα. Η απόφαση της να τρέξει σε αυτόν, το 1967 δεν χαιρετίστηκε με χαρά. Για την ακρίβεια, κατά τη διάρκεια του αγώνα, ένας άντρας της επιτέθηκε προσπαθώντας να την κάνει να βγει εκτός. Γνώριζε πολύ καλά πως αν τα παρατούσε, οι γυναίκες δε θα καταλάβαιναν ποτέ πως και αυτές μπορούν να τρέξουν μεγάλες αποστάσεις. Και κάπως έτσι τα κατάφερε! Αξίζει να σημειωθεί πως η Kathrine Switzer επανέλαβε τον "άθλο" της πέρσι, το 2017, 50 χρόνια μετά την πρώτη της φορά και σε ηλικία 70 ετών, φορώντας μάλιστα το ίδιο νούμερο στην ενδυμασία της: 271!

Malala Yousafzai: Νόμπελ Ειρήνης για το δικαίωμα στην εκπαίδευση

Είναι μόλις 20 ετών και αποτελεί ήδη σύμβολο για χιλιάδες κορίτσια, καθώς από πολύ μικρή ηλικία ξεκίνησε τον αγώνα στο Πακιστάν για την υπεράσπιση του δικαιώματος των κοριτσιών στην εκπαίδευση. Η ίδια στοχοποιείται από τους Ταλιμπάν και της επιτίθενται με πυροβολισμούς. Δύο φίλες της τραυματίζονται και η ίδια υποβάλλεται σε πολλαπλές επεμβάσεις, καθώς έχει χτυπήσει στο κεφάλι, των ώμο και τον αυχένα. Στα 16α γενέθλια της, μίλησε για πρώτη φορά δημόσια μετά την επίθεση που δέχθηκε στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη, τα οποία απέδωσαν τη 12η Ιουλίου ως "Ημέρα της Malala". Το 2013 της απονεμήθηκε το Βραβείο Ζαχάρωφ κι ένα χρόνο αργότερα το Νόμπελ Ειρήνης για τον αγώνα της υπέρ του δικαιώματος των κοριτσιών στην εκπαίδευση. Εννοείται πως είναι ο μικρότερος ηλικιακά άνθρωπος που της απονέμεται αυτό το βραβείο!

Simonde Beauvoir: η ιδρύτρια του φεμινισμού

Ίσως το πιο αναγνωρίσιμο παράδειγμα γυναίκας που άλλαξε τον κόσμο. Κι αυτό γιατί χάρη στην ίδια μπορούμε να μιλάμε για φεμινισμό. Τα βιβλία τους αποτελούν τεράστιο κομμάτι για τη γυναικεία ύπαρξη, με πρώτο και ίσως σημαντικότερο το "Δεύτερο Φύλο". Γεννήθηκε το 1908 και παρά το πρώιμο στάδιο της κοινωνίας, η ίδια δεν σταμάτησε ποτέ να αποδεικνύει την ελεύθερη φύση της και φυσικά την πίστη της στις γυναίκας. Στα 21 της αποφασίζει να σπουδάσει φιλοσοφία στη Σορβόννη, όπου γνωρίζει τον αιώνιο σύντροφο της: Ζαν Πωλ Σαρτρ. Το διαδίκτυο βρίθει από ιστορίες, θρύλους αλλά και εκφράσεις που περιγράφουν όχι μόνο την ιδιότυπη-ακόμα και για τα σημερινά δεδομένα-φύση της σχέσης τους, αλλά πολύ περισσότερο την αξία της φιλοσοφίας και της διανόησής τους.

Μελίνα Μερκούρη: η Ελληνίδα που αγαπήθηκε παγκοσμίως

Μεγαλωμένη σε πολιτικό περιβάλλον, πριν την πολιτική, αγάπησε πρώτα το θέατρο και τον κινηματογράφο. Απόφοιτη της Δραματικής Σχολής του Εθνικού Θεάτρου, παίζει σε παραστάσεις "ιερών τεράτων", όπως ο Κάρολος Κουν και ο Ζυλ Ντασέν, με τον οποίο διατέλεσε το δεύτερο και τελευταίο γάμο της. Το ευρύ κοινό θα τη γνωρίσει μέσα από τη "Στέλλα" των Μιχάλη Κακογιάννη και Ιάκωβου Καμπανέλλη. Πέντε χρόνια αργότερα, το 1960, θα είναι υποψήφια για Όσκαρ με την ταινία "Ποτέ την Κυριακή". Τελικά, θα κερδίσει το Βραβείο Καλύτερης Ηθοποιού στις Κάννες. Την περίοδο της δικτατορίας στην Ελλάδα, βρίσκεται στο εξωτερικό και γίνεται μάχιμη εχθρός του καθεστώτος. Μετά την πτώση της χούντας, επιστρέφει στην Ελλάδα και αναπτύσσει την πολιτική της δράση, η οποία κορυφώνεται το 1981 όταν ορίζεται Υπουργός Πολιτισμού. Στη διάρκεια της θητείας της, ο ελληνικός πολιτισμός θα λάβει παγκόσμια προβολή με πρωταρχικό μέλημα της ίδιας την επιστροφή των γλυπτών του Παρθενώνα. Απεβίωσε μόλις δύο ημέρες πριν την Παγκόσμια Ημέρα της Γυναίκας, στις 6 Μαρτίου 1994. Μετά το θάνατο της, ο Ζυλ Ντασέν ιδρύει στην Αθήνα το Ίδρυμα Μελίνα Μερκούρη, το οποίο μέχρι και σήμερα προσφέρει ποικίλες πολιτιστικές δράσεις.

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γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο

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Γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο

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Γιορτάζουμε την Παγκόσμια Ημέρα της Γυναίκας με ένα αφιέρωμα σε γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο! Ποιες είναι και πώς άφησαν το σημάδι τους στην παγκόσμια μνήμη; Γεννήθηκε το 1937, στη Ρωσία. Εκπαιδεύτηκε κυρίως μέσω αλληλογραφίας και μεγαλώνοντας εξασκήθηκε στην πτήση με αλεξίπτωτο. Η εμπειρία της στην πτώση, της χάρισε μια θέση στο διαστημικό πρόγραμμα της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης.

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Μελίνα Μερκούρη 

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Μελίνα Μερκούρη 

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Η Μελίνα Μερκούρη υπήρξε η απόλυτη ελληνίδα σταρ του κινηματογράφου με διεθνή ακτινοβολία. Χαρισματική καλλιτέχνιδα με ισχυρή προσωπικότητα απέκτησε μεγάλη φήμη όχι μόνο ως ηθοποιός αλλά και ως πολιτικός με τον αγώνα της κατά της δικτατορίας των συνταγματαρχών, αλλά και με τις παρεμβάσεις της σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο ως υπουργός Πολιτισμού. Για να τιμήσει την «τελευταία ελληνίδα θεά», όπως την χαρακτήρισε ο διεθνής Τύπος, το ελληνικό υπουργείο Πολιτισμού κήρυξε το 2020 ως Έτος Μελίνας Μερκούρη με αφορμή την συμπλήρωση ενός αιώνα από την γέννησή της.
Πηγή: https://www.sansimera.gr/biographies/11

© SanSimera.gr

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Αμαλία Φλέμινγκ

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Αμαλία Φλέμινγκ

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Γεννήθηκε στην Κωνσταντινούπολη και σπούδασε Ιατρική στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών. Μετά τη λήψη του διδακτορικού της τίτλου, συνέχισε τις σπουδές της στο Παρίσι και το Λονδίνο. Ανέπτυξε αντιστασιακή δράση κατά τη διάρκεια της Κατοχής, ενώ το 1946 ξεκίνησε τη συνεργασία της με τον Νομπελίστα μικροβιολόγο Alexander Fleming, στο Wright Fleming Institute. Λίγα χρόνια μετά επέστρεψε στην Ελλάδα, όπου ανέλαβε τη διεύθυνση του Ευαγγελισμού. Ο γάμος της με τον Fleming κράτησε ελάχιστα, καθώς ο ίδιος έφυγε από τη ζωή το 1955. Η Χούντα των Συνταγματαρχών τη φυλάκισε το 1971, καθώς είχε αναπτύξει αντιδικτατορική δράση. Την κατηγόρησαν ότι σχεδίαζε την απόδραση του Αλέκου Παναγούλη και μετά από πολλές ημέρες ανάκρισης και βασανισμών την καταδίκασαν στο έκτακτο στρατοδικείο και της αφαίρεσαν την υπηκοότητα. Κατέφυγε στο Λονδίνο μέχρι την Μεταπολίτευση και με την επιστροφή της στην Ελλάδα εξελέγη βουλευτής. Όραμά της ήταν η δημιουργία του Ιδρύματος Βιοϊατρικών Επιστημών που φέρει το όνομα του συζύγου η της. Δεν πρόλαβε να δει το όραμά της να γίνεται πραγματικότητα, ωστόσο αυτό λειτούργησε μια δεκαετία μετά τον θάνατό της και μέχρι σήμερα θεωρείται ένα από τα πιο σημαντικά ερευνητικά ιδρύματα της χώρας.
Μαριλένα Τ.

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Καλλιρόη Παρρέν

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Καλλιρόη Παρρέν

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Γεννήθηκε στο Ρέθυμνο και μεγάλωσε στην Αθήνα, όπου σπούδασε παιδαγωγικά. Παντρεύτηκε τον Ιωάννη Παρρέν, ιδρυτή του Αθηναϊκού Πρακτορείου Ειδήσεων. Το 1887 έγινε η πρώτη Ελληνίδα δημοσιογράφος, εκδότρια και διευθύντρια εφημερίδας, καθώς ανέλαβε την έκδοση της εβδομαδιαίας εφημερίδας με τίτλο Εφημερίς των Κυριών. Ήταν ένα περιοδικό ποικίλης ύλης, με γυναίκες συντάκτριες, που διανεμόταν κυρίως στην Αθήνα και τον Πειραιά. Η Παρρέν στόχευε μέσα από την αρθρογραφία της να εισαγάγει την έννοια του φεμινισμού και της ισότητας των φύλων στην οπισθοδρομική ελληνική κοινωνία που ακροβατούσε ανάμεσα στην υπό εισαγωγή “ευρωπαϊκή νοοτροπία” και τις αξίες της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας από την οποία είχε αποσπαστεί μόλις λίγα χρόνια πριν. Η εφημερίδα τη σταμάτησε να εκδίδεται το 1918 όταν η Παρρέν εξορίστηκε στην Ύδρα για τα πολιτικά της φρονήματα. Δε σταμάτησε, όμως να εκπροσωπεί την Ελλάδα σε διεθνή συνέδρια, οργανώνοντας ένα σημαντικό δίκτυο επαφών στο πλαίσιο του οποίου στόχευε στην ενίσχυση του φεμινιστικού κινήματος με την απόκτηση έξωθεν βοήθειας. Ίδρυσε αρκετούς από τους πρώτους μη κυβερνητικούς, μη κερδοσκοπικούς οργανισμούς στην ιστορία του σύγχρονου ελληνικού κράτους, όπως τη “Σχολή της Κυριακής”, την “Ένωση υπέρ της Χειραφετήσεως των Γυναικών”, στο πλαίσιο της οποίας στόχευε στην κατάρτιση της Ελληνίδας, την “Ένωση των Ελληνίδων”, καθώς και το “Λύκειο των Ελληνίδων”, συμβάλλοντας σημαντικά στην καταγραφή και διατήρηση της ελληνικής πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς. Ο αγώνας της μαζί με τις συνεργάτιδές της στους πιο πάνω οργανισμούς κατάφερε την αλλαγή της νομοθεσίας από την κυβέρνηση του Θεόδωρου Δηλιγιάννη που επέτρεψε τη φοίτηση γυναικών στο Πανεπιστήμιο και το Πολυτεχνείο.
βλ. και https://el.wikipedia.org/wiki/%CE%9A%CE%B1%CE%BB%CE%BB%CE%B9%CF%81%CF%81%CF%8C%CE%B7_%CE%A0%CE%B1%CF%81%CF%81%CE%AD%CE%BD

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Η Μαρία Σκλοντόβσκα (αργότερα γνωστή ως Μαρί Κιουρί) επρόκειτο να μείνει στην ιστορία ως μία γυναίκα με τεράστιο κύρος στον επιστημονικό κόσμο. Παρά τις αντιξοότητες που συνόδευσαν τόσο τις προσπάθειές της να σπουδάσει όσο και την αναγνώρισή της ως ισότιμο μέλος της επιστημονικής κοινότητας, υπήρξε η πρώτη γυναίκα που βραβεύτηκε με βραβείο Νόμπελ, ο πρώτος άνθρωπος που κέρδισε δύο βραβεία Νόμπελ και ο μοναδικός άνθρωπος που έχει κερδίσει βραβεία Νόμπελ σε δύο διαφορετικά πεδία των φυσικών επιστημών!

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Η Elizabeth Blackwell ήταν η πρώτη γυναίκα που ήρθε σε πλήρη σύγκρουση με το κατεστημένο της εποχής και πήρε το πτυχίο της Ιατρικής. Ήταν εκείνη που οδήγησε στον εκσυγχρονισμό της Ιατρικής επιστήμης και  ως πρωτοπόρος άνοιξε τον δρόμο για εκατομμύρια άλλες γυναίκες ως σήμερα. Έτσι ώστε και εκείνες να μπορούν δώσουν τον όρκο του Ιπποκράτη
Μαριλένα Τ.

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Έμελιν Πάνκχερστ

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Έμελιν Πάνκχερστ

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https://www.bovary.gr/oramatistes/11245/emelin-pankherst-i-igetida-ton-soyfrazeton-poy-esteile-tis-gynaikes-gia-proti-fora

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Έμελιν Πάνκχερστ

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Γεννήθηκε το 1937 στην Ρωσία. είναι πρώην αστροναύτης που έγινε διάσημη ως η πρώτη γυναίκα στην Ιστορία που ταξίδεψε στο διάστημα. Αυτό το ταξίδι πραγματοποιήθηκε στις 16 ως 19 Ιουνίου 1963. Κατά τη διάρκεια της τριήμερης αποστολής της, πραγματοποίησε διάφορες δοκιμές και συνέλεξε στοιχεία για τις αντιδράσεις του γυναικείου σώματος στη διαστημική πτήση. Μετά το τέλος της διαστημικής της σταδιοδρομίας έγινε μέλος του Σοβιετικού Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος και κατέλαβε διάφορες πολιτικές θέσεις, ενώ ύστερα από τη διάλυση της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης δεν ασχολήθηκε πλέον με την πολιτική, αλλά εξακολουθεί να τιμάται ως ηρωίδα στη μετασοβιετική Ρωσία.

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Valentina Vladimirovna Tereshkova (born 6 March 1937) is a Russian engineer, member of the State Duma, and former Soviet cosmonaut. She was the first woman in space, having flown a solo mission on Vostok 6 on 16 June 1963. She orbited the Earth 48 times, spent almost three days in space, is the only woman to have been on a solo space mission and is the last surviving Vostok programme cosmonaut. She was the youngest woman to fly in space until 2023 when Anastatia Mayers flew on Galactic 02 at the age of 18. Since Mayers flew a suborbital mission, Tereshkova remains the youngest woman to fly in Earth orbit.

Before her selection for the Soviet space programme, Tereshkova was a textile factory worker and an amateur skydiver. She joined the Air Force as part of the Cosmonaut Corps and was commissioned as an officer after completing her training. After the dissolution of the first group of female cosmonauts in 1969, Tereshkova remained in the space programme as a cosmonaut instructor. She later graduated from the Zhukovsky Air Force Engineering Academy and re-qualified for spaceflight, but never went to space again. She retired from the Air Force in 1997 having attained the rank of major general.

Tereshkova was a prominent member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, holding various political offices including being a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet from 1974 to 1989. She remained politically active following the collapse of the Soviet Union but twice lost elections to the national State Duma in 1995 and 2003. Tereshkova was later elected in 2008 to her regional parliament, the Yaroslavl Oblast Duma. In 2011, she was elected to the national State Duma as a member of the ruling United Russia party and was re-elected in 2016 and 2021.

She has the federal state civilian service rank of 1st class Active State Councillor of the Russian Federation. In 2022, she voted for the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which led to numerous Western sanctions against her.

Valentina Tereshkova was born on 6 March 1937 in the Bolshoye Maslennikovo, a village on the Volga River 270 kilometres (170 mi) northeast of Moscow and part of the Yaroslavl Oblast in central Russia. Her parents had migrated from Belarus. Her father, Vladimir Tereshkov, was a former tractor driver and a sergeant in command of a tank in the Soviet Army. He died in the Finnish Winter War when Tereshkova was two years of age. He and her mother Elena Fyodorovna Tereshkova had three children. After her father's death, her mother moved the family to Yaroslavl, seeking better employment opportunity, and became employed at the Krasny Perekop cotton mill.

Tereshkova was first enrolled in school at age 8 and graduated at 16. She began working at a tire factory, and later at a textile mill, but continued her education by taking correspondence courses and graduated from the Light Industry Technical School in 1960. Tereshkova also became interested from a young age in parachuting, and trained in skydiving at the local Aeroclub, making her first jump at age 22, on 21 May 1959. While still employed as a textile worker, she trained as a competitive parachutist, keeping this a secret from her family. Tereshkova also joined the local Komsomol (Communist Youth League) in Yaroslavl, serving as the secretary of the organisation in 1960 and 1961. She became a member of the Communist Party in 1962.

Tereshkova in January 1963

Tereshkova had not expressed any particular desire to go into space before being recruited, Rather, her experience at skydiving contributed to her selection as a cosmonaut. After the flight of Yuri Gagarin in 1961, Nikolai Kamanin, director of cosmonaut training, read in the American media that female pilots were training to be astronauts. In his diary, he wrote, "We cannot allow that the first woman in space will be American. This would be an insult to the patriotic feelings of Soviet women." Approval was granted to place five female cosmonauts in the next group, which would begin training in 1963. To increase the odds of sending a Soviet woman into space first, the women cosmonauts began their training before the men. The rules required that the potential cosmonaut be a parachutist under 30 years of age, less than 170 cm (5 ft 7 in) in height, no more than 70 kg (154 lb) in weight. By January 1962, the All-Union Voluntary Society for Assistance to the Army, Air Force and Navy ( DOSAAF) had selected 400 candidates for consideration. After the initial screening, 58 of those candidates met the requirements, which Kamanin reduced to 23. On 16 February 1962, Tereshkova was selected, along with four other candidates, to join the female cosmonaut corps.

Since they had no military experience, they started with the rank of private in the Soviet Air Forces. Training included isolation tests, centrifuge tests, thermo-chamber tests, decompression chamber testing, and pilot training in MiG-15UTI jet fighters. Tereshkova underwent water recovery training at sea, as part of which several motorboats were used to agitate the water, in order to simulate the rough conditions of space travel. She also began studying at the Zhukovsky Air Force Engineering Academy and graduated a few years after her flight. The group spent several months in basic training and, after they finished their training and passed an examination, Kamanin offered them the option to be commissioned as regular Air Force officers. With advice from the male cosmonauts, they chose to accept Kamanin's offer, as it would make it harder for the programme to get rid of them after the first flight. All five women became junior lieutenants in the Air Force in December 1962. Tatyana Kuznetsova became ineligible for the first flight due to illness, and Zhanna Yorkina was performing poorly in training, leaving Tereshkova, Irina Solovyova, and Valentina Ponomaryova as the leading candidates.

Tereshkova and Valery Bykovsky a few weeks before their mission

Originally, a joint mission profile was developed that would involve launching two women into space, on solo Vostok flights, on consecutive days in March or April 1963. It was intended that Tereshkova would launch first, in Vostok 5, while Ponomaryova would follow her into orbit in Vostok 6. However, this flight plan was altered in March 1963. Vostok 5 would now carry a male cosmonaut, Valery Bykovsky, flying alongside a woman aboard Vostok 6, both to be launched in June 1963. The State Space Commission, at their meeting on 21 May, nominated Tereshkova to pilot Vostok 6. Kamanin called her "Gagarin in a skirt." Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was happy with the propaganda potential of her selection, since she was the daughter of a collective farm worker who had died in the Winter War; he confirmed her selection. Solovyova was appointed as her first backup. Tereshkova was promoted to lieutenant before her flight and to captain mid-flight.

Vostok 6 capsule on temporary display in the Science Museum, London in 2016

After the successful launch of Vostok 5 on 14 June, Tereshkova began final preparations for her own flight. On the morning of 16 June 1963, Tereshkova and her backup Solovyova were both dressed in spacesuits and taken to the launch pad by bus. Following the tradition set by Gagarin, Tereshkova also urinated on the bus tire, becoming the first woman to do so. After completing her communication- and life-support checks, she was sealed inside the Vostok. After a two-hour countdown, Vostok 6 launched faultlessly, and Tereshkova became the first woman in space; she remains the only woman to have flown into space solo, and, at 26 years of age, the youngest. Her call sign on this flight was Chaika (Russian: Чайка, 'Seagull'); in commemoration, this name was later bestowed on an asteroid, 1671 Chaika. After her launch, she radioed down:

It is I, Seagull! Everything is fine. I see the horizon; it's a sky blue with a dark strip. How beautiful the Earth is ... everything is going well.

Vostok 6 was the final Vostok flight and was launched two days after Vostok 5 which carried Bykovsky into a five-day mission. The two vessels spent three days in orbital planes 30° apart and, during Tereshkova's first orbit, approached each other to within 5 km (3.1 mi). Although they were able to communicate by radio, neither could be sure if they saw each other. Cameras placed inside both the spacecraft transmitted live footage that was broadcast on Soviet state television. Tereshkova also maintained a flight log and took photographs of the horizon, which were later used to identify aerosol layers within the atmosphere.

In this single flight, she logged more flight time than the combined times of all American astronauts who had flown before that date. Her mission was used to continue the medical studies on humans in spaceflight and offered comparative data about the effects of space travel on women. Although Tereshkova experienced nausea and physical discomfort for much of the flight, she orbited the earth 48 times and spent 2 days, 22 hours, and 50 minutes in space.

As planned in all Vostok missions, Tereshkova ejected from the capsule during its descent at about four miles above the Earth and made a parachute landing 620 km (385 mi) north-east of Karaganda, Kazakhstan at 8:20 am UTC on 19 June. Bykovsky landed three hours after her.

Tereshkova later disclosed that she encountered challenges in managing her parachute due to violent gusts of wind. However, she landed safely but received a bruise on her nose, then she had dinner with some local villagers in the Altai Krai who helped her to get out of her spacesuit.

Yuri Gagarin, Pavel Popovich, Tereshkova, and Nikita Khrushchev at Lenin's Mausoleum on 22 June 1963

According to the Russian newspaper , one million flowers were brought in to celebrate the success of the dual flights and greet the cosmonauts in Moscow. On 22 June 1963, Khrushchev greeted Bykovsky dressed in his uniform who saluted while Khrushchev hugged and kissed Tereshkova who was dressed in civilian attire. In front of the thousands in attendance, the Premier also announced that both the cosmonauts were awarded the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. All three made speeches from atop Lenin's Tomb on the Red Square; Tereshkova said, "my father perished defending our country and my mother brought up her three children. We know the bitterness of that war. We don't need war," referring to the anniversary of the German invasion of Russia that began 22 years ago that day. Sometime after her mission, she was reportedly asked how the Soviet Union should thank her for her service to the country; Tereshkova requested that the government search for and publish the location of where her father was killed in action. This was done, and a monument was erected at the site in the Lemetti, Karelia-now on the Russian side of the border. The evening of 22 June, a reception was held in the Kremlin in which both Bykovsky and Tereshkova were awarded the Order of Lenin.

Tereshkova visiting the Lvov confectionery, Ukrainian SSR, 1967

Less than a week after her return from space, Moscow hosted the International Women's Congress on 24 June where Tereshkova and Bykovsky were greeted by a gathering of about 2,000 women from 119 countries. Of all the Russian cosmonauts, Tereshkova received the most requests to visit foreign nations. Her trips in particular required pre-approval from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense, and the KGB and were ultimately authorized by the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, the highest political bureau in the Soviet Union.

All the Vostok cosmonauts toured extensively, but Tereshkova most of all; she made 42 trips abroad between 1963 and 1970. On 1 October 1963, Tereshkova arrived in Havana, Cuba, and met Fidel Castro. She toured the country which at the time was dealing with effects of Hurricane Flora. The following month she presented a silver cup, which went to the team from the Soviet Union who won gold in all five boat classes, at the women's 1963 European Rowing Championships held in Khimki near Moscow. By February 1964, Tereshkova was pregnant when she visited Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom who was also pregnant at the time. Except for a few-months break that year, Tereshkova went on a continuous and exhausting world tour, returning to her public duties only two months after the birth of her daughter.

After her spaceflight, Tereshkova became a national and international role model. She received "congratulatory telegrams and letters... from around the world." These telegrams express the impact that Tereshkova had on other countries, outside the Soviet Union. Women were particularly excited about her flight. For example, in New Delhi, Tereshkova was a "feminist standard bearer bringing a message of hope for 'enslaved' Indian womanhood."

Tereshkova was a well-known representative of the Soviet Union abroad. She became a member of the World Peace Council in 1966 and a member of the Yaroslavl Soviet in 1967. She was also the Soviet representative to the UN Conference for the International Women's Year in Mexico City in 1975. She led the Soviet delegation to the World Conference on Women in Copenhagen and was "interested in socialist internationalism and women's roles in guaranteeing world peace". Tereshkova was also chosen for several political positions; she was a member of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union (1966-1974), a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (1969-1991), and a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet (1974-1989). She was appointed vice president of the International Woman's Democratic Federation and president of the Soviet-Algerian Friendship Society.

Tereshkova with American communist Angela Davis in 1973, East Berlin, East Germany

Although she desired to continue pursuing a career as a cosmonaut and engineer, her superiors had a different plan for her in politics. Following Gagarin's death, the Soviet space program was not willing to risk losing another hero. Against her wishes, she was appointed as the leader of the Committee for Soviet Women in 1968. A few months after she graduated with honours from the Zhukovsky Air Force Engineering Academy in October 1969, the team of women cosmonauts was disbanded and a woman would not go to space again until Svetlana Savitskaya in 1982.

By 1976, Tereshkova was a colonel in the Soviet Air Forces. In April 1977, she earned a doctorate in aeronautical engineering and underwent the medical examinations to qualify for spaceflight when selection of a new class of women cosmonauts was announced in 1978. Although she did not go to space again, she remained an instructor at the Yuri Gagarin Cosmonaut Training Center.

Tereshkova with South Korean President Moon Jae-in in the Russian State Duma, 2018

She remained politically active following the collapse of the Soviet Union but lost elections to the national State Duma during 1995. In the year 1995, Tereshkova was promoted to an honorary rank of major general. On 28 April 1997, she left the Russian Air Force due to reaching the age of compulsory retirement at 60 years old. In 2003, Tereshkova ran again for a seat in the State Duma. In 2007, Tereshkova was invited to Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's residence in Novo-Ogaryovo for the celebration of her 70th birthday. While there she said that she would like to fly to Mars, even if it meant that it was a one-way trip. She was later elected during 2008 to her regional parliament, the Yaroslavl Oblast Duma.

On 4 December 2011, Tereshkova was elected to the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian legislature, as a representative of the Yaroslavl Oblast and a member of the United Russia party. In the 6th State Duma, together with Yelena Mizulina, Irina Yarovaya and Andrey Skoch, she was a member of the inter-factional committee for the protection of Christian values. In this capacity, she supported the introduction of amendments to the preamble of Constitution of Russia, to add that "Orthodoxy is the basis of Russia's national and cultural identity". These views stand in opposition to atheist views Tereshka espoused during the Soviet era that were aligned with the official Communist Party line at the time, such as calling religion "a big evil".

On 18 September 2016, Tereshkova was re-elected to the 7th State Duma. She serves as deputy chairperson of the Committee on the Federal Structure and Local Government.

During the drafting process for the 2020 amendments to the Constitution of Russia, she proposed to lift the term limits for president Putin.

In response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Office of Foreign Assets Control of the United States Department of the Treasury added Tereshkova to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List on 30 September 2022, which results in her assets being frozen and U.S. persons being prohibited from dealing with her. In December 2022, the European Union (EU) had placed sanctions on various Russian media personalities and politicians including Tereshkova, which involves freezing assets and banning them from entering EU member states.

Tereshkova and Andriyan Nikolayev's wedding ceremony, 3 November 1963

Valentina married cosmonaut Andriyan Nikolayev on 3 November 1963 at the Moscow Wedding Palace with Khrushchev presiding at the wedding party together with top government and space programme leaders. The marriage was encouraged by the Soviet space authorities as a "fairy-tale message to the country". General Kamanin, head of the space programme, described it as "probably useful for politics and science". On 8 June 1964, nearly one year after her space flight, she gave birth to their daughter Elena Andrianovna Nikolaeva-Tereshkova, the first person whose parents had both travelled into space.

Later in their marriage, the couple grew apart and refused to even stand next to each other in photographs. Tereshkova told the biographer Antonella Kerr that the marriage ended in 1977; she and Nikolayev divorced in 1982 and Tereshkova married Yuli Shaposhnikov, a surgeon she had met during her medical examinations to re-qualify as a cosmonaut. They remained married until Shaposhnikov's death in 1999.

Tereshkova in uniform in 1969

Tereshkova among delegates at the 24th Congress of the CPSU, 1971

Order of Gagarin (2023)

Certificates of appreciation from the Government of the Russian Federation;

3 March 1997, - for the contribution to the development of space, the strengthening of international scientific and cultural ties and years of diligent work

12 June 2003, - for large contribution to the development of crewed space flight

16 June 2008, - for long-term fruitful state and public activities, considerable personal contribution to the development of crewed space flight and in connection with the 45th anniversary of spaceflight

1963 Russian postage stamp

Soviet-era matryoshka doll celebrating Tereshkova

Numerous objects and places were named after Tereshkova in the USSR and Russia.

Novopromyshna Square in Tver was renamed Tereshkova Square in 1963.

In 1967, Gregory Postnikov created a sculpture of Tereshkova for Cosmonaut Alley in Moscow. There is a monument in Bayevsky District of Altai Territory, Siberia, close to her landing place of 53°N, 80°E. In August 1970, Tereshkova was among the first group of living people to have a lunar crater named after them. Tereshkova crater is located on the far side of the Moon.

None of the other four in Tereshkova's early group flew and, in October 1969, the pioneering female cosmonaut group was dissolved. Even though there were plans for further flights by women, it took 19 years until the second woman, Svetlana Savitskaya, flew into space.

In 1997, London-based electronic pop group Komputer released a song entitled "Valentina" which gives a more-or-less direct account of her career as a cosmonaut. It was released as a single and appears on their album The World of Tomorrow. The 2000 album Vostok 6 by Kurt Swinghammer is a concept album about Tereshkova. The 2015 album The Race for Space by Public Service Broadcasting also has a song featuring the Smoke Fairies entitled "Valentina". In the same year, Findlay Napier's album VIP: Very Interesting Persons included a song "Valentina", written in her honour by Napier and Boo Hewerdine. In 2015, a short film entitled Valentina's Dream was released by Meat Bingo Productions. The film stars Rebecca Front as Tereshkova and is based on an interview by the former cosmonaut where she expressed a desire to journey to Mars.

The Cosmos Museum was opened 25 January 1975 near Yaroslavl. Among its exhibits is a replica of her childhood home. The city library was named after her in 2013. The school she attended as a child was renamed for her. A planetarium in Yaroslavl was built and named for her in 2011. The International Women of the Year association named her as the "greatest woman achiever of the 20th century". Tereshkova was a torchbearer of the 2008 Summer Olympics torch relay in Saint Petersburg and the 2014 Winter Olympics torch relay in Sochi.

Streets in Ukraine that bore Tereshkova's name have been renamed due to her support of Russia's military actions against Ukraine and in accordance with the country's 2015 decommunisation law. A proposal was also brought forward in 2015 to move a monument to Tereshkova in Lviv, Ukraine to the Territory of Communist Terror Memorial Museum. Monuments of communist leaders are removed from the public and placed in the museum as part of decommunization efforts. In January 2021, 24 Ukrainian streets were still named after Tereshkova; including a street in Busk, located in the same province as Lviv. As of 2023, these streets have acquired new names, and there are no more objects named after Tereshkova in Ukraine. The monument to Tereshkova in Lviv was dismantled in November 2023 and transferred to the Museum of Totalitarian Regimes.

Abramov, Anatoly Petrovich (2022). I Look Back and Have No Regrets. "New format" Barnaul. ISBN 978-5-00202-034-8.

Eidelman, Tamara (May-June 2003). "The Extraordinary Destiny of an 'Ordinary' Woman". Russian Life. Vol. 46, no. 3. p. 19.

Eidelman, Tamara (May-June 2008). "The First Woman in Space". Russian Life. Vol. 51, no. 3. pp. 19-21.

Gauthier, Daniel (July-August 1991). "Valentina Vladimirovna Tereshkova". Ad Astra. Vol. 3, no. 6. p. 29.

Griswold, Robert (Summer 2012). "'Russian Blonde in Space': Soviet Women in the American Imagination, 1950-1965". Journal of Social History. 45 (4): 881-907. doi:10.1093/jsh/shr147. S2CID 143881424.

Lopota, C. A., ed. (2014). "S. P. Korolev". Encyclopedia of Life and Creativity. RSC Energia. S. P. Korolev978-5-906674-04-3.

Lothian, Antonella (1993). Valentina: The First Woman in Space. The Pentland Press. ISBN 978-1-85821-064-3.

O'Neil, Bill (14 August 1993). "Whatever Became of Valentina Tereshkova?". New Scientist. Vol. 139, no. 1886. p. 21.

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Sharpe, Mitchell R. (1975). "It Is I, Sea Gull": Valentina Tereshkova, First Woman in Space. Crowell. ISBN 978-0-690-00646-9.

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Valentina Vladimirovna Tereshkova (born 6 March 1937) is a Russian engineer, member of the State Duma, and former Soviet cosmonaut. She was the first woman in space, having flown a solo mission on Vostok 6 on 16 June 1963.

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Η Μπεναζίρ γεννήθηκε στο Πακιστάν το 1953, από πολιτική οικογένεια. Σπούδασε στο Χάρβαρντ και στην Οξφόρδη νομική, φιλοσοφία και οικονομικά.  Αρχικά δεν είχε σκοπό να ασχοληθεί με την πολιτική, ύστερα όμως αναμείχθηκε. Πρώτα έγινε ηγέτης του Λαϊκού Κόμματος του Πακιστάν στην Αγγλία. Στην συνέχεια επέστρεψε στην χώρα και το 1988 εκλέχθηκε πρωθυπουργός. Έγινε έτσι η πρώτη γυναίκα πρωθυπουργός Ισλαμικής χώρας στην ιστορία.

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Benazir Bhutto ( Sindhi: بينظير ڀُٽو‎; ; Urdu pronunciation: [beːnəˈziːr ˈbʱʊʈ.ʈoː]; 21 June 1953 - 27 December 2007) was a Pakistani politician who served as Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996. She was the first woman to head a democratic government in a Muslim majority nation. Ideologically a liberal and a secularist, she chaired or co-chaired the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) from the early 1980s until her assassination in 2007.

Of mixed Sindhi and Kurdish parentage, Bhutto was born in Karachi to a politically important, wealthy aristocratic family. Her father, the PPP's founder, and leader Zulfikar, was elected Prime Minister on a socialist platform in 1973. Bhutto studied at Harvard University and the University of Oxford, where she was President of the Oxford Union. She returned to Pakistan in 1977, shortly before her father was ousted in a military coup and executed. Bhutto and her mother Nusrat took control of the PPP and led the country's Movement for the Restoration of Democracy; Bhutto was repeatedly imprisoned by Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's military government and then exiled to Britain in 1984. She returned in 1986 and-influenced by Thatcherite economics-transformed the PPP's platform from a socialist to a liberal one, before leading it to victory in the 1988 election. As Prime Minister, her attempts at reform were stifled by conservative and Islamist forces, including President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and the powerful military. Her administration was accused of corruption and nepotism and dismissed by Khan in 1990. Intelligence services rigged that year's election to ensure a victory for the conservative Islamic Democratic Alliance (IJI), at which Bhutto became Leader of the Opposition.

After the IJI government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was also dismissed on corruption charges, Bhutto led the PPP to victory in the 1993 elections. Her second term oversaw economic privatization and attempts to advance women's rights. Her government was damaged by several controversies, including the assassination of her brother Murtaza, a failed 1995 coup d'état, and a further bribery scandal involving her and her husband Asif Ali Zardari; in response to the latter, the President again dismissed her government. The PPP lost the 1997 election and in 1998 she went into self-exile in Dubai, leading her party mainly through proxies. A widening corruption inquiry culminated in a 2003 conviction in a Swiss court. Following United States-brokered negotiations with President Pervez Musharraf, she returned to Pakistan in 2007 to compete in the 2008 elections; her platform emphasized civilian oversight of the military and opposition to growing Islamist violence. After a political rally in Rawalpindi, she was assassinated. The Salafi jihadi group al-Qaeda claimed responsibility, although the involvement of the Pakistani Taliban and rogue elements of the intelligence services was widely suspected. She was buried at her family mausoleum.

Bhutto was a controversial figure. She was often criticized as being politically inexperienced and corrupt, and faced much opposition from Pakistan's Islamist lobby for her secularist and modernizing agenda. In the early years of her career she was nevertheless domestically popular and also attracted support from Western nations, for whom she was a champion of democracy. Posthumously, she came to be regarded as an icon for women's rights due to her political success in a male-dominated society.

Bhutto was born on 21 June 1953 in the Pakistani city of Karachi. Her father was the politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and her mother was Begum Nusrat Ispahani, of Iranian Kurdish parentage. Zulfikar was the son of Shah Nawaz Bhutto, a prominent politician who had served as Prime Minister of the Junagadh State. The Bhuttos were aristocratic, wealthy landlords from Sindh, part of the or landed gentry. They were Sunni Muslims, although Nusrat had been born into a Shia Muslim family before converting to Sunnism on her marriage. The couple had married in September 1951, and Benazir was their first child. She was given the name of an aunt who had died young. The Bhutto's three younger children were Murtaza (born 1954), Sanam (1957), and Shahnawaz (1958). When Shah Nawaz died in 1957, Zulfikar inherited the family's land holdings, making him extremely wealthy.

Benazir's first language was English; as a child she spoke Urdu less frequently, and barely spoke the local Sindhi language. Benazir initially attended the Lady Jennings Nursery School in Karachi. She was then sent to the Convent of Jesus and Mary in Karachi and from there to the Jesus and Mary Convent, a boarding school in Murree. Murree is near the border with India, and during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 Bhutto and the other pupils underwent air-raid practices. Taking her exams in December 1968, Bhutto passed her O-levels with high grades.

When Bhutto was five, her father became the cabinet minister for energy, and when she was nine he became the country's foreign minister. From an early age, she was exposed to foreign diplomats and figures who were visiting her father, among them Zhou Enlai, Henry Kissinger, and Hubert Humphrey. When she was thirteen, he resigned from the government and a year later established his own political party, the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). The PPP used the motto "Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our economy. All power to the people." It employed a populist strategy to attract votes, promising "roti, kapra aur makan" (bread, clothes, and housing) for every Pakistani and insisting that the disputed territory of Kashmir would be transferred from Indian to Pakistani control. Benazir immediately joined. Amid riots against the government of President Ayub Khan, in 1968 Zulfikar was arrested and imprisoned for three months, during which he wrote to Benazir to encourage her studies.

From 1969 to 1973, Bhutto studied for an undergraduate degree at Radcliffe College, Harvard University. She started when she was sixteen, which was younger than normal, but Zulfikar had pulled strings to allow her premature admittance. Zulfikar asked his friend John Kenneth Galbraith, an economics professor at Harvard who had formerly been a U.S. ambassador to India, to be her local guardian. Through him, Bhutto met his son Peter Galbraith, who became a lifelong friend. Murtaza joined Bhutto at Harvard a year later. Bhutto found it difficult adjusting to life in the United States. A fellow student said she "cried most of her first semester", although Bhutto later called her time at Harvard "four of the happiest years of my life". She became a campus tour guide and the social secretary of her dormitory, Eliot House. She involved herself in campaigns against American involvement in the Vietnam War, joining a Moratorium Day protest on Boston Common. She encountered activists involved in second wave feminism although was sceptical of some of the views expressed within the movement. At Harvard, Bhutto majored in comparative government and graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in 1973.

In 1971, while she was at Harvard, Zulfikar invited her to join him in New York City, where he was involved in a United Nations Security Council meeting on that year's Indo-Pakistani War. In December 1971, Zulfikar assumed the presidency of Pakistan, the first democratically elected leader after 13 years of military rule. In 1972, Benazir accompanied her father to the India-Pakistan Summit in Simla as a replacement for her mother, who was ill. There, she was introduced to the Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. While in Simla, she attracted much attention from both local and national Indian press, the first time she received such notice. She attributed this to the fact that-in her words-she "symbolized a new generation. I had never been an Indian. I had been born in independent Pakistan. I was free of the complexes and prejudices which had torn Indians and Pakistanis apart in the bloody trauma of partition." In 1974, she was flown to Lahore to accompany her father at the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation's summit. Here, she met a number of the assembled senior Muslim world leaders, who included Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, Egypt's Anwar Sadat, Syria's Hafez al-Assad, Saudi Arabia's Faisal, and Jordan's Hussein.

In autumn 1973, Bhutto relocated to the United Kingdom and began studying for a second undergraduate degree, in Philosophy, Politics and Economics, at Lady Margaret Hall, University of Oxford. After three years, she received a second-class degree. At her father's insistence, she remained in Oxford to study for a one-year postgraduate degree, reading international law and diplomacy; at this point she attended St Catherine's College, Oxford. One of her fellow students at Oxford stated that there, she "epitomized the classic spoilt rich girl from a third world country". She nevertheless made friends, who later described her as a humorous and intellectually curious individual. In 1977, she was elected President of the Oxford Union debating society, the first Asian woman to hold that post. After her three-month term was up, she was succeeded by her close friend, Victoria Schofield. Bhutto was also active in the local Conservative Association and it is through this connection that she is widely believed to have introduced future British Prime Minister, Theresa May, to her future husband Philip May. Despite the ongoing tensions between Pakistan and India, she interacted socially with Indian students, and while at Oxford also made proposals of marriage to two fellow Pakistani students, but was rebuffed on both occasions. Bhutto biographer Brooke Allen thought that her time at Oxford was "almost certainly the happiest, most carefree time of her life".

At Oxford, she led a campaign calling for the university to give her father an honorary degree; she gained the support of her father's old tutor, the historian Hugh Trevor Roper. Bhutto's campaign was opposed by counter-protests, who believed that her father's supposed involvement in the persecution of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and atrocities during the Bangladesh Liberation War made him unsuitable. Ultimately, the university declined to award the honorary degree. In later years, Bhutto acknowledged that at this time she had been ignorant of the Pakistani Army's complicity in the atrocities in Bangladesh, although always maintained that her father was blameless on the issue. After her Oxford education, she returned to Pakistan in June 1977, where she was scheduled to work at the Prime Minister's office and the "Inter-Provincial Council of Common Interests" during the rest of the summer. Intent on a career in the Pakistani Foreign Service, she was scheduled to take the service's entrance exams later in the year.

In July 1977, Zulfikar Bhutto-who had just been re-elected in a general election-was overthrown in a military coup led by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the Chief of Army Staff. Both Zulfikar and Benazir believed that Zia's coup had been assisted by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA); Zulfikar claimed that in a 1976 meeting, U.S. diplomat Henry Kissinger had told him that the U.S. would make "a horrible example" of him if he did not terminate Pakistan's efforts to build a nuclear bomb. Now in control of the country, Zia suspended the constitution, and initiated a regime that combined military rule with social programs designed to further the Islamization of Pakistani society according to Islamic fundamentalist principles. Socialists, intellectuals, and journalists were arrested. Zulfikar, too, was arrested, initially for less than a month. After a crowd of over one million people greeted Zulfikar's release in Karachi and demonstrations were held in support of the ousted president, Zia decided to eliminate him permanently.

In September, Zulfikar was re-arrested and charged with the 1974 murder of Muhammad Ahmed Khan Kasuri, the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a vocal critic of Zulfikar's government. After the coup, Bhutto's brothers were sent abroad to canvass international support for their father. Bhutto and her mother remained in Pakistan, although they were repeatedly detained for short periods. When she was able, Bhutto visited her father in prison. She and her mother put out a book about their father and encouraged PPP supporters to demonstrate in support of him. She also assisted in the preparation of his defence case, which was put before first the Lahore High Court, which sentenced him to death, and then the Supreme Court, which upheld that decision. Former U.S. attorney general Ramsey Clark attended the trial, relating that it was a kangaroo court and that Zulfikar did not receive a fair trial. Just before his execution, Zulfikar urged his wife and daughter to leave Pakistan, but they refused. He was executed by hanging in April 1979. Bhutto and Nusrat were then imprisoned for six months, before being released and placed under house arrest for a further six months. The two women were only fully released in April 1980.

After the coup, Zulfikar had appointed his wife co-chair of the PPP, while in October 1977 Benazir was appointed to the PPP's central committee. After Zulfikar's death, Benazir replaced his role in the party, becoming its co-leader. In February 1981, she formally established the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD), a group that brought together the PPP with other political parties in the country: the Pakistan Muslim League, Pakistan Democratic Party, Pakistan MazdoorKisan Party, National Awami Party, QuomiMahaz-e-Azadi, Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam, and the Tahrik-i-Istiqlal. The MRD called for a four-point program: an end to martial law, the restoration of the 1973 constitution, parliamentary elections, and the transfer of political power from the military to the elected representatives.[citation needed ] There was nevertheless much mutual suspicion among the parties in the MRD, with Bhutto having reluctantly allowed groups that firmly opposed her father's government to join.

Her brothers, Murtaza and Shahnawaz, turned to paramilitary action, founding the Al Zulfikar group which trained its members to carry out acts of assassination and sabotage to oust the military government. After Al Zulfikar orchestrated the 1981 Pakistan International Airlines hijacking, the government used this as the pretext for re-arresting Bhutto and her mother in March. Bhutto disapproved of the hijacking, believing that it strengthened Zia's hand. In July 1981, Nusrat was released so that she could seek medical treatment for cancer abroad, but Bhutto was not. She was kept for a time in Karachi before being moved to Sukkur prison and then back again to Karachi. During much of this period, she was held in solitary confinement, and experienced a range of health problems, including hair loss, gynaecological issues, and anorexia. In December, she was moved into house arrest, where she would remain for two years. In the United States-a key ally of Zia's regime-Peter Galbraith helped rally support for Bhutto, including the politicians Claiborne Pell and James Buckley. When Zia visited Washington D.C. in December 1982, they raised the issue of Bhutto's imprisonment with him. As international pressure mounted, the Pakistani government agreed to release her,[citation needed ] placing her on a flight to Geneva in January 1984.

From Geneva, Bhutto proceeded to the United Kingdom, undergoing surgery on her mastoid before renting a flat in London's Barbican Estate. There, she socialised with friends, going shopping, hosting dinner parties, and visiting the cinema. One friend said that after her time in prison she remained in "a mildly traumatized state, jumping at sudden noise and worrying about who might be spying on her". In March, Bhutto visited New York City and Washington D.C., where she met with media figures and middle-ranking government officials but was kept at bay by the administration of President Ronald Reagan. Over the coming few years, Bhutto made several additional visits to the United States, spoke to the European Parliament in Strasbourg, visited the Soviet Union, and undertook the Umrah pilgrimage to Mecca.

While in exile, Benazir became a rallying point for the PPP. Her flat became the unofficial headquarters of its members in exile; these volunteers devoted themselves to raising international awareness of the political prisoners being held by Zia's regime. Although she was the party's acting chairperson, many of its elder members were unhappy with this situation, believing her insufficiently committed to socialism and fearing that the party would become nothing more than a Bhutto family fiefdom. Murtaza believed that it was he, and not Benazir, who was their father's designated political heir; as evidence, he cited that he had been asked to manage his father's Larkana constituency in the 1977 general election. Bhutto biographer Shyam Bhatia thought that this was probably Zulfikar's intention, as the latter would have recognized the significant impediments to a woman being elected leader in a conservative Islamic society like Pakistan. Benazir nevertheless maintained that her father had always wanted her to become a politician.

In July 1985, Shahnawaz died under unexplained circumstances in the French city of Cannes. Bhutto varyingly claimed that Shahnawaz had been murdered by his wife, Raehana, or had been killed on the orders of Zia. Zia's government allowed her to bring her brother's body to Pakistan in August, where it could be interred in the family cemetery at Larkana. Shortly after the burial, she was arrested and detained under house arrest in Karachi until November, at which point she was released and returned to Europe. In December 1985, martial law was lifted in Pakistan and Bhutto decided to return home. She arrived at Lahore Airport in April 1986, where she was greeted by a large crowd. An estimated two million people came to see her speak at Iqbal Park, where she rallied against Zia's regime. She then visited Sindh, Punjab, and Balochistan, speaking to further crowds, and re-established links with the MRD, taking part in a pro-democracy rally on Independence Day on 14 August. Following the rally, she was again arrested and detained for several weeks in Landhi Jail.

Back in Pakistan, she agreed to an arranged marriage; her mother selected Asif Ali Zardari as a suitable husband. He was from a landowning family, and his father had obtained additional wealth through the construction and cinema industries. The marriage ceremony took place in Karachi in December 1987, and was billed as the "People's Wedding", serving as a de facto political rally. At a subsequent party in Lyari attended by 200,000, some fired Kalashnikovs into the air in celebration, accidentally resulting in one death and multiple injuries. Bhutto would have been aware that being married gave her an image of respectability which would improve her chances of being elected. She kept the Bhutto family name rather than taking that of her new husband. After the wedding, she soon became pregnant with her son, Bilawal.

In May 1988, Zia dissolved the assemblies and called a November election. He had not wanted Bhutto to win, and his choice of date may have been deliberately chosen to coincide with the date when Bhutto was projected to give birth, thus hindering her ability to campaign. He also sought to hinder her chances by declaring that the election would be held on a non-party basis, with candidates standing as individuals rather than as representatives of a political party. Bhutto and the PPP launched a legal challenge against this latter stipulation. In August, Zia suddenly died when his aircraft crashed shortly after take-off from Bahawalpur Airport. A joint U.S.-Pakistani investigation was unable to ascertain the cause of the crash, although sabotage was widely suspected, with the Soviets, Indians, and Israelis all presented as potential culprits. Bhutto privately attributed it to an act of God. After his death, the Supreme Court announced that the election should take place on a party basis, rather than the non-party basis that Zia had desired.

Bhutto insisted that the PPP campaign separately from the MRD, and dropped its socialist platform in favour of economic Thatcherism and a commitment to the free market. Amid predictions that the PPP would win, it received 18,000 prospective candidates, many offering the party money for their selection; this influx of new members and candidates caused upset among many established members, who felt that Bhutto was deserting them. In the build-up to the election, there was a great sense of hope among liberal sectors of Pakistani society. However, Islamic fundamentalists said it was un-Islamic for the country to have a female leader. Their propaganda foregrounded what they presented as her un-Islamic behaviour, including a photo of her dancing in a Parisian nightclub. Zia loyalists and Islamic fundamentalists united to form a new political party, Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), which was funded by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The ISI also engaged in vote rigging in an attempt to secure an IJI victory. Despite these difficulties, Bhutto led the PPP to victory in the election, taking 93 of the 205 contested seats. The IJI took only 54 seats, although the party secured control of Punjab, the country's largest and most powerful province. This meant that the PPP had the largest number of seats, although not a clear majority. Both the PPP and IJI courted independent MPs hoping to woo them to their side, and unsuccessful attempts were also made by the country's right-wing forces to convince some of the elected PPP parliamentarians to switch allegiance to the IJI.

President Ghulam Ishaq Khan was constitutionally obliged to invite Bhutto to form the next government, but was reticent to do so. Under growing pressure-including from the U.S., a key ally-he reluctantly did so two weeks after the election. To build her government, Bhutto formed a coalition with the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) party, which had 13 seats in parliament, an action that upset the Sindhi nationalist faction within her party. She was sworn in as the Prime Minister of Pakistan on 2 December 1988. Bhutto became the first female Prime Minister in a Muslim-majority country, as well as the youngest elected leader in the Islamic world. She was the world's youngest Prime Minister, the youngest female Prime Minister ever elected, and Pakistan's second nationally elected Prime Minister. After her election, party workers were encouraged to refer to her as Mohtarma ("respected lady"). There was hope among many observers that her premiership would mark a new era of multi-party democracy, growing gender equality, and better relations with India. She personally stated that her electoral victory was "the tipping point in the debate raging in the Muslim world on the role of women in Islam".

In 1988, Bhutto published her autobiography, sub-titled Daughter of the East in its British edition and Daughter of Destiny in the United States. It was written with the assistance of an American ghost writer. Bhutto biographer Brooke Allen stating that it was "pre-eminently a political performance" written for a Western audience, with the intent of "seducing Western opinion and opinion-makers". As well as whitewashing her father's regime, Bhutto's autobiography contained several factual falsifications; she wished to present herself as a ground-breaker when it came to gender issues, and thus presented her mother Nusrat as being far more conservative than she really was, for instance falsely claiming that Nusrat had urged her to wear the burqa when she had reached adolescence.

Bhutto's first cabinet was the largest in Pakistan's history. She appointed herself as the new treasury minister, with her mother as a senior minister without portfolio, and her father-in-law as chairman of the parliamentary public accounts committee, quashing hopes that her administration would depart from the entrenched systems of cronyism in the country. Most of those in the administration had little political experience. Various members of the PPP old guard, including Mumtaz Ali Bhutto, left the party in frustration at the pro-capitalist direction she had taken.

Following her election, there remained significant mistrust between Bhutto and the right-wing military administration; many senior military figures viewed her, like her father, as a threat to their dominant role in Pakistan's political arena. The country's three most powerful figures-the army chief Aslam Beg, the ISI chief Hamid Gul, and President Khan-all had contempt for her family. This opposition was substantial and contributed to Bhutto's inability to pass any major legislation during her first term in office. Bhutto was able to ensure the release of a number of political prisoners detained under the Zia government, as well as lifting the country's bans on trade unions and student associations, and removing many of the constraints imposed on non-governmental organisations. She also introduced measures to lift the media censorship introduced by Zia's military administrations. She entrusted Shamsul Hasan with dismantling the National Press Trust, a conglomerate of over 15 newspapers, but President Khan delayed signing the documents and thus the Trust would only be broken up during her second premiership.

Among the problems facing Pakistan when Bhutto took the Premiership was soaring employment and high unemployment. The Pakistani government was bankrupt, with Zia having borrowed at high-interest rates to pay government wages. Many of the policy promises she had made in her election campaign were not delivered because the Pakistani state was unable to finance them; she had claimed that a million new homes would be built each year and that universal free education and healthcare would be introduced, none of which was economically feasible for her government to deliver. The country also faced a growing problem with the illegal narcotics trade, with Pakistan being among the world's largest heroin exporters and the drug's use rapidly increasing domestically. Bhutto pledged that she would take tough action on the powerful drug barons.

Bhutto often argued with Beg, Gul, and Khan over her desired policies, and-according to Allen-"won some battles but ultimately lost the war" against them. Bhutto succeeded in getting Khan's approval to change two of the country's four provincial governors; she appointed General Tikka Khan, one of the few senior military officers who were loyal to her, as the Governor of Punjab. She sought to replace the chair of the joint chiefs of staff, Iftikhar Ahmed Sirohey, but President Khan refused to permit this. Bhutto disliked Khan's hostile attitude toward her, but he had the backing of the military. In the presidential election, Bhutto initially proposed Malik Qasim, who had been involved in the MRD, as the PPP's nominee, but the military refused to accept this. Bhutto relented and agreed that Khan could be nominated as the PPP's presidential candidate. Bhutto also wanted to replace Mahbub ul Haq as a finance minister, but again the military opposed her. Compromising, she accepted ul Haq's continued role as finance minister but appointed Wasim Jafri as her financial advisor. Beg made it clear to Bhutto that the military would not tolerate her interference in their control of the defence and foreign affairs.

At the time, 60% of the country's population lived in Punjab province, which was under the control of Zia's protégé, Nawaz Sharif, as provincial Chief Minister. Both Sharif and Bhutto attempted to remove the other from power, with Bhutto accusing Sharif of having rigged the election to become Chief Minister. Sharif benefited from growing Punjabi chauvinism toward the country's Sindhi minority, as well as a perception that Bhutto-a Sindhi-was attacking the Punjab. Although Bhutto had long supported greater autonomy for Pakistan's provinces, she opposed it in the case of the Punjab. Sharif's Punjabi authority refused to accept the federal officials whom Bhutto posted there. Relations between Bhutto and Pakistan's civil service also deteriorated, causing paralysis of many state affairs; Bhutto spoke of it as "Zia's bureaucracy" and her perceived anti-Punjabi stance impacted many civil servants, of whom 80% were Punjabi. In April 1989, opposition parties organized a parliamentary no-confidence vote in Bhutto's leadership, but it was defeated by 12 votes. Bhutto claimed that many National Assembly voters had been bribed to vote against her, with $10 million having been supplied for this by a Saudi Salafi cleric, Osama bin Laden, who sought to overthrow her government and replace it with an Islamic theocracy.

During her first premiership, Bhutto went on a number of foreign trips, enhancing her image as the first female Prime Minister in the Islamic world. In these, she sought to attract foreign investment and aid for Pakistan. She also made efforts to cultivate good relationships with the leaders of Islamic countries who had also had good relationships with her father, including Libya's Gaddafi, Abu Dhabi's Sheikh Zayed, and the Saudi royal family. In 1989, she attended the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Kuala Lumpur, where Pakistan was re-admitted to the Commonwealth of Nations. In January 1989, she made a second pilgrimage to Mecca, and in June visited the U.S. to address both houses of Congress and giving the commencement speech at Harvard.

As Premier, Bhutto was reluctant to challenge the ISI's support for the Islamist mujahideen forces in Afghanistan which were then engaged in a civil war against the country's Marxist-Leninist government. The U.S. was funneling money to these mujahedeen through Pakistan, although preferred to deal directly with Beg, Gul, and Ishaq Khan rather than through Bhutto. In April 1989, Gul led an invasion of Afghanistan with the purpose of seizing Jalalabad, which was then to be formed into a capital from which the country's anti-Soviet, Islamist-dominated opposition forces could operate. When the operation failed and the Pakistanis were driven out by the Afghan Army, Gul blamed Bhutto's administration for the failure, claiming that someone in her entourage had leaked details of the mission to the Afghan government. Gul was too powerful for Bhutto to force him into retirement, but in May 1989 she transferred him from the ISI to another section of the military, placing a more trusted military figure in his role.

India and the nuclear bomb

Bhutto initially attempted to improve relations with neighbouring India, withdrawing Zia's offer of a no-war pact and announcing the 1972 Simla Agreement as the basis of future relations. She invited Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and his wife Sonia as her guests for a three-day visit in Islamabad following the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation summit. Rajiv returned on a bilateral visit six months later. She pleased him by revoking Zia's offer of the Nishan-e-Pakistan award to the former Indian leader Morarji Desai. The two countries agreed to reduce their military levels along the border and agreed not to attack their respective nuclear installations. This warming of relations angered many domestic Islamist and conservative forces, who alleged that she and Gandhi were having a sexual relationship and placed renewed emphasis on the fact that Bhutto's paternal grandmother had been born to a Hindu family. Bhutto claimed that she terminated support for Sikh separatists active in India, something which Zia had encouraged to destabilise Indian control in the Punjab.

After accusations of being too conciliatory towards India, Bhutto took a harder line against them, particularly on the Kashmir conflict. Amid growing Kashmiri protests against Indian rule, in interviews Bhutto expressed support for the Kashmiri Muslim community. She called on the United Nations to oversee the Kashmir plebiscite originally promised in 1948. In January 1990, Indian police opened fire on a pro-independence rally in Kashmir, killing fifty and flaming tensions in the region. Bhutto visited a training camp for pro-independence Kashmiri militants on the Pakistani side of the border and pledged $5 million for their cause; she followed this with further statements in support of the militant groups. In one speech, she incited Kashmiri Muslims to rise up against their administration. Later, in a 1993 interview, Bhutto stated that supporting proxy wars in Punjab and Kashmir was the "one right thing" undertaken by Zia, presenting these in part as revenge for India's role in "the humiliating loss of Bangladesh".

In 1990, Major General Pervez Musharraf proposed a military invasion of Kargil as part of an attempt to annex Kashmir; Bhutto refused to back the plan, believing that the international condemnation would be severe. With both armies mobilizing on either side of the border, there were growing fears that tensions over Kashmir could result in a nuclear war between Pakistan and India. The U.S. sent special envoy Robert Gates to the region to dissuade the Pakistanis from going to war. He could not meet Bhutto-who was in Yemen as part of a tour of the Gulf states-but met with President Khan, informing him that the U.S. would not support Pakistani military action. He convinced Pakistan to step back from hostilities and to disband the Kashmiri militant training camps in its territory.

After Bhutto became Prime Minister, President Khan and the military were reluctant to tell her about Pakistan's nuclear program, and it remains unknown how much Bhutto knew about the issue during her first term in office. She later related that to find out more she contacted key scientists in the program, such as A. Q. Khan, herself, bypassing the president and military hierarchy. On her trip to the United States, she told Congress that "we do not possess, nor do we intend to make, a nuclear device". While in Washington D.C., she met with CIA director William Webster, who showed her a mock-up of the Pakistani nuclear weapon and stated his opinion that research the project it had reached a crescendo in the final years of Zia's government. William's revelations came as a shock to Bhutto, who was unaware of how advanced Pakistan's nuclear development had become. The United States wanted to prevent Pakistan from creating such a device, and President George H. W. Bush informed her that U.S. military aid to the country would cease unless Pakistan refrained from producing nuclear bomb cores, the final step in creating the weapon. Between January and March 1989, she authorized cold tests of nuclear weaponry, without fissionable material, although this did not satisfy the military authorities. In 1990, shortly before leaving office, the American Ambassador Robert Oakley informed her that information obtained by U.S. satellites indicated that her commitment to not produce weapons-grade uranium had been breached at the Kahuta enrichment plant.

The ISI organised Operation Midnight Jackal, through which they used bribery and intimidation to discourage National Assembly members from voting with the PPP. By 1990, the revelation of Midnight Jackal lessened President Khan's influence in national politics, government and the military.

In the 1980s, ethnic violence had broken out in Sindh province, with most of those killed being . Late in 1989, the MQM-whose party represented mohajir interests-left Bhutto's coalition government and joined the parliamentary election. The MQM then joined other voices in calling for a general strike in protest at her government. In May 1990, she ordered the army to restore peace in Karachi and Hyderabad. Within months of Bhutto's election, dissolution had set in among her liberal supporters. Her narrow majority in the National Assembly had left her unable to reverse many of the Islamist reforms that Zia had introduced. She did not repeal the Hudood Ordinances, which remained in law until 2006. Her opposition to legalised abortion frustrated many Pakistani feminists. Throughout her first term, Bhutto was criticized for being indecisive and unable to maintain control. There had been anger that her husband had been allowed to attend cabinet meetings despite not being a member of the government. He was also accused of receiving kickbacks and gained the nickname "Mr Ten Percent". The ISI had extensively spied upon Bhutto and her husband throughout her period in office, President Khan privately paid plaintiffs to file corruption suits against Bhutto's husband. While the investigations into his corruption were therefore politically motivated, there also was significant evidence of his guilt in this regard.

Tales of corruption in public-sector industries began to surface, which undermined the credibility of Bhutto. The unemployment and labor strikes began to take place which halted and jammed the economic wheel of the country, and Bhutto was unable to solve these issues due to the cold war with the President. In August 1990, Khan dismissed Bhutto's government under the Eighth Amendment of the constitution. He claimed that this was necessary owing to her government's corruption and inability to maintain law and order. A caretaker government under the control of former PPP member Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was sworn in, with Khan declaring a state of national emergency.

Khan called for new elections. In the meantime, Bhutto and her husband were forbidden from leaving Pakistan, although they purchased an apartment in the Queensgate area of London. In October, Zardari was arrested on charges of extortion. According to the allegations, he had attached a remote-control bomb to the leg of a businessman and forced the latter to enter a bank and withdraw money. He was convicted and remained in prison for three years.

In the 1990 general election, the PPP only secured 45 of the 217 seats. The IJI, under the leadership of Nawaz Sharif, won a majority in the Parliament, and Sharif became Prime Minister. Bhutto became the leader of the opposition. From this position she attacked Sharif's every policy, highlighting his government's failings in dealing with Pakistan's problems of poverty, unemployment, and lack of healthcare, although not also discussing her own administration's failures on those same issues. To journalists she remained unrepentant about her period in office, insisting that she had made no mistakes. As dissatisfaction with Sharif's government grew, the PPP began to restore the support it had lost during Bhutto's premiership. Encouraging public protests, in November 1992, she organized a 10-mile march from Rawalpindi to Islamabad in protest at the IJI government. Sharif ordered her to be placed under house arrest to prevent her instigating any uprisings.

Despite an economic recovery in late 1993, the IJI government faced public unease about the direction of the country and industrialization that revolved around and centered only in Punjab Province. Amid protest and civil disorder in Sindh Province following the imposition of Operation Clean-up, the IDA government lost control of the province. The Peoples Party attacked the IDA government's record on unemployment and industrial racism.

Sharif had attempted to reduce the president's powers. Relations between Sharif and President Khan also soured and the prime minister came under pressure to resign from the armed forces. With growing tensions between him and President Khan, in April 1993 the latter used the Eighth Amendment to dismiss Sharif as Prime Minister, citing corruption and misadministration. An agreement was reached whereby both Sharif and Khan would step down. The military formed an interim government and called a general election for October 1993. Their policies were very similar but a clash of personalities occurred, with both parties making many promises but not explaining how they were going to pay for them. Bhutto promised price supports for agriculture, pledged a partnership between government and business, and campaigned strongly for the female vote.

In 1993, Bhutto declared herself as chair of the PPP for life. This move reflected the lack of internal democracy within the party, which was increasingly referred to as the "Bhutto Family Party" (BFP). Murtaza, who was living in asylum in Syria, decided to take part in the forthcoming election. Bhutto did not want him to join the PPP, fearing him as a potential challenger to her leadership of the party; conversely, their mother supported his political career.

Zardari was freed from prison after Bhutto returned to office in 1993.

In the October 1993 general election, the PPP won the most seats, although it fell short of an outright majority, with 86 seats. Sharif's new party, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), came second with 73 seats. The PPP performed extremely well in Bhutto's native province, Sindh, and rural Punjab, while the PML-N was strongest in industrial Punjab and the largest cities such as Karachi, Lahore and Rawalpindi. Bhutto was again prime minister, but this time had a weaker parliamentary mandate than she had had in 1988. She was officially sworn in on 19 October 1993.

Bhutto removed her mother from the position of honorary PPP chair, declaring herself the sole chair for life. This angered Nusrat, who told The New York Times, "She's talked a lot about democracy, but she's become a little dictator." The close relationship between mother and daughter broke down and they openly criticised one another.

Realising the threat to her premiership posed by an unsympathetic president, she ensured that a PPP member, Farooq Leghari, was nominated and duly elected to the presidency in November. During her second term, Bhutto appointed both her husband and mother to her cabinet. The former was appointed investment minister, chief of the Intelligence Bureau, director-general of the Federal Investigation Agency, and chair of the new Environment Protection Council. She gave him a monopoly on the country's gold imports, a post that earned him $10 million, which he deposited in an Indian bank. Allen suggested that measures like these reflected how Bhutto had "given up on all her previous ideals and simply caved into the culture of corruption-indeed excelled in it, as she had excelled in so many other areas".

John Burns, a journalist from The New York Times, investigated the business transactions of Bhutto and his wife, exposing the scale of their corruption. By 1996, their takings through these various deals were estimated at $1.5 billion. A subsequent inquiry by Pakistan's Accountability Bureau found that in that year, Bhutto, her husband, and her mother only declared assets totaling $1.2 million, leaving out the extensive foreign accounts and properties that they possessed. Despite their significant earnings, the couple did not pay the amount of tax owed; between 1993 and 1994, Bhutto paid no income tax at all. In 1996, Transparency International ranked Pakistan as the world's second most corrupt country.

Bhutto ordered the construction of a new residence in Islamabad; it covered 110 acres of ground and cost $50 million to construct. In 1993, Bhutto declared that her family burial ground would be converted into an official mausoleum and would undergo significant expansion. She dropped the first architect she employed to do the job after deciding that she wanted a more Islamic design; she replaced him with Waqar Akbar Rizvi, instructing him to visit the tombs of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Ruhollah Khomeini for inspiration. In 1995, Zardari purchased a fifteen-bedroom country house at Rockwood in Surrey, southern England; to hide evidence of ownership, he obtained the property through companies based in the Isle of Man. She spent much of her second term abroad, making 24 foreign trips during its first twelve months.

There were far fewer public hopes regarding the second Bhutto premiership than there had been for the first. The country's financial situation left no funds for her to pursue the desired social programs; 70% of national revenues went on paying off the national debt, while much of the other 30% went on the military, which would not tolerate cuts to its budget. The 1990s had seen severe economic problems for Pakistan; the country's economic growth had declined to between 3 and 4%, poverty rose to 33%, and the percentage of households living in absolute poverty doubled.

Bhutto stated that once back in the office, she asked for reasons why the Kahuta enrichment plant had broken her command by producing weapons-grade uranium and implemented a new system of security at the plant to provide greater oversight of the facility's scientists. Both the military and ISI, however, supported the development of material that could produce viable nuclear weaponry. India had developed the Agni missile a system which would allow the country to strike all of Pakistan's major cities, and as a counter, many in the Pakistani administration believed that they needed an equivalent launch pad system for their nuclear warheads. They decided to make a deal with the North Korean government, exchanging information about enrichment for missile technology. Bhutto later claimed that on her 1993 visit to North Korea, she secretly carried a computer CD containing nuclear data, although she subsequently retracted this claim.

In September 1996, the Taliban secured power in Afghanistan. Bhutto's government was one of only three countries to recognize it as the legitimate Afghan government, a move that further distanced it from its Western allies.

Benazir Bhutto was prime minister at a time of great racial tension in Pakistan. Ethnic violence had broken out in Sindh as muhajir-mobilised by the MQM-rioted in protest at what they saw as their poor treatment. To deal with the unrest, Bhutto permitted her interior minister, Naseerullah Babar, to launch Operation Blue Fox, a violent crackdown on the MQM. By the time that the Operation was officially completed, the government announced that 3,000 had been killed in Karachi, although the number may have been far larger. An Amnesty International report commented that while Bhutto had declared that her government would end human rights abuses, the use of torture, rape, and extrajudicial killings remained common in Pakistani prisons.

Sharif had been a proponent of laissez faire economics and his government had promoted privatization. During her second term, Bhutto also became increasingly open about her support for such an economic policy, pursuing broadly similar approaches to those of Sharif.

In 1993, Murtaza returned to Pakistan, where he gained a following within the PPP. He claimed that it was he, rather than his sister, who was the standard-bearer for their father's championing of the downtrodden. On arrival, he was arrested for his part in the earlier plane hijacking and remained imprisoned for eight months. In 1995, he established his own party, the PPP (Shaheed Bhutto); the party's name implied that he was closer to the Bhutto's family's Shaheed than his sister, whom he symbolically distanced from the family by referring to her as "Begum Zardari". Nusrat assisted him in organizing Murtaza's election campaign for the Sindh provincial assembly. Bhutto was so angry with her mother's actions that she ousted her as co-chair of the PPP. Animosity grew between the two siblings.

Murtaza focused much of his criticism on Bhutto's husband Zardari, whom he blamed of being responsible for government corruption. He hung a picture of Zardari up in the guest toilet of his house as an act of disrespect to his brother-in-law. It is reported that in one incident, Murtaza invited Zardari to his house, only to have him pinned down by bodyguards and half his mustache forcibly shaved off. Not long after, on 20 September 1996, Murtaza was ambushed by police near Karachi; they opened fire, killing him and seven others. All witnesses were taken into police custody, where two of them died. It was widely believed in Pakistan that the killing had been ordered by a senior government figure; Murtaza's supporters thought that Bhutto and her husband were responsible. When Bhutto tried to attend her brother's funeral in Larkana, local Murtaza supporters pelted her car with rocks. At the funeral, Nusrat-who was suffering the early stages of Alzheimer's disease-also blamed Bhutto for her brother's death.

Bhutto initially blamed the killing on a conspiracy against her family. She brought in Scotland Yard to investigate, partly to quell rumors that she had ordered the killing, although the case remained unsolved. After Murtaza's death, Bhutto re-established a relationship with her mother. After Bhutto hinted that President Leghari had been involved in her brother's death, relations between the two broke down. Leghari sought the backing of the Army Chief, Karamat, to move against her premiership. Leghari dismissed Bhutto's government on 5 November 1996, citing the eighth amendment of the constitution; as evidence, he again cited charges of corruption but also added the suspicion that Bhutto had been involved in her brother's death. Bhutto challenged the constitutionality of Leghari's decision, taking the issue to the Supreme Court, but they ruled in agreement with the president. The Supreme Court's decision also resulted in the removal of all pro-Bhutto elements from the military. Zardari tried to fly to Dubai but was arrested in Lahore, charged with money laundering and involvement in Murtaza's murder. He remained in prison until 2004. In the ensuing election, which took place in February 1997, Sharif was re-elected.

Her approval poll rose by 38% after she appeared and said in a private television interview after the elections: "We are unhappy with the manner in which tampered electoral lists were provided in a majority of constituencies; our voters were turned away." The Conservatives attracted voters from religious society (MMA) whose support had collapsed. A contributor to the Friday Times wrote: "Both of them (Nawaz and Benazir) have done so badly in the past, it will be very difficult for them to do worse now. If Bhutto's government fails, everyone knows there will be no new elections. The army will take over". In confidential official documents Benazir Bhutto had objected to the number of Urdu speaking class in 1993 elections, in the context that she had no Urdu-speaking sentiment in her circle and discrimination was continued even in her government. Her stance on these issues was perceived as part of rising public disclosure which Altaf Hussain called "racism". Due to Benazir Bhutto's stubbornness and authoritative actions, her political rivals gave her the nickname "Iron Lady" of Pakistan. No response was issued by Bhutto, but she soon associated with the term.

Bhutto demanded the MQM to surrender to her government unconditionally. Although the operation was halted in 1995, amid violence continued and, Shahid Javed Burki, a professor of economics, stated, "Karachi problem was not so much an ethnic problem as it was an economic question." Amid union and labour strikes beginning to take place in Karachi and Lahore, which were encouraged by both Altaf Hussain and Nawaz Sharif to undermine her authority, Benazir Bhutto responded by disbanding those trade union and issuing orders to arrest the leaders of the trade unions, while on the other hand, she provided incentives to local workers and laborers as she had separated the workers from their union leaders successfully.[citation needed ] Benazir Bhutto expanded the authoritative rights of Police Combatant Force and the provisional governments that tackled the local opposition aggressively. Bhutto, through her Internal Security Minister Naseerullah Babar, intensified the internal security operations and steps, gradually putting down the opposition's political rallies, while she did not completely abandon the reconciliation policy. In her own worlds, Benazir Bhutto announced: "There was no basis for [strikes] ... in view of the ongoing political process".

Bhutto was a founding member of the Council of Women World Leaders, a group established in 1996. She appointed women judges and a women's division in the government, headed by a senior female civil servant. She also oversaw the establishment of a women's bank and all-female police stations. The fundamentalist Islamic laws introduced to restrict women's rights under Zia nevertheless remained in place, and no new legislation was put in place to empower women. Bhutto's failure to remove the hudood ordinances brought criticism from liberal circles and damaged her relations with women's and human rights groups.

Bhutto was an economist by profession; therefore during her terms as prime minister, she herself took charge of the Ministry of Finance. Bhutto sought to improve the country's economy which was declining as time was passing. Benazir disagreed with her father's nationalization and socialist economics. Soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Benazir attempted to privatize major industries that were nationalized in the 1970s. Bhutto promised to end the nationalisation programme and to carry out the industrialisation programme by means other than state intervention. However, controversially, Bhutto did not carry out the denationalization program or liberalization of the economy during her first government. No nationalized units were privatized, few economic regulations were reviewed.

Pakistan suffered a currency crisis when the government failed to arrest the 30% fall in the value of the Pakistani Rupee from ₨. 21 to ₨.30 compared to the United States dollar. Soon economic progress became her top priority but her investment and industrialization programs faced major setbacks due to conceptions formed by investors based upon her People's Party nationalization program in the 1970s. By the 1990s, Khan and Bhutto's government had also ultimately lost the currency war with the Indian Rupee which beat the value of Pakistan rupee for the first time in the 1970s. Bhutto's denationalization program also suffered from many political setbacks, as many of her government members were either directly or indirectly involved with the government corruption in major government-owned industries, and her appointed government members allegedly sabotaged her efforts to privatize the industries.

Overall, the living standard for people in Pakistan declined as inflation and unemployment grew at an exponential rate particularly as UN sanctions began to take effect. During her first and second term, the difference between rich and poor visibly increased and the middle class in particular were the ones who bore the brunt of the economic inequality. According to a calculation completed by the Federal Bureau of Statistics, the standard of living for the rich improved while the standard of living for the poor declined. Benazir attributed this economic inequality to be a result of ongoing and continuous illegal Bangladeshi immigration. Bhutto ordered a crackdown on and deportation of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. Her action strained and created tensions in Bangladesh-Pakistan relations, as Bangladesh Prime Minister Khaleda Zia refused to accept the deportees and reportedly sent two planeloads back to Pakistan. Religious parties also criticised Bhutto and dubbed the crackdown as anti-Islamic.

This operation backfired and had devastating effects on Pakistan's economy. President Khan saw this as a major economic failure despite Khan's permission granted to Bhutto for the approval of her economic policies. Khan blamed Bhutto for this extensive economic slowdown and her policy that failed to stop the illegal immigration. Khan attributed Bhutto's government members corruption in government-owned industries as the major sinkhole in Pakistan's economy that failed to compete with neighboring India's economy.

Privatization and era of stagflation

During her second term, Bhutto continued to follow former prime minister Nawaz Sharif's privatization policies, which she called a "disciplined macroeconomics policy". After the 1993 general elections, the privatisation programme of state-owned banks and utilities accelerated; more than ₨ 42 billion was raised from the sale of nationalised corporations and industries, and another US$20 billion from the foreign investment made the United States. After 1993, the country's national economy again entered in the second period of the stagflation and more roughly began bite the country's financial resources and the financial capital. Bhutto's second government found it extremely difficult to counter the second era of stagflation with Pressler amendment and the US financial and military embargo tightened its position. After a year of study, Bhutto implemented and enforced the Eighth Plan to overcome the stagflation by creating a dependable and effective mechanism for accelerating economic and social progress. But, according to American ambassador to Pakistan, William Milam's bibliography, Bangladesh and Pakistan: Flirting with Failure in South Asia, the Eighth Plan (which reflected the planned economy of the Soviet Union) was doomed to meet with failure from the very beginning of 1994, as the policies were weak and incoherent.

On many occasions, Bhutto resisted to privatize globally competitive and billion-dollar-worth state-owned enterprises (such as Pakistan Railways and Pakistan Steel Mills), instead the grip of nationalization in those state-owned enterprises was tightened in order to secure the capital investment of these industries. The process of privatization of the nationalized industries was associated with the marked performance and improvement, especially the terms of labor productivity. A number of privatization of industries such as gas, water supply and sanitation, and electricity general, were natural monopolies for which the privatization involved little competition. Furthermore, Benazir denied that privatization of the Pakistan Railways would take place despite the calls made in Pakistan, and was said to have told Planning Commission chief Naveed Qamar, "Railways privatization will be the 'black hole' of this government. Please never mention the railways to me again". Bhutto always resisted privatization of United Bank Limited Pakistan (UBL), but its management sent the recommendation for the privatization which dismayed the labor union. The United Group of Employees Management asked Bhutto for the issue of the regulation sheet which she denied. The holding of UBL in government control turned out to be a move that ended in "disaster" for Bhutto's government.

Major-General Pervez Musharraf worked closely with Bhutto and her government in formulating an Israel strategy. In 1993 Bhutto ordered Musharraf, then Director-General of the Pakistani Army's Directorate-General for the Military Operation (DGMO), to join her state visit to the United States, unusual and unconventional participation. Bhutto and Musharraf chaired a secret meeting with Israeli officials who traveled to the US especially for the meeting. Under Bhutto's guidance Musharraf intensified the ISI's liaison with Israel's Mossad. A final meeting took place in 1995, which Musharraf also joined. Bhutto also strengthened relations with communist Vietnam, and visited Vietnam[when? ] to sign an agreement for mutual trade and international political co-operation the two countries. In 1995, Benazir Bhutto made another state visit to the United States and held talks with U.S. President Bill Clinton. Bhutto urged him to revise the Pressler Amendment and launch a campaign against extremism. She criticized US nonproliferation policy and demanded that the United States honor its contractual obligation.[clarification needed ]

During her second term, relations with Indian Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao further deteriorated. Like her father, Benazir Bhutto used rhetoric to oppose India and campaign in the international community against the Indian nuclear program. On 1 May 1995, she used harsh language in her public warning to India that "continuation of [Indian] nuclear program would have terrible consequences". India responded to this saying she was interfering in an "internal matter" of India, and the Indian Army fired a RPG at the Kahuta, which further escalated events, leading to full-fledged war. When this news reached Bhutto, she responded by high-alerting the Air Force Strategic Command. It ordered heavily armed Arrows, Griffins, Black Panthers and the Black Spiders to begin air sorties and to patrol the Indo-Pakistan border on day-and-night regular missions. All of these squadrons are part of the Strategic Command. On 30 May, India test-fired a Prithvi-1 missile near the Pakistan border, which Bhutto condemned. She responded by deploying Shaheen-I missiles; however, they were not armed. Benazir Bhutto permitted the PAF to deploy the Crotale missile defence and the Anza-Mk-III near the Indian border, which escalated the conflict, but effectively kept the Indian Army and the Indian Air Force from launching any surprise attack.

In 1995, the ISI reported to Bhutto that Narasimha Rao had authorized nuclear tests and that they could be conducted at any minute. Benazir put the country's nuclear arsenal programme on high-alert made emergency preparations, and ordered the Pakistani armed forces to remain on high-alert. However the United States intervened, Indian operations for conducting the nuclear tests were called off and the Japanese government attempted to mediate. In 1996, Benazir Bhutto met with Japanese officials and warned India about conducting nuclear tests. She revealed for the first time that Pakistan had achieved parity with India in its capacity to produce nuclear weapons and their delivery capability. She told the Indian press, that Pakistan "cannot afford to negate the parity we maintain with India". These statements represented a departure from Pakistan's previous policy of "nuclear ambivalence". Bhutto issued a statement on the tests and told the international press that she condemned the Indian nuclear tests. "If [India] conducts a nuclear test, it would force her [Pakistan] to ... follow suit", she said.

Bhutto also ratcheted up her policy on Indian Kashmir, rallying against India. At an Inter-Parliamentary Union meeting at the United Nations, Bhutto, who was accompanied by her Speaker Yousaf Raza Gillani upset and angered the Indian delegation, headed by prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, with vehement criticism of India. Vajpayee responded, saying: "It is Pakistan which is flouting the United Nations resolution by not withdrawing its forces from Kashmir ... You people create problems every time. You know the Kashmiri people themselves acceded to India. First, the Maharajah, then the Kashmiri parliament, both decided to go with India".

Bhutto described Indian held-Kashmir as the worst example of "Indian intransigence" and dismissed Indian allegations of putative Pakistani nuclear tests as "baseless". Bhutto criticized India's bid to hide its plan to explode a nuclear device, and failure to cover up its domestic problems including its failure to suppress the freedom struggle in Kashmir.

During her second term, Benazir Bhutto's relations with the Pakistan Armed Forces took a different and pro-Bhutto approach, when she carefully appointed General Abdul Waheed Kakar as the Chief of Army Staff. General Abdul Waheed was an uptight, strict, and a professional officer with a view of Westernized democracy. Benazir also appointed Admiral Saeed Mohammad Khan as Chief of Naval Staff; General Abbas Khattak as Chief of Air Staff. Whilst, Air Chief Marshal Farooq Feroze Khan was appointed chairman Joint Chiefs who was the first (and to date only) Pakistani air officer to have reached to such 4 stars assignment. Benazir Bhutto enjoyed strong relations with the Pakistan Armed Forces, and President who was hand-picked by her did not question her authority. She hand-picked officers and promoted them based on their pro-democracy views while the President gave constitutional authorization for their promotion. The senior military leadership including Jehangir Karamat, Musharraf, Kayani, Ali Kuli Khan, Farooq Feroze Khan, Abbas Khattak and Fasih Bokhari, had strong Western-democratic views and were generally close to Bhutto as they had resisted Nawaz Sharif's conservatism. Unlike Nawaz Sharif's second democratic term, Benazir worked with the military on many issues where the military disagreement, solving many problems relating directly to civil-military relations. Her tough and hardline policies on Afghanistan, Kashmir, and India, which the military had backed Benazir Bhutto staunchly.

After the assassination was attempted, Benazir Bhutto's civilian security team headed under Rehman Malik, was disbanded by the Pakistan Army whose X-Corps' 111th Psychological Brigade- an army brigade tasked with countering the psychological warfare- took control of the security of Benazir Bhutto, that directly reported to Chief of Army Staff and the Prime Minister. Benazir Bhutto ordered General Abdul Waheed Kakar and the Lieutenant-General Javed Ashraf Qazi director-general of ISI, to start a sting and manhunt operation to hunt down the ringmaster, Ramzi Yousef. After few arrests and intensive manhunt search, the ISI finally captured Ramzi before he could flee the country. In a matter of weeks, Ramzi was secretly extradited to the United States, while the ISI managed to kill or apprehend all the culprits behind the plot. In 1995, she personally appointed General Naseem Rana as the Director-General of the ISI, who later commanded the Pakistan Army's assets in which came to known as " Pakistan's secret war in Afghanistan". During this course, General Rana directly reported to the prime minister and led the intelligence operations after which were approved by Benazir Bhutto. In 1995, Benazir also appointed Admiral Mansurul Haq as the Chief of Naval Staff, as the Admiral had personal contacts with the Benazir's family. However, it was the Admiral's large-scale corruption, sponsored by her husband Asif Zardari, that shrunk the credibility of Benazir Bhutto by the end of 1996 that led to the end of her government after all.

On 20 July 1996, Qazi Hussain Ahmed of Jamaat e Islami announced to start protests against the government alleging corruption. Qazi Hussain resigned from the senate on 27 September and announced to start a long march against Benazir government. The protest started on 27 October 1996 by Jamaat e Islami and opposition parties. On 4 November 1996, Bhutto's government was dismissed by President Leghari primarily because of corruption, who used the Eighth Amendment discretionary powers to dissolve the government. Benazir was surprised when she discovered that it was not the military who had dismissed her but her own hand-picked puppet President who had used the power to dismiss her. She turned to the Supreme Court hoping for gaining Leghari's actions unconstitutional. But the Supreme Court justified and affirmed President Leghari's dismissal in a 6-1 ruling. Many military leaders who were close to the Prime minister rather than the President, did not want Benazir Bhutto's government to fall, as they resisted the Nawaz Sharif's conservatism.

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Jehangir Karamat at one point intervened in the conflict between President and the Prime Minister, and urged Benazir Bhutto to focus on good governance and her ambitious program of making the country into a welfare state, but the misconduct of her cabinet ministers continued and the corruption which she was unable to strike it down with a full force. Her younger brother's death had a devastating effect on Benazir's party and policies. At one point, the Chairman of Joint Chiefs General Jehangir Karamat said:

In my opinion, if we have to repeat of past events then we must understand that Military leaders can pressure only up to a point. Beyond that their own position starts getting undermined because the military is after all is a mirror image of the society from which it is drawn.

In the 1997 general election, some Pakistani feminist groups refused to back Bhutto's re-election because, despite her repeated promises, she had not removed the hudud ordinances that Zia's administration had introduced.

Newly re-elected, Sharif moved quickly to curtail the powers of the presidency and judiciary. He also removed the constitution's Eighth Amendment which had been used by successive presidents to oust both Bhutto and himself from office. In 1998, India tested its first nuclear weapon; Bhutto responded with an editorial for the Los Angeles Times in which she argued that the international community should go further than imposing economic sanctions on India, but should launch a preemptive bomb strike on India's nuclear facilities. She called on Sharif to retaliate with a series of Pakistani military tests. After Sharif's government did so, Bhutto called for Pakistan to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and arrive at a bilateral agreement on nuclear proliferation with India. Tensions between India and Pakistan resulted in the Kargil War of 1999; Bhutto observed the conflict from abroad, describing it as "Pakistan's biggest blunder".

In April 1999, the Ehtesab Bench of the Lahore High Court convicted Bhutto in absentia, giving her a five years prison sentence, an $8.6 million fine, and disqualifying her from public office. Bhutto was in London at the time of the judgment, and rather than returning to Pakistan she relocated to Dubai. She decided on Dubai because Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the President of the United Arab Emirates, had been a longstanding friend of her family. She brought her three children to live there with her, settling into a villa in the Emirates Hills given to her by the Emirati government. She claimed that were she to return to Pakistan then she would be imprisoned and then murdered. She remained in Dubai for eight years, for five of which her husband remained imprisoned in Pakistan. Bhutto spent much of her time in exile fighting the corruption charges that were being brought against her and her husband. She also campaigned for his release from prison. Some of her close political advisers suggested that she abandon him for the sake of her political career, but she refused. While in Dubai, she also focused on raising her children and caring for her mother, whose Alzheimer's disease had progressed to a severe stage. Two years later a retrial was ordered after it was ascertained that undue political bias was exerted on the judges. She remained head of the PPP for the following nine years.

In October 1999, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Pervez Musharraf, launched a military coup which ousted Sharif from power. Reacting to the military coup, Benazir said that she liked to see General Pervaiz Musharraf come on television and 'say that the army reacted because the prime minister had violated all the laws and he sought to divide the army'. She also expected Musharraf to say that army 'had no choice' and that 'they would hold elections within three months and returning to the barracks'. In April 2000, Sharif was convicted of treason and sentenced to life imprisonment. At the request of the Saudi monarch, Sharif was released from prison after a year and exiled to Saudi Arabia; he was also disqualified from holding public office. In 2002, he amended the constitution to ban anyone serving more than two terms as Prime Minister, thus disqualifying both Bhutto and Sharif, whom he called "useless politicians". Musharraf also consolidated power around himself; in June 2001 he appointed himself to the Presidency, holding this position alongside his positions as chief executive and chief of the army staff. He was a secularist and repealed the Hudood Ordinances, an achievement Bhutto had been unable to make. In a 2002 referendum, Musharraf extended his presidential mandate for a further five years. Bhutto expressed concern that with mainstream politicians removed from Pakistan's political arena, the vacuum would be filled by Islamist extremists.

After President Ghulam Ishaq Khan dismissed Bhutto's first government on 6 August 1990 because of corruption allegations, the government of Pakistan directed its intelligence agencies to investigate. Nawaz Sharif became prime minister in the ensuing elections and intensified prosecution investigation of Bhutto. Pakistani embassies through western Europe-in France, Switzerland, Spain, Poland, and Britain-were directed to investigate. Bhutto and her husband Zardari faced several legal proceedings, including a charge in Switzerland of money-laundering through Swiss banks. While never convicted, Zardari spent eight years in prison on similar corruption charges. Released on bail in 2004, Zardari hinted that while in prison he was tortured; human rights groups have supported his claim that his rights were violated.

Investigations into Bhutto's corruption were also launched in Europe. In 1998, a Swiss magistrate, Daniel Devaud, seized a safe-deposit box containing a $190,000 necklace that Bhutto had purchased in London's Bond Street the previous year. Over the following six years, he investigated how Bhutto had obtained the money used to buy this item. His investigations were followed by a BBC documentary team led by Owen Bennett-Jones. Devaud's investigations revealed a range of corrupt deals that Zardari had been involved with. It was discovered that Dassault, a French aircraft manufacturer, had agreed to pay Zardari and another Pakistani man $200 million to ensure he would facilitate a $4 billion sales of fighter jets. It was also revealed that in both Bhutto and Zardari had taken approximately $15 million in exchange for awarding a customs contract to the Swiss firms SGS/Cotecna when she was Prime Minister. Devaud concluded that Bhutto "knew she was acting in a criminally reprehensible manner by abusing her role in order to obtain for herself and for her husband considerable sums in the interest of her family at the cost of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan".

A Swiss court ordered her to turn over $11.9 million to the Pakistani state and to serve 180 days in prison. 17 Swiss bank accounts owned by the Zardari-Bhutto family were frozen by the country's government. In 2004, a UK court ruled that Rockwood Estate -which Zardari owned, despite his repeated denials-should be sold and the proceeds given to the Pakistani state, who were the rightful owners. Zardari protested, admitting that he owned the property and that he should receive the proceeds of its sale.

Through a spokesman, Bhutto claimed that the charges against her represented a witch hunt and compared them to McCarthyism. She expressed bemusement as to why many thought her spending was lavish: "I mean, what is poor and what is rich? If you mean, am I rich by European standards, do I have a billion dollars, or even a hundred million dollars, even half that, no, I do not. But if you mean that I'm ordinary rich, yes, my father had three children studying at Harvard as undergraduates at the same time. But this wealth never meant anything to my brothers or me." She maintained that the charges against her and her husband were purely political. Bhutto ignored the summons to travel to Switzerland to serve her sentence. She challenged the court ruling and secured a retrial which overturned the previous ruling. However, Allen commented: "no one seriously suggested that the evidence had been fixed or that Bhutto and Zardari were not thieves on a grand scale."

Bhutto was a client of Mossack Fonseca, whose customer records were disclosed in the Panama Papers leak. 7 September 2001 London law firm Richard Rooney and Co told MF-BVI (mossack fonseca British virgin island) to create Petroline International Inc in the British Virgin Islands. Petroline International Inc is owned by Bhutto, her nephew Hassan Ali Jaffery Bhutto, and her aide and head of security Rehman Malik, who later became a Senator and Interior Minister in the government of Yousaf Raza Gillani. Mossack Fonseca had declined to do business with Bhutto's first company, similarly-named Petrofine FZC, established in Sharjah, United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2000. The Petrofine was "politically sensitive," they said, and "declined to accept Mrs. Bhutto as a client". A United Nations committee chaired by former head of the US Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, concluded in a 2005 investigation into abuses of the oil-for-food program that Petrofine FZC had paid US$2 million to the Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein to obtain US$115-145 million in oil contracts.

In 2006, the Pakistani National Accountability Bureau (NAB) accused Bhutto, Malik and Ali Jaffery of owning Petrofine. Bhutto and the PPP denied this. In April 2006 an NAB court froze assets owned in Pakistan and elsewhere by Bhutto and Zardari. The $1.5 billion in assets were acquired through corrupt practices, the NAB said, and noting that the 1997 Swiss charges of criminal money-laundering were still in litigation. At Pakistan's request, Interpol issued notices-but not arrest warrants-for Bhutto and her husband. On 27 January 2007, she was invited by the United States to speak to President George W. Bush and Congressional and State Department officials.

The US and UK had supported Musharraf because of his role in assisting their War on Terror-especially the War in Afghanistan-but they gradually lost faith in his ability to rule successfully. His domestic popularity was slipping; a mid-2007 poll gave him only a 26% approval rating. In 2007, mass anti-Musharraf protests broke out in what was known as the Lawyers' Movement. Pakistan was also experiencing growing levels of violence from Islamist militants, such as the Siege of Lal Masjid. Official figures held that eight suicide bombings took place in 2006 and 44 in 2007. The US government increasingly saw Bhutto as an important figure who could help to constrain Pakistan's domestic problems. They nevertheless wanted a power-sharing deal and did not want Musharraf removed from power completely, regarding him as a vital ally in their War on Terror.

Assisted by Luis Ayala, the secretary-general of the Socialist International, in 2006 Bhutto and Sharif began a process of reconciliation. Ayala believed that this was a prerequisite for ensuring Pakistan's transition back to democratic elections. Both Bhutto and Sharif were then living in London, not far from one another. Facilitated by the lawyer Aitzaz Ahsan, the pair developed a joint plan of action. In May 2006 they both signed a Charter of Democracy, a document calling for an end to military rule. They established a committee consisting of four Pakistani senators, two from the PPP and two from the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz). The pair's reconciliation was formalised with the signing of a Charter of Democracy in May 2007. Henceforth, Bhutto avoided openly criticizing Sharif as she once had.

Concerned about the instability of their ally, the U.S. government pushed Musharraf to meet with Bhutto and come to an arrangement that might strengthen his legitimacy. This was also encouraged by the UK government. In January 2007, Musharraf held his first meeting with Bhutto at a hotel in Abu Dhabi, followed by further talks in June. As a result of their discussions, it was agreed that the Pakistani authorities would drop all charges of corruption against both Bhutto and her husband. This was achieved through the introduction of the National Reconciliation Ordinance, a measure which nullified all pending criminal proceedings against politicians. The Ordinance also lifted Musharraf's ban on individuals serving more than two terms as Prime Minister. It was also agreed that if Musharraf stepped down from his military positions and was elected as a civilian President, then Bhutto would be willing to serve under him as Prime Minister. Many of Musharraf's close allies had reservations about his concessions to Bhutto.

The US' Condoleezza Rice and the UK's Jack Straw worked together to ensure a transition back to electoral democracy in Pakistan. The UK and Spain both dropped criminal investigations into Bhutto's corruption, although Switzerland refused to do so. In August 2007, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Zalmay Khalizad, had several meetings with Bhutto in New York City. There, Bhutto also gave a public talk at the Council of Foreign Relations. Bhutto and Khalizad also traveled to a luncheon in Aspen, Colorado to meet with prominent U.S. political and business leaders. In October 2007, Musharraf was elected President by Pakistan's parliament. In keeping with the agreement made by Bhutto and Musharraf, the PPP representatives abstained rather than voting against Musharraf's nomination.

Bhutto returned to Pakistan in October 2007, arriving in Karachi. It was widely thought that she had a strong chance of becoming the country's next Prime Minister in the 2008 national elections, although her deal with Musharraf and links with the U.S. had dented her popularity and Sharif-still in Saudi Arabia-was more popular in the opinion polls. Musharraf was annoyed at her arrival, having requested that she return only after the election.

Bhutto described the main problem facing her country as the clash between "moderation and extremism", and was pessimistic about her safety. Musharraf himself had survived several assassination attempts by Islamist militants, and warned Bhutto that she too would be a target. She requested that the US or UK take responsibility for her security, but they refused, and her security detail was instead organised by Musharraf. While her cavalcade was making its way through a crowd in Karachi, two bombs went off, killing 149 and injuring 402. Bhutto herself was physically unharmed. Bhutto alleged that there were four suicide squads that had been dispatched to eliminate her and that there were key officials in the government involved in the plot; she sent a list naming these officials to Musharraf. Bhutto requested that Musharraf bring in the British Scotland Yard or the United States' Federal Bureau of Investigation to investigate the crime, but he refused.

Relations between the pair were further strained when Musharraf declared a state of emergency and suspended the constitution in November, at which point Bhutto was visiting Dubai. The PPP and PML-N launched protests at Musharraf's actions. Against the warnings of some of her advisors, Bhutto quickly returned to Pakistan, where she was briefly placed under house arrest. She then publicly denounced Musharraf, fearing that any association with him would damage her credibility. On 26 November, Sharif returned from exile; that same day, Bhutto filed papers to contest two parliamentary seats in the Larkana constituency. Musharraf then retired as army chief and was sworn in as Pakistan's civilian president. In early December, Bhutto met with Sharif to publicise their demand that Musharraf fulfil his promise to lift the state of emergency before January's parliamentary elections, threatening to boycott the vote if he failed to comply. On 16 December, Musharraf did so.

Bhutto announced that the PPP would campaign on "the five E's": employment, education, energy, environment, and equality. The PPP's manifesto called for greater civilian oversight of, and restrictions on, the military and intelligence agencies. They also vowed to rid the intelligence services of elements driven by political or religious motives.

On the morning of 27 December 2007, Bhutto met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai. In the afternoon, she gave a speech at a PPP rally held in Rawalpindi's Liaquat National Bagh. On leaving in a bulletproof vehicle, she opened the car's escape hatch and stood up to wave to the surrounding crowds. A man standing within two to three metres of the car fired three gunshots at her and detonated a suicide vest packed with ball bearings. Bhutto was fatally injured; reports differ as to whether she was hit by bullets or by shrapnel from the explosion. Bhutto was rushed to Rawalpindi General Hospital but was clinically dead on arrival and attempts at resuscitation were unsuccessful. No autopsy was conducted, and the body was swiftly transported to Chaklala Air Base. The following day, she was buried next to her father in the Bhutto family mausoleum, Garhi Khuda Bakhsh, her family graveyard near Larkana. PPP supporters rioted in various parts of Pakistan.

Authorities claimed that the assassin had been a teenage boy from South Waziristan. They claimed to have proof that the attack had been masterminded by Baitullah Mehsud, leader of the Pakistani Taliban. The United States Central Intelligence Agency concurred that this was probable, although Mehsud denied the accusation. Mehsud nevertheless had a motive; he believed that Bhutto's pro-American and secularist agenda would undermine the Pakistani Taliban's control of South Waziristan and hinder the growth of Sunni Islamist radicalism. Al-Qaeda commander Mustafa Abu al-Yazid claimed responsibility for the assassination, declaring that "We terminated the most precious American asset which vowed to defeat [the] mujahideen." The PPP accused the government of a cover-up, with several PPP figures claiming that Bhutto had been killed by a sniper linked to the intelligence agencies. Within Pakistan, there was also public speculation that the attack might have been masterminded by India or the United States. Musharraf agreed to invite Britain's Scotland Yard to investigate the assassination, although its eventual report proved inconclusive. Requests for the body to be exhumed for an autopsy were rejected by Zardari.

In Bhutto's political will, she had designated her son Bilawal, who was then nineteen, as her political heir as chair of the PPP. It also specified that her husband should serve as custodial chairman until Bilawal completed his formal education. Zardari became co-chair of the PPP. The academic Anna Suvorova specified that Bhutto's assassination created "a real family cult", one which was "fuelled by various apocrypha, rituals, and relics". In the wake of Bhutto's death, the election was postponed from January to February 2008, when it resulted in the formation of a coalition government bringing together the PPP and the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz). The new coalition put forth PPP member Yousuf Raza Gilani as Prime Minister. Musharraf, facing likely impeachment, resigned as president in August. He fled to London although, in February 2011, a Rawalpindi court issued a subpoena for him on the grounds that he had not acted on known threats to Bhutto and had provided insufficient security to protect her. In September 2008, Zardari was elected President of Pakistan by the country's electoral college; he remained in that position until 2013.

As president, Zardari called for a United Nations investigation into his wife's assassination. In 2009, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon established a three-person team to lead the investigation comprising the Chilean Heraldo Muñoz, Irish Peter FitzGerald, and Indonesian Marzuki Darusman. Although it was not in the commission's remit to identify a culprit, Muñoz later expressed the view that the assassination was likely carried out by the Pakistani Taliban, perhaps with the support of Mehsud, and that they may well have been assisted by rogue elements in the country's intelligence agencies. He also expressed the view that the original police investigation had been deliberately botched. In February 2012, the Pakistani official enquiry issued its final report, placing responsibility for the attack with 27 different militant groups. In May 2013, the state's main prosecutor in the Bhutto case, Zulfikar Ali, was himself assassinated in Islamabad. There was never a smoking gun in the Bhutto investigation. Many in Pakistan had reasons for wanting Bhutto dead; her killing was advantageous to both the military establishment and to the Islamic fundamentalists who despised her.

Allen thought that it was "hard to pin down" what Bhutto's "core political values" actually were. Bhatia described Bhutto as having "liberal convictions" and a "self-evidently progressive outlook", while Suvorova thought that Bhutto presented herself as "the outpost of universal liberal values in conservative Pakistan" for a Western audience. Bhutto biographer G. S. Bhargava thought that in the context of Pakistani politics, she could "pass" for a social democrat. Her friend Catherine Drucker, who knew her while the two women were at Oxford University, said Bhutto's political views were then akin to those "commonplace" within the "mild leftism of the day". Bhargava added that, through her education in governance and politics at Harvard and then Oxford, Bhutto had "a thorough exposure to political theory and practice, in historical perspective as well as in the contemporary setting".

Bhutto admired the Thatcherite economic policies pursued by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom; she was, according to biographer Mushtaq Ahmed, a "zealous convert" to privatization and market economics. Bhutto advocated the creation of an expanded economically and politically stable middle class in Pakistan, believing that this was needed in order to sustain a stable democratic state. Allen commented that although the PPP had once been officially socialist in ideology, Bhutto "was not a natural socialist, or even as adept at talking the talk as Zulfikar had been". She disagreed with her father's socialist economic policies, and when in power sought to privatize various industries that had been nationalized in the 1970s. Ahmed thus suggested that while under Bhutto the PPP continued to profess ideals of egalitarianism and claimed it would enhance the welfare of peasants and workers, such "progressive phraseology" couched an absence of economic policies to benefit the poor. Instead, Ahmed thought, its policies primarily benefited "the privileged classes" and was thus a right-wing rather than left-wing party.

During her years in office Bhutto also did nothing to seriously challenge the feudal nature of rural Pakistan. Under Bhutto, Ahmed wrote, people from the wealthy feudal class dominated the PPP "both at the federal and provincial levels". Bhargava suggested that, because of the period in which she was operating, Bhutto did not need to engage in the "verbal radicalism" employed by her father, not needing to "clamor for a socialist identity" in order to win votes and allowing her to be "a pragmatist in both word and deed". Lamb described Bhutto at being skilled in using populist strategies in election campaigns. In a 2007 article for the Los Angeles Times, Bhutto's niece, Fatima Bhutto, called her "a puppet 'democrat'" linked to the U.S. government's neoconservative agenda.

Under Bhutto's leadership, the PPP was officially secular, as were the governments which she led. However, in Pakistan at the time, the term " secularisation" was often understood not as reflecting the separation of religious institutions and the state, but rather had connotations of atheism and irreligion. Bhutto also took a hard stance against militant Islamism. Although she had to compromise with Pakistan's powerful Islamist lobby, she favored a secular government for the country. Allen wrote that "at no time in her years in power did Bhutto, Westernized though she was, feel comfortable in seriously challenging Pakistan's Islamists". Although during her campaigns she vowed to abolish the hudud restrictions on women that Zia had introduced, she never did so; instead these were revoked by Musharraf in 2006.

Bhutto was indignant when faced with sexism, and regarded herself as an ardent supporter of women's rights, however Suvorova stated that she was "never a feminist in theory or practice". Bhutto expressed the view that there were differences between male and female leaders, and that "women leaders are more generous and forgiving, male leaders tend to be more inflexible and more rigid." In contrast to those Islamic clerics who insisted that her involvement in politics contrasted with Islamic values, she insisted that there was no conflict. In her view, "it was men's interpretation of our religion that restricted women's opportunities, not our religion itself. Islam in fact had been quite progressive towards women from its inception." Bhutto described her main role model as Fatimah, the daughter of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, stating that she admired her piety, wisdom, and courage. She also described the Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a political inspiration.

According to Bhutto biographer Shyam Bhatia, Bhutto possessed a desire to be liked and to be popular, and for this reason "was prepared to be all things to all people", having a "chameleon-like" quality to blend into her environment. Muñoz concurred, describing Bhutto as "a woman of contradictions". Suvorova similarly observed that Bhutto presented herself differently when in the West to when she was in Pakistan. While in Pakistan Bhutto presented herself as a conservative Muslim who always wore her head covered, but as a student in Oxford she had adopted a more liberal lifestyle, tending to wear a T-shirt and jeans and occasionally drinking wine. As a politician, she was conscious of how her image was presented in Pakistan; she dressed modestly, was never photographed with a glass lest it is interpreted as containing alcohol, and would refuse to shake men's hands. In the country, she also wore a white dupatta on her head to placate Islamist opposition; her mother and other female family members had not covered their hair in this manner.

The journalist Christina Lamb believed that in being raised in a wealthy and aristocratic family, Bhutto was unable to appreciate the struggles of Pakistan's poorest. The Islamic studies scholar Akbar S. Ahmed, who went to school with Bhutto, wrote that she was a "pampered and precocious" child. Bhatia claimed that at Oxford, where he first met her, Bhutto was spoilt, self-obsessed, and prone to throwing temper tantrums, although at the same time was humorous and generous, willing to pay for her friends' meals whenever at a restaurant. Allen suggested that Bhutto retained her "characteristic de haut en bas arrogance, a relic of her feudal upbringing", arguing that her key character flaw had been "a belief in the special, almost sacred destiny of herself and the Bhutto family" and that accordingly, while she "spoke like a democrat ... she thought and felt as a dynast". In later life, Bhutto was accused of being addicted to power, although Allen thought it more accurate to state that she was "addicted to adulation", suggesting that this stemmed from a narcissistic element to Bhutto's personality.

Commentators and biographers has said that Bhutto shared her father's charisma, but also his arrogance, and that like him she was impatient of criticism. The connection between Bhutto and her father was endorsed by Allen, who stated that they "had much in common: strength, charisma, political instinct, and the courage, part, and parcel of their arrogance, that was so characteristic of both". Allen also believed that Bhutto was so dedicated to her father that "psychologically", she was "unable to admit to any imperfection" in him. After his death she repeatedly presented his execution as a martyrdom. Bhutto imitated many of her father's mannerisms and his style of speech. She was an accomplished orator, having honed her skill at public speaking while president of the Oxford Debating Society.

Having encountered her later in life, Muñoz regarded Bhutto as a "charming and intelligent" woman. Close friends called her "BB", a name with which she signed some of her personal letters. Her parents gave her the childhood nickname of "Pinkie", possibly alluding to her rosy complexion.

Allen described Bhutto as "a woman of action rather than an intellectual". Bhutto's choice of reading material was usually either utilitarian or pleasurable rather than intellectual; she enjoyed reading Mills & Boon romance novels and the celebrity-focused magazine. She read a number of self-help books, telling a friend that "for all the lows in my life, those self-help books helped me survive, I can tell you". Her father had also encouraged her to read the writings of various prominent political figures, among them Napoleon Bonaparte, Otto von Bismarck, Vladimir Lenin, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and Mao Zedong. She had a love of French and Italian cuisine, and was a great fan of the music of American singer Neil Diamond.

In a 2002 interview with The Guardian, Bhutto described her allegiance to the Sufi branch of Sunni Islam. Allen thought her to have "some genuine, if unorthodox, religious belief, mixed up with superstition". Bhargava stated that Bhutto was "dedicated and devout in her religious principles but modern and emancipated in her behavior and outlook". In conversation, she often used the phrase " inshallah", and insisted that the Quran supported the equality of the sexes. Bhutto was anti-abortion and spoke forcefully against abortion, most notably at the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo, where she accused the West of "seeking to impose adultery, abortion, intercourse education and other such matters on individuals, societies, and religions which have their own social ethos".

In the final years of Bhutto's life, she and her husband lived apart. According to Allen, she would have been aware that a divorce or a public separation would have resulted at the end of her political career in Pakistan due to social stigma around the subject. In a 2007 interview, Bhutto said that she and her husband were living apart because of his medical requirements, adding that she visited him every month in New York. Regarding the rumors of separation, in 2008 Bhutto's friend Victoria Schofield said that the marriage should not be judged by ordinary standards. According to Schofield, after Zardari's return from prison, the Bhuttos' marriage was going through a process of "readjustment". In 2018, Bhutto's friend Ron Suskind described the marriage as "probably not all bad", although added that Bhutto did not consider her husband to be an equal partner in the marriage.

The couple had three children: a son, Bilawal, was born in September 1988, while she was campaigning for that year's election. She also had two daughters, Bakhtawar and Aseefa. When she gave birth to Bakhtawar in 1990, she became the first elected head of government to give birth while in office. Bhutto was devoted to her father and husband. In later life, she increasingly came to see success through the prism of her family.

Ahmed stated that Bhutto was one of the very few political leaders who had been able to "assume the iconic status of a political martyr in the West while simultaneously evoking strong sentiments in the Muslim world". He, therefore, contrasted her with contemporaries like Iraq's Saddam Hussein who were popular domestically but hated in the West, and those like Egypt's Hosni Mubarak who curried favor with Western governments while alienating their domestic audience. Bhutto gained popularity in Western nations in part because she could present herself as being "part of their world", speaking a high standard of English and having been educated at Harvard and Oxford. While her Western supporters sometimes had doubts about her ability to govern, they generally viewed her as a progressive figure who could advance democracy and counter-terrorism in Pakistan.

Allen commented that although "the cards might have been stacked in Bhutto's favor-she was rich, educated, aristocratic, the favored daughter of a very powerful father-nevertheless, her achievement was a remarkable one" given the male-dominated environment of late-20th century Pakistani society. Mushtaq Ahmed similarly believed that "for a woman to win an election in a male-dominated society was an achievement", and that "her victory over the forces of reaction and persecution was an unprecedented accomplishment in political history." Ahmed thought that the election of a female Prime Minister in a Muslim-majority country served as "a proclamation that Islam was a forward-thinking religion". He added that as a pioneering female leader, Bhutto had "barely half a dozen" parallels, among them Indira Gandhi, Thatcher, Golda Meir, Chandrika Kumaratunga, and Corazon Aquino. Comparisons with Aquino were often made - and welcomed by Bhutto - because both women had fought against a military dictatorship and spent time in exile. She became a global icon for women's rights, and inspired many Pakistani girls and women by her example. The Pakistani women's rights activist Malala Yousafzai-who received the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize-cited Bhutto as a personal inspiration. Writing in The American Prospect magazine, the journalist Adele M. Stan called Bhutto "An Imperfect Feminist", commenting that despite her efforts towards women's rights, these were sometimes offset by her compromises with Pakistan's Islamists and her support of the Taliban's rise to power in neighbouring Afghanistan.

Assessing her legacy, William Dalrymple wrote in The Guardian that "it's wrong for the West simply to mourn Benazir Bhutto as a martyred democrat since her legacy was far murkier and more complex". Despite her western and positive image in the world, Bhutto's controversial policies and support have made her legacy much more complicated. Benazir Bhutto failed to revert the controversial Hudood Ordinance - a contentious presidential ordinance which suppressed women's rights, making them subordinate to men. In 2009, CBS News, described her legacy as "mixed", and commented that: "it's only in death that she will become an icon-in some ways, people will look at her accomplishments through rose-tinted glasses rather than remembering the corruption charges, her lack of achievements or how much she was manipulated by other people." Jason Burke, writing in The Guardian about Benazir, termed her "[both] a victim, as well as in part a culprit, of its [Pakistan's] chronic instability".

Several universities and public buildings in Pakistan have been named after her. The Pakistani government honored Bhutto on her birthday by renaming Islamabad's airport Benazir Bhutto International Airport, Muree Road of Rawalpindi as Benazir Bhutto Road and Rawalpindi General Hospital as Benazir Bhutto Hospital. Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani, a member of Bhutto's PPP, also asked President Pervez Musharraf to pardon convicts on death row on her birthday in honor of Bhutto.

In 2008 in honor of Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan Post released:

Houtman, Gustaaf; Ahmed, Akbar (2008). "Benazir Bhutto (1953-2007): A Conversation with Akbar Ahmed". Anthropology Today. 24 (1): 4-5. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8322.2008.00557.x.

Ahmed, K. A.; Choudhry, I. A. (2009). "Benazir Bhutto's Struggle for Democracy". European Journal of Social Sciences. 10 (1).

Ahmed, Mushtaq (2005). Benazir: Politics of Power. Karachi: Royal Book Company.

Akhter, M. Javaiid (2009). "Politics of Reconciliation and Accommodation: A Study of Benazir Bhutto's First Era Democratic Government 1988-1990". Journal of Political Studies. 16: 63-80.

Muñoz, Heraldo (2013). Getting Away with Murder: Benazir Bhutto's Assassination and the Politics of Pakistan. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0393062915.

W. F. Pepper, (1983), Benazir Bhutto, WF Pepper, ISBN 978-0-946781-00-3

Katherine M. Doherty; Craig A. Doherty (1 September 1990). . Franklin Watts. ISBN 978-0-531-10936-6.

M. Fathers, (1992), Biography of Benazir Bhutto, W.H. Allen / Virgin Books, ISBN 978-0-245-54965-6

Benazir Bhutto Selected Speeches 1989-2007, 600 Pages

Articles written to pay tribute to Benazir Bhutto; Sani Panhwar, (2010) 247 Pages

Torild Skard (2014) "Benazir Bhutto" in "Women of Power - half a century of female presidents and prime ministers worldwide", Bristol: Policy Press ISBN 978-1-44731-578-0

Ahmad Ejaz, (1993), Benazir Bhutto's foreign policy: A study of Pakistan's relations with major powers, Classic, ASIN B0000CQV0Y

Lubna Rafique, (1994), Benazir & British Press, 1986-1990, Gautam, ASIN B0000CP41S

Sayyid Afzal Haidar, (1996), Bhutto trial, National Commission on History & Culture, ASIN B0000CPBFX

Mumtaz Husain Bazmi, (1996), Zindanon se aivanon tak, al-Hamd Pablikeshanz, ASIN B0000CRPOT

Prof. Dr. Khuhro. Amir Ahmed, (2012)"Personality as a Factor in Foreign Policy Making (a case study of Pak: US Relations during Benazir Bhutto periods)", printed and published by The Lambert Academic Publishing (LAP) Company, Saarbrücken, Germany under its ISBN 978-3-659-29380-1, published on 3 November 2012.

Prof. Dr. Khuhro. Amir Ahmed,(2013) "Benazir Bhutto (Life & trends in foreign policy)" published and printed by The Lambert Academic Publishing (LAP) Company, Saarbrücken, Germany under its ISBN 978-3-659-38290-1, published on 6 May 2013.

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Benazir Bhutto ( Sindhi: بينظير ڀُٽو‎; ; Urdu pronunciation: [beːnəˈziːr ˈbʱʊʈ.ʈoː]; 21 June 1953 - 27 December 2007) was a Pakistani politician who served as Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996. She was the first woman to head a democratic government in a Muslim majority nation.

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Η Marie ήταν πολωνή και μεγάλωσε σε μια ευκατάστατη και μέσα στα γράμματα οικογένεια, σε μια αρκετά δύσκολη περίοδο βέβαια. Έχασε την μητέρα της και την αδερφή της από αρρώστιες της εποχής, όμως δεν το έβαλε κάτω! Ήταν η πρώτη γυναίκα που κατάφερε να κερδίσει βραβείο Νόμπελ, δύο φορές μάλιστα! Την πρώτη φορά στην Φυσική και έπειτα στη Χημεία. Μαζί με τον σύντροφό της ανακάλυψαν το πολώνιο και το ράδιο. Ήταν η πρώτη γυναίκα καθηγήτρια στο πανεπιστήμιο της Σορβόνης. Θυσιάστηκε ουσιαστικά για το έργο της, διότι από την πολύ έκθεση που είχε στην ραδιενέργεια προκάλεσε σοβαρά προβλήματα στην υγεία της. Χειρουργήθηκε στα νεφρά και στην συνέχεια δυστυχώς πέθανε.

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Ολυμπία ντε Γκούζ

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Ολυμπία ντε Γκούζ

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Η Ολυμπία ντε Γκουζγεννήθηκε στο Μοντωμπάν σε ταπεινή οικογένεια. Σε ηλικία 17 ετών, η Ολυμπία Γκουζ παντρεύτηκε τον Λουί Ωμπρί με τον οποίο απέκτησε ένα παιδί 2 χρόνια αργότερα. Έπαιξε ενεργό ρόλο στην Γαλλική επανάσταση και όταν έληξε ασχολίθηκε με το να  γράφει τις προοδευτικές της ιδέες. Ένα από τα πιο διάσημα έργα της είναι η Διακήρυξη των Δικαιωμάτων των Γυναικών και της Γυναίκας Πολίτη στην οποία καλούσε τις γυναίκες να αγωνιστούν για τα δικαιώματά τους που ήταν κατά αυτήν τα ίδια που είχαν οι άνδρες. Σε άλλα γραπτά της καταφέρθηκε κατά της δουλείας και της θανατικής ποινής, καθώς και των ορφανών παιδιών. Συνελήφθη το  1793 και καταδικάστηκε σε θάνατο.
-Αριστοτέλης

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Η Ολέμπ ντε Γκουζ, ( γαλλικά: Olympe de Gouges), γνωστή και ως Ολυμπία ντε Γκούζ, γεννήθηκε ως Μαρί Γκουζ στις 7 Μαΐου 1748 στο Μοντωμπάν και πέθανε στη γκιλοτίνα στις 3 Νοεμβρίου 1793 στο Παρίσι. Ήταν Γαλλίδα διανοούμενη και θεωρείται μία από τους πρωτοπόρους του γαλλικού φεμινισμού.

Συγγραφέας της Διακήρυξης των Δικαιωμάτων των Γυναικών και της Γυναίκας Πολίτη (1791), άφησε πολλά κείμενα υπέρ των αστικών και πολιτικών δικαιωμάτων των γυναικών και της κατάργησης της σκλαβιάς των Μαύρων.

Συχνά εκλαμβάνεται ως έμβλημα από τα κινήματα απελευθέρωσης των γυναικών.

Η Μαρί Γκουζ γεννήθηκε στο Μοντωμπάν σε ταπεινή οικογένεια. Ο πατέρας της ήταν χασάπης και η μητέρα της υπηρέτρια. Σύμφωνα με φήμες ήταν το παράνομο παιδί του μαρκήσιου Λε Φραν ντε Πομπινιάν, ή ακόμα του βασιλιά Λουδοβίκου ΙΕ'.

Το 1765, σε ηλικία 17 ετών, η Μαρί Γκουζ παντρεύτηκε τον Λουί Ωμπρί με τον οποίο απέκτησε ένα παιδί 2 χρόνια αργότερα. Ο σύζυγός της πέθανε λίγο αργότερα και η Μαρί μετακόμισε με το παιδί της στο Παρίσι, μη θέλοντας να παραμείνει στην επαρχία. Ονειρευόμενη διασημότητα, σύχναζε στα λογοτεχνικά σαλόνια και πήρε το ψευδώνυμο Ολυμπία ντε Γκουζ, που σχηματίστηκε από το όνομα της μητέρας και το οικογενειακό της όνομα.

Ανέλαβε πολιτική και κοινωνική δράση σε ζητήματα που κυμαίνονταν από τη βελτίωση δρόμων έως το διαζύγιο, τα νοσοκομεία μητρότητας και τα δικαιώματα των ορφανών παιδιών και των ανύπαντρων μητέρων και έγραψε προφητικά για την υπεράσπιση των ιδεών της. Μεταξύ των θεατρικών έργων της ήταν Η σκλαβιά των Μαύρων, το οποίο ανέβηκε στο Théâtre-Français.

Από το 1780 και μετά εξέδιδε μυθιστορήματα και έργα όπου υπερασπίζονταν τις προοδευτικές απόψεις της. Η Γαλλική Επανάσταση έδωσε στην Ολυμπία ντε Γκουζ την ευκαιρία να δείξει πόσο ήταν πριν από την εποχή της. Σε αντίθεση με τη Συντακτική Συνέλευση, που απέκλειε τις γυναίκες από τα πολιτικά δικαιώματα, δημοσίευσε ένα κείμενο που αποτελεί ένα από τα θεμέλια του πρώιμου φεμινισμού και το αντίστοιχο της Διακήρυξης των Δικαιωμάτων του Ανθρώπου και του Πολίτη, τη Διακήρυξη των Δικαιωμάτων των Γυναικών και της Γυναίκας Πολίτη. Σε αυτήν υποστήριζε τη χειραφέτηση των γυναικών και την πλήρη και άνευ όρων ισότητα μεταξύ των δύο φύλων.

Η Ολυμπία ντε Γκουζ θεωρείται ως μία από τις πρώτες φεμινίστριες. Σε άλλα γραπτά της καταφέρθηκε κατά της δουλείας και της θανατικής ποινής και ετέθη υπέρ του διαζυγίου. Από πολιτική άποψη, υποστήριξε τον βασιλιά Λουδοβίκο ΙΣΤ' κατά τη διάρκεια της δίκης του. Στη συνέχεια πήρε την πλευρά των Γιρονδίνων και δημοσίευσε φυλλάδια ενάντια στον Μαρά και τον Ροβεσπιέρο.

Μετά την πτώση των Γιρονδίνων, κατηγορήθηκε ότι ήταν η συγγραφέας κειμένων τους. Συνελήφθη στις 20 Ιουλίου 1793, παραπέμφθηκε σε δίκη και καταδικάστηκε σε θάνατο. Καρατομήθηκε στη γκιλοτίνα στην πλατεία Κονκόρντ στις 3 Νοεμβρίου 1793, κυρίως λόγω των γραπτών της σχετικά με την ισότητα μεταξύ ανδρών και γυναικών.

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Ολέμπ ντε Γκουζ

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Η Ολέμπ ντε Γκουζ, ( γαλλικά: Olympe de Gouges), γνωστή και ως Ολυμπία ντε Γκούζ, γεννήθηκε ως Μαρί Γκουζ στις 7 Μαΐου 1748 στο Μοντωμπάν και πέθανε στη γκιλοτίνα στις 3 Νοεμβρίου 1793 στο Παρίσι. Ήταν Γαλλίδα διανοούμενη και θεωρείται μία από τους πρωτοπόρους του γαλλικού φεμινισμού.

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Boudicca: Η βασίλισσα του πολέμου

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Boudicca: Η βασίλισσα του πολέμου

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Η Boudicca, γνωστή και ως Βοαδίκεια, ήταν η βασίλισσα της Κέλτικης φυλής των Ικένων και μία ηγετική φυσιογνωμία στην ιστορία της Βρετανίας. Οδήγησε πολλές φυλές στον πόλεμο εναντίον των Ρωμαίων κατακτητών και η τελευταία μάχη της, το 60 με 61, παρά τον μεγάλο αριθμό εξεγερμένων Βρετανών και τις κατά τόπους νίκες τους, έληξε με νίκη των Ρωμαίων. Παρόλη την ήττα όμως, η Βοαδίκεια έμεινε γνωστή για τον ηρωισμό της και ο πρίγκιπας Αλβέρτος, σύζυγος της Βασίλισσας Βικτωρίας, ανέλαβε την ανέγερση τιμητικού αγάλματος, το οποίο σήμερα βρίσκεται πολύ κοντά στο Κοινοβούλιο, στο Λονδίνο.
Μάνος Π.

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Η Βοαδίκεια ή Μπουντίκα (Boudica ή Boudicca ή Boadicea, ~ 30 - 60 ή 61) ήταν βασίλισσα των Ικενίων, Κελτικού φύλου της (αρχαίας) Βρετανίας, που επαναστάτησε ενάντια στα κατοχικά στρατεύματα της Ρωμαϊκής Αυτοκρατορίας. Ήταν η αρχαιότερη (γνωστή) γυναίκα που ηγήθηκε ενός επαναστατικού κινήματος. Στις μέρες μας θεωρείται λαϊκή ηρωίδα της Βρετανίας, και γι' αυτό αποτελεί κεντρική φιγούρα της βρετανικής κουλτούρας.

Το όνομά της φαίνεται να ήταν αρχικά Μπουντίκα (Boudica), αλλά ο Ρωμαίος ιστορικός Τάκιτος, ο οποίος αποτελεί και την κύρια πηγή πληροφοριών για τη ζωή της, φαίνεται πως το έγραψε λάθος ως Μπουντίκκα (Boudicca). Μεταγενέστεροι συγγραφείς παρέφθαραν το όνομά της σε Βοαδίκεια (Boadicea).

Γεννήθηκε γύρω στο 30 μ.Χ. στο μέρος που σήμερα θα αποκαλούσαμε Ανατολική Αγγλία. Έγινε σύζυγος του υποτελή των Ρωμαίων βασιλιά των Ικένων Πρασούταγου και ανέλαβε την εξουσία της φυλής της μετά τον θάνατό του, σύμφωνα με τις επιθυμίες του. Το ότι η Βοαδίκεια έγινε αρχηγός της φυλής της ενώ ήταν γυναίκα δεν ήταν καθόλου παράξενο αφού ήταν κοινή πρακτική, αν όχι όλων, των περισσότερων κέλτικων φυλών στη Βρετανία. Στην διαθήκη του ο Πρασούταγος άφησε τη μισή περιουσία στον Ρωμαίο αυτοκράτορα, που τότε ήταν ο Νέρωνας, και την άλλη μισή στις κόρες του. Όμως ο Νέρωνας,κρίνοντας με τα ρωμαϊκά κριτήρια που θεωρούσαν αδύναμη και αφύσικη της εξουσία μία γυναίκας, θεώρησε πως από την στιγμή που αρχηγός των Ικένων είχε γίνει η Βοαδίκεια μπορούσε να διεκδικήσει όλη την περιουσία του Πρασούταγου χωρίς συνέπειες και διέταξε εισβολή. Οι Ρωμαίοι κατέλαβαν το βασίλειο των Ικένων, μαστίγωσαν την Βοαδίκεια και βίασαν τις κόρες της, φέρθηκαν στους συγγενείς της σαν να ήταν σκλάβοι ενώ άρπαξαν και την περιουσία όλων των Ικενών πολέμαρχων.

Το 60 με 61 μ.Χ. η Βοαδίκεια ηγήθηκε εξέγερσης των Ικένων, που μαζί με τους Τρινοβάντες επαναστάτησαν κατά του Ρωμαίου διοικητή της Βρετανίας Γάιου Σουετώνιου Παυλίνου. Η εξέγερση συνέβη την περίοδο που ο στρατός των Ρωμαίων ετοιμαζόταν να εισβάλει στο νησί Άνγκλεσι από την βορειοδυτική Ουαλία και σύντομα εξαπλώθηκε στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος της επαρχίας. Οι εξεγερμένοι στράφηκαν κατά της ρωμαϊκής αποικίας και παλαιάς πρωτεύουσας των Τρινοβαντών Καμουλόντουνουμ (σημερινό Κόλτσεστερ), το οποίο και κατέστρεψαν. Η καταστροφή του Καμουλόντουνουμ από το στρατό της Βοαδίκειας ήταν απόλυτη καθώς βασανίστηκαν και σκοτώθηκαν περίπου 10.000 άνθρωποι με φρικτό τρόπο ενώ μέχρι σήμερα στο υπέδαφος της πόλης μπορεί κανείς να βρεί ένα στρώμα πάχους περίπου ενός μέτρου που αποκαλύπτει την απόλυτη καταστροφή που προκάλεσε η Βοαδίκεια και ο στρατός της κατακαίοντας την πόλη.

Στην συνέχεια εκστράτευσε κατά του Λονδίνιουμ (σημερινό Λονδίνο), στο οποίο είχε προλάβει να επιστρέψει ο Σουετόνιος όταν έμαθε τα νέα για την καταστροφή του Καμουλόντουνουμ, χωρίς όμως να μπορέσει να προστατέψει την πόλη από τις δυνάμεις της Βοαδίκειας. Το Λονδίνιουμ είχε την ίδα τύχη με το Καμουλόντουνουμ και αμέσως μετά ακολούθησε και το Βερουλάμιουμ (κοντά στο σημερινό Σεντ Άλμπανς).

Ο Σουετώνιος κατάφερε τελικά να νικήσει τους εξεγερμένους κατά την μάχη της Οδού Βάτλινγκ. Σύμφωνα με τον Τάκιτο 80.000 Βρετανοί έχασαν την ζωή τους στο πεδίο των μαχών.

Η Βοαδίκεια σύμφωνα με τον Τάκιτο αυτοκτόνησε μετά την ήττα, ενώ σύμφωνα με τον Δίωνα Κάσσιο αρρώστησε και πέθανε. Ο τάφος της παρέμεινε άγνωστος όπως και η τύχη των κορών της.

Μετά την κατάπνιξη της επανάστασης της Βοαδίκειας το νησί της Βρετανίας ουσιαστικά βρέθηκε υπό τον αδιαμφισβήτητο έλεγχο των Ρωμαίων αλλά ο αυτοκράτορας Νέρωνας, αντί να τιμήσει τον Σουετώνιο για τη νίκη του, διέταξε να απομακρυνθούν από τη Βρετανία τόσο εκείνος όσο και τα στρατεύματά του έτσι ώστε να αποφύγει να προκαλέσει την οργή των Κελτών που θα μπορούσε να διαταράξει την ισχύουσα κατάσταση που ήταν υπέρ του. Έτσι ο Σουετώνιος απομακρυνθηκε από τη Βρετανία και ο Νέρωνας κατάφερε να διατηρήσει τον έλεγχό της χωρίς περισσότερες αιματοχυσίες.

Η κληρονομιά της

Αποτέλεσε πρότυπο για τις βασίλισσες Ελισάβετ Α΄ και Βικτώρια και έδωσε έμπνευση σε διάφορους καλλιτέχνες αλλά και προπαγανδιστές σε διάφορες εποχές. Αν και το πρότυπό της δεν διευκόλυνε την αποδοχή της γυναικείας εξουσίας στη Βρετανία, χρησιμοποιήθηκε όμως ως δικαιολογία για να γίνει αποδεκτή μία γυναίκα στην εξουσία.

Όταν η Ελισάβετ Α΄ κατέλαβε τον αγγλικό θρόνο το 1558 η χώρα είχε ήδη υποστεί την εναλλαγή τεσσάρων μοναρχών μέσα σε μόλις δώδεκα χρόνια (και τις θρησκευτικές μεταβολές που αυτό συνεπάγονταν) με τελευταία στον θρόνο την μεγαλύτερη αδερφή της, Μαίρη, που είχε αποκτήσει το προσωνύμιο "αιμοσταγής" εξαιτίας των αδίστακτων πρακτικών της προκειμένου να αποτρέψει τη θρησκευτική μεταρρύθμιση στην Αγγλία και είχε δημιουργήσει μία αρνητική εικόνα για τις γυναίκες στην εξουσία. Αν και η Ελισάβετ κατά την βασιλεία της προσέφερε στη χώρα της σταθερότητα, ειρήνη, ευημερία, ενότητα και θρησκευτική ανοχή, στην αρχή της θητείας της έπρεπε να δημιουργήσει μία ισχυρή δημόσια εικόνα που θα την εμφάνιζε ως ισχυρή πολιτική, θρησκευτική και στρατιωτική ηγέτιδα καθώς η εξουσία ενός ηγεμόνα εξαρτώνταν αποκλειστικά από την αποδοχή του από τον λαό. Το γεγονός πως ήταν νεαρή, ανύπαντρη και νόθα κόρη του πατέρα της, Ερρίκου Η΄, δεν έκανε τα πράγματα πιο εύκολα. Η ταύτισή της με την Βοαδίκεια βοήθησε την Ελισάβετ από τη μία να προωθήσει την εικόνα της ως στρατιωτική και πολιτική ηγέτιδα και από την άλλη να καθυσηχάσει τις ανησυχίες σχετικά με την γυναικεία εξουσία προβάλλοντας παραδοσιακούς ρόλους φύλου. Η Βοαδίκεια δεν παρουσιάστηκε ως πολεμίστρια βσίλισσα, αλλά ως μία εξαιρετική γυναίκα "υπεράνω των γυναικείων αδυναμιών" που μπόρεσε να ασκήσει εξουσία ως εξαίρεση. Ως τέτοιες εξαιρέσεις εμφανίζονταν η Ελισάβετ και αργότερα η Άννα, η σύζυγος του Ιάκωβου Α΄ που την διαδέχθηκε. Την ίδια στιγμή η Βοαδίκεια, ως ιέρεια και προστάτιδα του δρυιδισμού, εκπροσωπούσε την εικόνα της Ελισάβετ ως προστάτιδα της Προτεσταντικής πίστης.

Με την διαδοχή του Ιάκωβου Α΄ η Βοαδίκεια χρησιμοποιήθηκε και πάλι ως σύμβολο, αυτή τη φορά της "άγριας" γυναίκας που ταυτίζονταν με τη φύση σε αντιπαραβολή με τον πολιτισμένο άντρα. Η επανάστασή της θεωρήθηκε πράξη γυναικείας ανυποταγής ενάντια στην φυσική τάξη της αντρικής εξουσίας, μία πράξη που τελικά της στοίχισε τον πόλεμο και οδήγησε στην ήττα του έθνους της και στην μεταμόρφωσή του σε μία πιο ρωμαϊκή και αρρενωπή κοινοπραξία. Όπως και η Καρτιμάντουα και η Κορδηλία, η Βοαδίκεια ήταν η απόδειξη της βίαιης και ασταθούς γυναικείας φύσης που μπορούσε να αποβεί καταστροφική αν αφεθεί ανεξέλενκτη και ως τέτοια βοήθησε τον Ιάκωβο να περιορίσει ξανά τις γυναίκες, που είχαν ενισχυθεί από την βασιλεία της Ελισάβετ, και πάλι πίσω στον οικιακό χώρο. Όμως η Βοαδίκεια, παρά την παρουσίασή της ως ριζοσπαστική επαναστάτρια, κατάφερε να συγκινήσει τους Βρετανούς και να γίνει σύμβολο εθνικής ενότητας και εθνικιστικών προσδοκιών μέχρι και σήμερα γιατί στην κέλτικη παράδοση η χώρα πάντα παρουσιάζονταν ως μία γόνιμη και πληθωρική γυναικεία θεότητα που εξασφάλιζε την συνέχεια του βρετανικού λαού και την αναγέννησή του.

Το 1780 ο ποιητής Γουίλιαμ Κόουπερ (William Cowper) έγραψε το ποίημα "Βοαδίκεια: Μία Οδή" στο οποίο προέβλεψε ότι η Βρετανία, ενσαρκωμένη από την Βοαδίκεια, θα κυβερνούσε μία αυτοκρατορία που δεν μπορούσαν να διανοηθούν ούτε οι Ρωμαίοι αλλά ούτε και ο ίδιος. Πενήντα επτά χρόνια αργότερα (1837) και αφού ο Κόουπερ είχε πεθάνει, στον αγγλικό θρόνο ανέβηκε μία γυναίκα το όνομα της οποίας, από σύμπτωση, ήταν Βικτώρια, που στα λατινικά σήμαινε "νίκη", δηλαδή είχε το ίδιο όνομα με την Βοαδίκεια, το όνομα της οποίας στα Κέλτικα σήμαινε επίσης "νίκη". Υπό την ηγεσία της βασίλισσας Βικτώριας η Βρετανική Αυτοκρατορία προσάρτησε στα εδάφη της την Ινδία, την Αυστραλία, τον Καναδά καθώς και εδάφη της Αφρικής και του Νότιου Ειρηνικού και έφτασε στο απόγειό της πραγματοποιώντας έτσι την πρόβλεψη του Κόουπερ.

Αν και διάφοροι συγγραφείς σε διάφορες εποχές έχουν προσεγγίσει την Βοαδίκεια εξίσου με θαυμασμό αλλά και με αμφισβήτηση, από το δεύτερο μισό του 19ου αιώνα, μία εποχή που εξύψωσε διάφορες ιστορικές φυσιογνωμίες σε επίπεδο ήρωα (όπως για παράδειγμα τον Νέλσονα και τον Γουέλινγκτον), η Βοαδίκεια άρχισε να αποκτά ηρωικές διαστάσεις στη Βρετανία. Από πολύ νωρίς ταυτίστηκε με την μυθική φιγούρα της Βρετανίας που εκπροσωπούσε τη χώρα και επιφανειακά έμοιαζε με την Βοαδίκεια στα σύμβολά της.

Την εποχή της βασίλισσας Βικτώριας αναγείρθηκαν διάφορα αγάλματά της στο Λονδίνο, το Κάρντιφ και και το Κόλτσεστερ καθώς και ένα βιτρώ στο δημαρχείο του τελευταίου. Έγινε ιδιαίτερα δημοφιλής στην Ουαλία, μία περιοχή της Μεγάλης Βρετανίας που θεωρούνταν ότι ήταν η τελευταία που αντιστέκονταν στην ρωμαϊκή κυριαρχία. Το αγάλμα της Βοαδίκειας στο Λονδίνο ήταν δώρο προς τον λαό της Αγγλίας από την βασίλισσα Βικτώρια καθώς και μία επιβεβαίωση της γυναικείας της εξουσίας σε μία εποχή αυξημένου εθνικισμού. Η Βικτώρια θεωρήθηκε πρόγονος και κληρονόμος της Βοαδίκειας, η οποία, αν και στο τέλος ηττήθηκε, αποτέλεσε για τους Βρετανούς μία ενωτική φυσιογνωμία που τους ενέπνεε να δημιουργήσουν μία αυτοκρατορία μεγαλύτερη ακόμα και από τη Ρωμαϊκή. Η Φράνσις Πάουερ Κομπ δώρισε συμβολικά πέντε λίρες για την κατασκευή του αγάλματος συνεοδευόμενες από ένα σημείωμα που συνέδεε την Βικτώρια με την Βοαδίκεια. Ειρωνικά, η Βοαδίκεια, μία γυναίκα που αγωνίστηκε για την ανεξαρτησία του λαού της από μία αυτοκρατορία, έγινε το σύμβολο για την δημιουργία μίας άλλης. Για τους Βρετανούς όμως δεν υπήρχε καμία αντίφαση αφού η Βοαδίκεια για εκείνους δεν ήταν αντίθετη προς τις αυτοκρατορίες αλλά αντίθετη προς τους Ρωμαίους. Υπό το πρίσμα αυτό, το γεγονός πως χρησιμοποιήθηκε ως σύμβολο μία Βρετανικής αυτοκρατορίας στη θέση της Ρωμαϊκής, ήταν μία δικαίωση του αγώνα της.

Κατά την Βικτωριανή Εποχή δόθηκε μεγάλη σημασία στην διδακτική χρήση της ιστοριας και διάφοροι σγγραφείς άρχισαν να συλλέγουν ιστοριες διάσημων γυναικών και να τις δημοσιεύουν σε συλλογές. Μεταξύ του 1850 και του 1870 δημοσιεύονταν κατά μέσο όρο δέκα με δώδεκα τέτοια βιβλία κάθε χρόνο. Όμως η Βοαδίκεια σπάνια περιλαμβάνονταν σε αυτά γιατί οι βικτωριανοί θεωρούσαν προβληματική τη βία και τον παγανισμό της καθώς και το άδοξο τέλος της. Ακόμα και όταν αναφέρονταν όμως, η ιστορία της χρησιμοποιούνταν περισσότερο ως παράδειγμα της ακαταλληλότητας των γυναικών για την εξουσία χωρίς αντρική καθοδήγηση και κυρίως των κινδύνων της απόρριψης της εκπολιτιστικής και ηθικοπλαστικής επίδρασης του Χριστιανισμού. Άλλοι καλλιτέχνες όμως, όπως εκείνοι που δημιούργησαν τα αγάλματά της, επικεντρώνονταν περισσότερο στο γεγονός ότι ήταν μία προστατευτική μητέρα που έπαιρνε εκδίκηση για τις κόρες της καθιστώντας την πολεμική επιθετικότητά της σύμβολο μητρότητας. Για όσους γνώριζαν την ιστορία της ήταν επίσης μία βασίλισσα που έπαιρνε το σπαθί για να υπερασπίσει την πατρίδα της.

Κατά τον 20ο αιώνα οι Βρετανές σουφραζέτες την μετέτρεψαν σε σύμβολο του γυναικείου αγώνα και συγκεντρώνονταν γύρω από το άγαλμά της για να πανηγυρίσουν ενώ η Κρίσταμπελ Πάνκχαρστ χαρακτηρίστηκε "Βοαδίκεια της πολιτικής". Σταδιακά όμως εγκατέλειψαν το σύμβολο της Βοαδίκειας καθώς θεωρήθηκε ότι ήταν μία γυναίκα που δεν δίστασε να οδηγήσει τον στρατό της στο να διαπράξει φρικτά εγκλήματα σε βάρος των γυναικών στις πόλεις που κατακτούσε.

Η μεταμόρφωση όμως τη Βοαδίκειας σε εθνικό σύμβολο και εθνική ηρωίδα για τους Βρετανούς ολοκληρώθηκε κατά τον 20ο αιώνα, μία εποχή που η θέση και ο ρόλος των γυναικών βελτιώνονταν όλο και περισσότερο. Οι γυναίκες συμμετείχαν ενεργά στον Α΄Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο και στην Μεγάλη Βρετανία απέκτησαν δικαίωμα ψήφου το 1918. Κατά τον Β΄Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο οι γυναίκες συμμετείαν ακόμα πιο δυναμικά και η νεαρή, πριγκίπισσα τότε, Ελισάβετ ήθελε να καταταγεί στον στρατό ως μηχανικός. Ο βρετανικός εθνικισμός άρχισε να δέιχνει πιο έτοιμος για μία γυναίκα ηρωίδα, αλλά η εκλογή της πρώτης γυναίκας πρωθυπουργού, της Μάργκαρετ Θάτσερ, και ο πόλεμος στα Φώκλαντ ήταν εκείνο που οδήγησε στο να αναφέρεται όλο και ποιο συχνά η Βοαδίκεια ως πρότυπο αλλά και ως ομοιότητα για τις γυναίκες στην εξουσία. Είναι ενδιαφέρον να αναφερθεί όμως πως η βασίλισσα Ελισάβετ Β΄ δεν ταυτίστηκε ούτε καν συγκρίθηκε ποτέ με την Βοαδίκεια την επονομαζόμενη πρώτη βασίλισσα της Βρετανίας.

Σήμερα η Βοαδίκεια απεικονίζεται σε πληθώρα ταινιών, θεατρικών έργων και βιβλίων και αποτελεί κεντρικό στοιχείο της Βρετανικής κουλτούρας. Όπως και άλλα εθνικά σύμβολα όπως η μυθική θεά Βρετάνια χρησιμοποιήθηκε ακόμα και ως δικαιολογία για την κυριαρχία της Βρετανικής Αυτοκρατορίας πάνω στους υποτελείς λαούς. Η εικόνα της είναι τόσο ισχυρή στη σημερινή εποχή που χρησιμοποιείται συχνά από διαφορετικές ομάδες ατόμων που συχνά πρεσβεύουν εντελώς διαφορετικά πράγματα. Η Βοαδίκεια μέσα στις εποχές, από κέλτισα φεμινίστρια μέχρι διεθνής αγωνίστρια για την ελευθερία, έχει ερμηνευθεί με πολλούς διαφορετικούς τρόπους, κάποιοι από τους οποίους είναι ακόμα και ειρωνικοί δεδομένου ότι η ίδια δεν διέθετε κάποια συγκεκριμένη εθνική ταυτότητα.

Παραπομπές και σημειώσεις

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Η Βοαδίκεια ή Μπουντίκα (Boudica ή Boudicca ή Boadicea, ~ 30 - 60 ή 61) ήταν βασίλισσα των Ικενίων, Κελτικού φύλου της (αρχαίας) Βρετανίας, που επαναστάτησε ενάντια στα κατοχικά στρατεύματα της Ρωμαϊκής Αυτοκρατορίας. Ήταν η αρχαιότερη (γνωστή) γυναίκα που ηγήθηκε ενός επαναστατικού κινήματος.

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Simonde Beauvoir: η ιδρύτρια του φεμινισμού

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Simonde Beauvoir: η ιδρύτρια του φεμινισμού

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Ίσως το πιο αναγνωρίσιμο παράδειγμα γυναίκας που άλλαξε τον κόσμο. Κι αυτό γιατί χάρη στην ίδια μπορούμε να μιλάμε για φεμινισμό. Τα βιβλία τους αποτελούν τεράστιο κομμάτι για τη γυναικεία ύπαρξη, με πρώτο και ίσως σημαντικότερο το «Δεύτερο Φύλο». Γεννήθηκε το 1908 και παρά το πρώιμο στάδιο της κοινωνίας, η ίδια δεν σταμάτησε ποτέ να αποδεικνύει την ελεύθερη φύση της και φυσικά την πίστη της στις γυναίκας. Στα 21 της αποφασίζει να σπουδάσει φιλοσοφία στη Σορβόννη, όπου γνωρίζει τον αιώνιο σύντροφο της: Ζαν Πωλ Σαρτρ. Το διαδίκτυο βρίθει από ιστορίες, θρύλους αλλά και εκφράσεις που περιγράφουν όχι μόνο την ιδιότυπη–ακόμα και για τα σημερινά δεδομένα-φύση της σχέσης τους, αλλά πολύ περισσότερο την αξία της φιλοσοφίας και της διανόησής τους.

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Γιορτάζουμε την Παγκόσμια Ημέρα της Γυναίκας με ένα αφιέρωμα σε γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο! Ποιες είναι και πώς άφησαν το σημάδι τους στην παγκόσμια μνήμη;

Valentina Tereshkova: η πρώτη γυναίκα αστροναύτης

Γεννήθηκε το 1937, στη Ρωσία. Εκπαιδεύτηκε κυρίως μέσω αλληλογραφίας και μεγαλώνοντας εξασκήθηκε στην πτήση με αλεξίπτωτο. Η εμπειρία της στην πτώση, της χάρισε μια θέση στο διαστημικό πρόγραμμα της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης. Ήταν Ιούνιος του 1963, όταν η Valentina Tereshkova, μετά από 18 μήνες εκπαίδευσης, έγινε η πρώτη γυναίκα που ταξίδευε στο διάστημα, με το διαστημόπλοιο Vostok 6. Δεν είχε κλείσει καν τα 26 της χρόνια! Στη συνέχεια της επαγγελματικής της πορείας απέκτησε διδακτορικό δίπλωμα στη μηχανική και άσκησε διάφορα πολιτικά αξιώματα, αφήνοντας τη δική της κληρονομιά. Το όνομά της φυσικά ακούγεται μέχρι σήμερα, με τη ζωή και το έργο της να γίνονται εκθέσεις, θεατρικά έργα αλλά και ντοκιμαντέρ!

Margaret Hamilton: χάρη στον κώδικά της πήγαμε στο φεγγάρι

Τα τελευταία χρόνια που η πληροφορική και ο κώδικας γίνονται όλο και πιο περιζήτητα, πολλοί δεν γνωρίζουν πως το Apollo 11 πραγματοποίησε την πτήση του χάρη στον κώδικα που ανέπτυξε η Margaret Hamilton. Η ίδια γεννήθηκε το 1936 και έχοντας ολοκληρώσει τις σπουδές της, βρέθηκε στο Εργαστήριο Charles Stark Draper του MIT, το οποίο μελετούσε τη διαστημική αποστολή του Apollo. Kατά τη διάρκεια της αποστολής του Apollo 11, επινόησε τον όρο "software engineering", ώστε η δουλειά της να ξεχωρίσει από αυτή των υπόλοιπων μηχανικών. Για την προσφορά της στην ανθρωπότητα έχει αποσπάσει διάφορα σημαντικά βραβεία, μεταξύ των οποίων και αυτό του Προεδρικού Μεταλλίου της Ελευθερίας το 2016 από τον Πρόεδρο των Η.Π.Α. Barack Obama.

Kathrine Switzer: η γυναίκα που έτρεξε πρώτη το μαραθώνιο της Βοστώνης

Μπορεί ο υπότιτλος για αυτή τη γυναίκα να μην καταδεικνύει σήμερα τη σημασία της νίκης της, αλλά για τη δεκαετία του '60 και την εξέλιξη των γυναικείων δικαιωμάτων, η πράξη της θεωρήθηκε ηρωική, κάνοντας την ίδια σύμβολο του σύγχρονου γυναικείου αγώνα. Ο μαραθώνιος της Βοστώνης, λοιπόν, ήταν κάποτε ένα ανδροκρατούμενο άθλημα. Η απόφαση της να τρέξει σε αυτόν, το 1967 δεν χαιρετίστηκε με χαρά. Για την ακρίβεια, κατά τη διάρκεια του αγώνα, ένας άντρας της επιτέθηκε προσπαθώντας να την κάνει να βγει εκτός. Γνώριζε πολύ καλά πως αν τα παρατούσε, οι γυναίκες δε θα καταλάβαιναν ποτέ πως και αυτές μπορούν να τρέξουν μεγάλες αποστάσεις. Και κάπως έτσι τα κατάφερε! Αξίζει να σημειωθεί πως η Kathrine Switzer επανέλαβε τον "άθλο" της πέρσι, το 2017, 50 χρόνια μετά την πρώτη της φορά και σε ηλικία 70 ετών, φορώντας μάλιστα το ίδιο νούμερο στην ενδυμασία της: 271!

Malala Yousafzai: Νόμπελ Ειρήνης για το δικαίωμα στην εκπαίδευση

Είναι μόλις 20 ετών και αποτελεί ήδη σύμβολο για χιλιάδες κορίτσια, καθώς από πολύ μικρή ηλικία ξεκίνησε τον αγώνα στο Πακιστάν για την υπεράσπιση του δικαιώματος των κοριτσιών στην εκπαίδευση. Η ίδια στοχοποιείται από τους Ταλιμπάν και της επιτίθενται με πυροβολισμούς. Δύο φίλες της τραυματίζονται και η ίδια υποβάλλεται σε πολλαπλές επεμβάσεις, καθώς έχει χτυπήσει στο κεφάλι, των ώμο και τον αυχένα. Στα 16α γενέθλια της, μίλησε για πρώτη φορά δημόσια μετά την επίθεση που δέχθηκε στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη, τα οποία απέδωσαν τη 12η Ιουλίου ως "Ημέρα της Malala". Το 2013 της απονεμήθηκε το Βραβείο Ζαχάρωφ κι ένα χρόνο αργότερα το Νόμπελ Ειρήνης για τον αγώνα της υπέρ του δικαιώματος των κοριτσιών στην εκπαίδευση. Εννοείται πως είναι ο μικρότερος ηλικιακά άνθρωπος που της απονέμεται αυτό το βραβείο!

Simonde Beauvoir: η ιδρύτρια του φεμινισμού

Ίσως το πιο αναγνωρίσιμο παράδειγμα γυναίκας που άλλαξε τον κόσμο. Κι αυτό γιατί χάρη στην ίδια μπορούμε να μιλάμε για φεμινισμό. Τα βιβλία τους αποτελούν τεράστιο κομμάτι για τη γυναικεία ύπαρξη, με πρώτο και ίσως σημαντικότερο το "Δεύτερο Φύλο". Γεννήθηκε το 1908 και παρά το πρώιμο στάδιο της κοινωνίας, η ίδια δεν σταμάτησε ποτέ να αποδεικνύει την ελεύθερη φύση της και φυσικά την πίστη της στις γυναίκας. Στα 21 της αποφασίζει να σπουδάσει φιλοσοφία στη Σορβόννη, όπου γνωρίζει τον αιώνιο σύντροφο της: Ζαν Πωλ Σαρτρ. Το διαδίκτυο βρίθει από ιστορίες, θρύλους αλλά και εκφράσεις που περιγράφουν όχι μόνο την ιδιότυπη-ακόμα και για τα σημερινά δεδομένα-φύση της σχέσης τους, αλλά πολύ περισσότερο την αξία της φιλοσοφίας και της διανόησής τους.

Μελίνα Μερκούρη: η Ελληνίδα που αγαπήθηκε παγκοσμίως

Μεγαλωμένη σε πολιτικό περιβάλλον, πριν την πολιτική, αγάπησε πρώτα το θέατρο και τον κινηματογράφο. Απόφοιτη της Δραματικής Σχολής του Εθνικού Θεάτρου, παίζει σε παραστάσεις "ιερών τεράτων", όπως ο Κάρολος Κουν και ο Ζυλ Ντασέν, με τον οποίο διατέλεσε το δεύτερο και τελευταίο γάμο της. Το ευρύ κοινό θα τη γνωρίσει μέσα από τη "Στέλλα" των Μιχάλη Κακογιάννη και Ιάκωβου Καμπανέλλη. Πέντε χρόνια αργότερα, το 1960, θα είναι υποψήφια για Όσκαρ με την ταινία "Ποτέ την Κυριακή". Τελικά, θα κερδίσει το Βραβείο Καλύτερης Ηθοποιού στις Κάννες. Την περίοδο της δικτατορίας στην Ελλάδα, βρίσκεται στο εξωτερικό και γίνεται μάχιμη εχθρός του καθεστώτος. Μετά την πτώση της χούντας, επιστρέφει στην Ελλάδα και αναπτύσσει την πολιτική της δράση, η οποία κορυφώνεται το 1981 όταν ορίζεται Υπουργός Πολιτισμού. Στη διάρκεια της θητείας της, ο ελληνικός πολιτισμός θα λάβει παγκόσμια προβολή με πρωταρχικό μέλημα της ίδιας την επιστροφή των γλυπτών του Παρθενώνα. Απεβίωσε μόλις δύο ημέρες πριν την Παγκόσμια Ημέρα της Γυναίκας, στις 6 Μαρτίου 1994. Μετά το θάνατο της, ο Ζυλ Ντασέν ιδρύει στην Αθήνα το Ίδρυμα Μελίνα Μερκούρη, το οποίο μέχρι και σήμερα προσφέρει ποικίλες πολιτιστικές δράσεις.

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γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο

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Γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο

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Γιορτάζουμε την Παγκόσμια Ημέρα της Γυναίκας με ένα αφιέρωμα σε γυναίκες που άλλαξαν τον κόσμο! Ποιες είναι και πώς άφησαν το σημάδι τους στην παγκόσμια μνήμη; Γεννήθηκε το 1937, στη Ρωσία. Εκπαιδεύτηκε κυρίως μέσω αλληλογραφίας και μεγαλώνοντας εξασκήθηκε στην πτήση με αλεξίπτωτο. Η εμπειρία της στην πτώση, της χάρισε μια θέση στο διαστημικό πρόγραμμα της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης.

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Η Ρόσα Παρκς γεννήθηκε το 1913 και πέθανε το 2005.Το 1955 Η Αφροαμερικανη μοδίστρα αρνήθηκε να δώσει τη θέση της σε ενα λεωφορείο στην Αμερική σε ένα άσπρο άντρα. Ετσι συνελήφθη από την αστυνομία για παραβίαση του νόμου περί φυλετικού διαχωρισμού. Η Παρκς άσκησε έφεση στην απόφαση τής καταδίκης της ,με αυτό τον τρόπο η πράξη πολιτικής ανυπακοής υποκίνησε ένα κίνημα κατά του φυλετικού διαχωρισμού
Δημήτρης Π.

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Το λήμμα παραθέτει τις πηγές του αόριστα, χωρίς Βοηθήστε συνδέοντας το κείμενο με τις πηγές παραπομπές. χρησιμοποιώντας παραπομπές, ώστε να είναι επαληθεύσιμο.
Το πρότυπο τοποθετήθηκε χωρίς ημερομηνία. Για τη σημερινή ημερομηνία χρησιμοποιήστε: {{χωρίς παραπομπές|29|11|2020}}

Η Ρόζα Παρκς ( Rosa Louise McCauley Parks, 4 Φεβρουαρίου 1913 - 24 Οκτωβρίου 2005) ήταν Αμερικανίδα ακτιβίστρια.

Ήταν μία έγχρωμη μοδίστρα που έμελλε να μείνει στην ιστορία όταν, στις 1 Δεκεμβρίου 1955, στο Μοντγκόμερυ της Αλαμπάμα, αρνήθηκε να δώσει τη θέση της στο λεωφορείο σε έναν λευκό, αντιστεκόμενη στην τότε πολιτική φυλετικού διαχωρισμού των ΗΠΑ που απαιτούσε από τους έγχρωμους πολίτες να κάθονται στο πίσω μέρος του λεωφορείου και να παραχωρούν τη θέση τους στους λευκούς. Η πράξη αυτή πολιτικής ανυπακοής γέννησε ένα κίνημα κατά του φυλετικού διαχωρισμού στην πόλη αυτή, που άμεσα εκφράστηκε με μποϊκοτάζ των λεωφορείων από τους έγχρωμους επί 381 ημέρες, και βοήθησε έναν από τους διοργανωτές του κινήματος αυτού, ονόματι Μάρτιν Λούθερ Κινγκ, να ξεκινήσει μια διαδρομή που θα οδηγούσε στην ανάδειξή του σε κεντρική πολιτική φιγούρα στην Αμερική. Για τους λόγους αυτούς, η Ρόζα Παρκς σήμερα αναφέρεται ως "Μητέρα του σύγχρονου κινήματος πολιτικών δικαιωμάτων".

Το 1996 της απονεμήθηκε το Προεδρικό Μετάλλιο της Ελευθερίας. Το 1999 τιμήθηκε με το Χρυσό Μετάλλιο του Κογκρέσου για τον αγώνα της κατά του ρατσισμού. Είναι η πρώτη γυναίκα της οποίας η σορός εκτέθηκε σε λαϊκό προσκύνημα στη Ροτόντα του Καπιτωλίου.

Γερμανική Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη, Κρατική Βιβλιοθήκη του Βερολίνου, Βαυαρική Κρατική Βιβλιοθήκη, Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη της Αυστρίας: Gemeinsame Normdatei. Ανακτήθηκε στις 9 Απριλίου 2014.

Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη της Γαλλίας: (Γαλλικά) . . Ανακτήθηκε στις 10 Οκτωβρίου 2015.

"Encyclopædia Britannica" (Αγγλικά) biography/Rosa-Parks. Ανακτήθηκε στις 9 Οκτωβρίου 2017.

(Αγγλικά) Find A Grave. 12149998. Ανακτήθηκε στις 9 Οκτωβρίου 2017.

(Γερμανικά) . 00000022569. Ανακτήθηκε στις 9 Οκτωβρίου 2017.

(Γερμανικά) Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μπρόκχαους. rosa-parks. Ανακτήθηκε στις 9 Οκτωβρίου 2017.

Γερμανική Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη, Κρατική Βιβλιοθήκη του Βερολίνου, Βαυαρική Κρατική Βιβλιοθήκη, Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη της Αυστρίας: Gemeinsame Normdatei. Ανακτήθηκε στις 10 Δεκεμβρίου 2014.

www.nytimes.com/books/00/07/16/reviews/000716.16anderst.html.

www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4973548&sourceCode=gaw.

Γερμανική Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη, Κρατική Βιβλιοθήκη του Βερολίνου, Βαυαρική Κρατική Βιβλιοθήκη, Εθνική Βιβλιοθήκη της Αυστρίας: Gemeinsame Normdatei. Ανακτήθηκε στις 30 Δεκεμβρίου 2014.

www.nytimes.com/2005/11/02/national/thousands-pay-final-respects-to-rosa-parks-in-detroit.html.

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Το λήμμα παραθέτει τις πηγές του αόριστα, χωρίς Βοηθήστε συνδέοντας το κείμενο με τις πηγές παραπομπές . χρησιμοποιώντας παραπομπές, ώστε να είναι επαληθεύσιμο. Το πρότυπο τοποθετήθηκε χωρίς ημερομηνία. Για τη σημερινή ημερομηνία χρησιμοποιήστε: {{χωρίς παραπομπές|29|11|2020}} Η Ρόζα Παρκς ( Rosa Louise McCauley Parks, 4 Φεβρουαρίου 1913 - 24 Οκτωβρίου 2005) ήταν Αμερικανίδα ακτιβίστρια.

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Η Kamala είναι η πρώτη γυναίκα και μάλιστα έγχρωμη που εκλέχθηκε αντιπρόεδρος στην Αμερική. Γεννήθηκε στην Καλιφόρνια από Ινδή μητέρα και Τζαμαϊκανό πατέρα. Σπούδασε Νομική και αρχικά εργάστηκε στο γραφείο του εισαγγελέα.

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Kamala Devi Harris ( KAH-mə-lə;[2][3] born October 20, 1964) is an American politician and attorney who is the current junior United States senator from California, and the vice president-elect of the United States.

A member of the Democratic Party, she is set to become vice president on January 20, 2021, alongside president-elect Joe Biden, having defeated incumbent president Donald Trump and vice president Mike Pence in the 2020 election. She will be the United States's first female vice president and the highest-ranking female elected official in U.S. history. Harris will also be the first Asian-American and the first African-American vice president.[4][5]

Born in Oakland, California, Harris graduated from Howard University and the University of California, Hastings College of the Law. She began her career in the Alameda County District Attorney's Office, before being recruited to the San Francisco District Attorney's Office and later the City Attorney of San Francisco's office. In 2003, she was elected district attorney of San Francisco. She was elected Attorney General of California in 2010 and re-elected in 2014. Harris has served as the junior United States senator from California since 2017. Harris defeated Loretta Sanchez in the 2016 Senate election to become the second African American woman and the first South Asian American to serve in the United States Senate.[6][7] As a senator, she has advocated for healthcare reform, federal de-scheduling of cannabis, a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, the DREAM Act, a ban on assault weapons, and progressive tax reform. She gained a national profile for her pointed questioning of Trump administration officials during Senate hearings, including Trump's second Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, who was accused of sexual assault.[8]

Harris ran for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination and ended her campaign on December 3, 2019.[9] She was announced as Biden's running mate on August 11, 2020. On November 7, 2020, the race was called in favor of the Biden-Harris ticket.

Elections

2010

Nearly two years before the 2010 California Attorney General election, Harris announced she planned to run.[107] She also stated she would only run if then-Attorney General Jerry Brown did seek re-election.[108] Brown instead chose to run for governor and Harris consolidated support from prominent California Democrats.[109] Both of California's senators, Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, United Farm Workers cofounder Dolores Huerta, and mayor of Los Angeles Antonio Villaraigosa all endorsed her during the Democratic primary.[109] In the June 8, 2010 primary, she was nominated with 33.6 percent of the vote, defeating Alberto Torrico and Chris Kelly.[110]

In the general election, she faced Republican Los Angeles County district attorney Steve Cooley, who led most of the race.[111][112][113] Cooley ran as a nonpartisan, distancing himself from Republican gubernatorial candidate Meg Whitman's campaign.[citation needed ] The election was held November2 but after a protracted period of counting mail-in and provisional ballots, Cooley conceded on November 25.[114] Harris was sworn in on January 3, 2011; she is the first woman, the first African American, and the first South Asian American to hold the office of Attorney General in the state's history.[115]

2014

Harris announced her intention to run for re-election in February 2014 and filed paperwork to run on February 12.[116] The Sacramento Bee,[117] Los Angeles Daily News,[118] and Los Angeles Times endorsed her for re-election.[119]

On November 4, 2014, Harris was re-elected against Republican Ronald Gold, winning 57.5 percent of the vote to 42.5 percent.[120]

Consumer protection

Fraud, waste, and abuse

In 2011, Harris announced the creation of the Mortgage Fraud Strike Force in the wake of the 2010 United States foreclosure crisis.[121] That same year, Harris obtained two of the largest recoveries in the history of California's False Claims Act - $241million from Quest Diagnostics and then $323million from the SCAN healthcare network - over excess state Medi-Cal and federal Medicare payments.[122][123]

In 2012, Harris leveraged California's economic clout to obtain better terms in the National Mortgage Settlement against the nation's five largest mortgage servicers - JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, Citigroup and Ally Bank.[124] The mortgage firms were accused of illegally foreclosing on homeowners. After dismissing an initial offer of $2-4billion in relief for Californians, Harris withdrew from negotiations. The offer eventually was increased to $18.4billion in debt relief and $2billion in other financial assistance for California homeowners.[125][126]

Harris worked with Assembly speaker John Pérez and Senate president pro tem Darrell Steinberg in 2013 to introduce the Homeowner Bill of Rights, considered one of the strongest protections nationwide against aggressive foreclosure tactics.[127] The Homeowner Bill of Rights banned the practices of "dual-tracking" (processing a modification and foreclosure at the same time) and robo-signing and provided homeowners with a single point of contact at their lending institution.[128] Harris achieved multiple nine-figure settlements for California homeowners under the bill mostly for robo-signing and dual-track abuses, as well as prosecuting instances in which loan processors failed to promptly credit mortgage payments, miscalculated interest rates, and charged borrowers improper fees. Harris secured hundreds of millions in relief, including $268million from Ocwen Financial Corporation, $470million from HSBC, and $550million from SunTrust Banks.[129][130][131]

From 2013 to 2015, Harris pursued financial recoveries for California's public employee and teacher's pensions, CalPERS and CalSTRS against various financial giants for misrepresentation in the sale of mortgage-backed securities. She secured multiple nine-figure recoveries for the state pensions, recovering about $193million from Citigroup, $210million from S&P, $300million from JP Morgan Chase, and over half a billion from Bank of America.[132][133][134][135]

In 2013, Harris declined to authorize a civil complaint drafted by state investigators who accused OneWest Bank, owned by an investment group headed by future U.S. treasury secretary Steven Mnuchin (then a private citizen), of "widespread violation" of California foreclosure laws.[136] During the 2016 elections, Harris was the only Democratic Senate candidate to receive a donation from Mnuchin. Harris was criticized for accepting the donation because Mnuchin purportedly profited from the subprime mortgage crisis through OneWest Bank;[137] she later voted against his confirmation as treasury secretary in February 2017. In 2019, Harris's campaign stated that the decision not to pursue prosecution hinged on the state's inability to subpoena OneWest. Her press secretary said, "There was no question OneWest conducted predatory lending, and Senator Harris believes they should be punished. Unfortunately, the law was squarely on their side and they were shielded from state subpoenas because they're a federal bank."[citation needed ]

In 2014, Harris settled charges she had brought against rent-to-own retailer Aaron's, Inc. on allegations of incorrect late charges, overcharging customers who paid off their contracts before the due date, and privacy violations. In the settlement, the retailer refunded $28.4million to California customers and paid $3.4million in civil penalties.[138]

In 2015, Harris obtained a $1.2 billion judgment against for-profit post-secondary education company Corinthian Colleges for false advertising and deceptive marketing targeting vulnerable, low-income students and misrepresenting job placement rates to students, investors, and accreditation agencies.[139] The Court ordered Corinthian to pay $820million in restitution and another $350million in civil penalties.[140] That same year, Harris also secured a $60million settlement with JP Morgan Chase to resolve allegations of illegal debt collection with respect to credit card customers, with the bank also agreeing to change practices that violated California consumer protection laws by collecting incorrect amounts, selling bad credit card debt, and running a debt-collection mill that "robo-signed" court documents without first reviewing the files as it rushed to obtain judgments and wage garnishments. As part of the settlement, the bank was required to stop attempting to collect on more than 528,000 customer accounts.[141]

In 2015, Harris opened an investigation of the Office of Ratepayer Advocates, San Diego Gas and Electric, and Southern California Edison regarding the closure of San Onofre Nuclear Generating Station. California state investigators searched the home of California utility regulator Michael Peevey and found handwritten notes that allegedly showed he had met with an Edison executive in Poland, where the two had negotiated the terms of the San Onofre settlement, leaving San Diego taxpayers with a $3.3billion bill to pay for the closure of the plant. The investigation was closed amidst Harris's 2016 run for the U.S. Senate position.[142][143]

Privacy rights

In February 2012, Harris announced an agreement with Apple, Amazon, Google, Hewlett-Packard, Microsoft, and Research in Motion to mandate that apps sold in their stores display prominent privacy policies informing users of what private information they were sharing, and with whom.[144] Facebook later joined the agreement. That summer, Harris announced the creation of a Privacy Enforcement and Protection Unit to enforce laws related to cyber privacy, identity theft, and data breaches.[145] Later the same year, Harris notified a hundred mobile-app developers of their non-compliance with state privacy laws and asked them to create privacy policies or face a $2500 fine each time a non-compliant app is downloaded by a resident of California.[146]

In 2015, Harris secured two settlements with Comcast, one totaling $33million over allegations that it posted online the names, phone numbers and addresses of tens of thousands of customers who had paid for unlisted voice over internet protocol (VOIP) phone service and another $26million settlement to resolve allegations that it discarded paper records without first omitting or redacting private customer information.[147][148] Harris also settled with Houzz over allegations that the company recorded phone calls without notifying customers or employees. Houzz was forced to pay $175,000, destroy the recorded calls, and hire a chief privacy officer, the first time such a provision has been included in a settlement with the California Department of Justice.[149]

Criminal justice reform

Launch of Division of Recidivism Reduction and Re-Entry

In November 2013, Harris launched the California Department of Justice's Division of Recidivism Reduction and Re-Entry in partnership with district attorney offices in San Diego, Los Angeles, and Alameda County.[150] In March 2015, Harris announced the creation of a pilot program in coordination with the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department called "Back on Track LA". Like Back on Track, first time, nonviolent offenders between 18 and 30 individuals participated in the pilot program for 24-30 months. Assigned a case manager, participants received education through a partnership with the Los Angeles Community College District and job training services.[151]

Sentencing and prison inmate retention

After the 2011 United States Supreme Court in Brown v. Plata declared California's prisons so overcrowded they inflicted cruel and unusual punishment, Harris fought federal court supervision, explaining "I have a client, and I don't get to choose my client."[152] Harris's record on wrongful conviction cases as attorney general has engendered some criticism from academics and activists. Law professor Lara Bazelon contends Harris "weaponized technicalities to keep wrongfully convicted people behind bars rather than allow them new trials".[153] Harris declined to take any position on criminal sentencing-reform initiatives Prop36 (2012) and Prop47 (2014), arguing it would be improper because her office prepares the ballot booklets. John Van de Kamp, a predecessor as attorney general, publicly disagreed with the rationale.[152]

In September 2014, attorneys for Harris argued unsuccessfully in a court filing against the early release of prisoners, citing the need for inmate firefighting labor. When the memo provoked headlines, Harris spoke out against the memo. She said she was unaware of it, and the attorneys had produced the memo without her knowledge.[154] Since the 1940s, qualified California inmates have the option of volunteering to receive comprehensive training from the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection in exchange for sentence reductions and more comfortable prison accommodations; prison firefighters receive about $2 a day, and another $1 when battling fires.[155]

Death penalty

In 2014, Judge Cormac J. Carney vacated the death sentence of convicted rapist and murderer Ernest Dewayne Jones, declaring capital punishment in California unconstitutional based on the Eighth Amendment's prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment because "systemic delay and dysfunction" rendered the process arbitrary.[156] Harris appealed, contending Carney failed to abide by the highly circumscribed habeas corpus procedure set forth in the binding Supreme Court precedent of Teague v. Lane prohibiting federal courts from announcing a new rule of constitutional law in habeas cases.[157] In an op-ed for The San Francisco Chronicle, legal and political scholar Mugambi Jouet criticized the appeal as a defense of the death penalty.[156] The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals sided with Harris when it unanimously overturned Carney's order.[158]

LGBT rights

Opposing Prop 8

In 2008, California voters passed Prop8, a state constitutional amendment providing that only marriages "between a man and a woman" are valid. Legal challenges were made by opponents soon after its approval, and a pair of same-sex couples filed a lawsuit against the initiative in federal court in the case of Perry v. Schwarzenegger (later Hollingsworth v. Perry). In their 2010 campaigns, California attorney general Jerry Brown and Harris both pledged to not defend Prop8.[159]

After being elected, Harris declared her office would not defend the marriage ban, leaving the task to Prop8's proponents.[160] In February 2013, Harris filed an amicus curiae brief, arguing Prop8 was unconstitutional and that the initiative's sponsors did not have legal standing to represent California's interests by defending the law in federal court.[161] In June 2013, the Supreme Court ruled, 5-4, that Prop8's proponents lacked legal standing to defend it in federal court.[162] The next day Harris delivered a speech in downtown Los Angeles urging the Ninth Circuit to lift the stay banning same-sex marriages as soon as possible.[163] The stay was lifted two days later.[164]

Gay and trans panic defense ban

In 2014, Attorney General Kamala Harris co-sponsored legislation to ban the gay and trans panic defense in court, which passed and California became the first state with such legislation. Legislation like this is meant to address hate crimes.[165]

Michelle-Lael B. Norsworthy v. Jeffrey Beard et. al.

In February 2014, Michelle-Lael Norsworthy, a transgender inmate at California's Mule Creek State Prison, filed a federal lawsuit based on the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation's failure to provide her with what she argued was medically necessary sex reassignment surgery (SRS).[166] In April 2015, a federal judge ordered the state to provide Norsworthy with SRS, finding that prison officials had been " deliberately indifferent to her serious medical need".[167][168] Harris, representing CDCR, appealed the order to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals,[169] arguing that psychotherapy,[170] as well as the hormone therapy Norsworthy had been receiving for her gender dysphoria over the preceding fourteen years, were sufficient medical treatment,[171] and there was "no evidence that Norsworthy is in serious, immediate physical or emotional danger".[171] While Harris defended the state's position in court, she said she ultimately pushed the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to change their policy.[172] In August 2015, while the state's appeal was pending, Norsworthy was released on parole, obviating the state's duty to provide her with inmate medical care[173] and rendering the case moot.[174]

Public safety

Anti-truancy efforts

In 2011, Harris urged criminal penalties for parents of truant children as she did as District Attorney of San Francisco, allowing the court to defer judgment if the parent agreed to a mediation period to get their child back in school. Critics charged that local prosecutors implementing her directives were overzealous in their enforcement and Harris's policy adversely affected some families.[175] In 2013, Harris issued a report titled "In School + On Track", which found that more than 250,000 elementary school students in the state were "chronically absent" and the statewide truancy rate for elementary students in the 2012-2013 school year was nearly thirty percent, at a cost of nearly $1.4billion to school districts, since funding is based on attendance rates.[176]

Environmental protection

Harris prioritized environmental protection as attorney general, first securing a $44million settlement to resolve all damages and costs associated with the Cosco Busan oil spill, in which a container ship collided with San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge and spilled 50,000 gallons of bunker fuel into the San Francisco Bay.[177] In the aftermath of the 2015 Refugio oil spill, which deposited about 140,000 gallons of crude oil off the coast of Santa Barbara, California, Harris toured the coastline and directed her office's resources and attorneys to investigate possible criminal violations.[178] Thereafter, operator Plains All American Pipeline was indicted on 46 criminal charges related to the spill, with one employee indicted on three criminal charges.[179] In 2019, a Santa Barbara jury returned a verdict finding Plains guilty of failing to properly maintain its pipeline and another eight misdemeanor charges; they were sentenced to pay over $3million in fines and assessments.[180]

From 2015 to 2016, Harris secured multiple multi-million-dollar settlements with fuel service companies Chevron, BP, ARCO, Phillips 66, and ConocoPhillips to resolve allegations they failed to properly monitor the hazardous materials in its underground storage tanks used to store gasoline for retail sale at hundreds of California gas stations.[181][182][183] In summer 2016, automaker Volkswagen AG agreed to pay up to $14.7billion to settle a raft of claims related to so-called defeat devices used to cheat emissions standards on its diesel cars while actually emitting up to forty times the levels of harmful nitrogen oxides allowed under state and federal law.[184] Harris and the chair of the California Air Resources Board, Mary D. Nichols, announced that California would receive $1.18billion as well as another $86million paid to the state of California in civil penalties.[184]

Law enforcement

California's Prop 69 (2004) mandated law enforcement to collect DNA samples from any adult arrested for a felony and from individuals arrested for certain crimes. In 2012, Harris announced that the California Department of Justice had improved its DNA testing capabilities such that samples stored at the state's crime labs could now be analyzed four times faster, within thirty days. Accordingly, Harris reported that her Rapid DNA Service Team within the Bureau of Forensic Services cleared California's entire DNA backlog for the first time in history, having developed a process that allowed higher volume analysis of 5,400 evidence samples - an increase of 11 percent from 2010 (4,800) and 24 percent from 2009 (4,100).[185] In April 2014, Harris's team was honored with the U.S. Department of Justice's Award for Professional Innovation in Victim Services.[186] Harris's office would later be awarded a $1.6million grant from the Manhattan District Attorney's initiative to eliminate the backlogs of untested rape kits.[187]

In 2014, Harris introduced OpenJustice, a criminal justice data initiative designed with professor Steven Raphael making available statewide data on arrest rates, deaths in law enforcement custody, arrest-related deaths, and law enforcement deaths. Subsequent improvements to the platform revealed data about clearance rates and racial disparities in the criminal justice system.[188]

In 2015, Harris conducted a 90-day review of implicit bias in policing and police use of deadly force. In April 2015, Harris introduced the first of its kind "Principled Policing: Procedural Justice and Implicit Bias" training, designed in conjunction with Stanford University psychologist and professor Jennifer Eberhardt, to help law enforcement officers overcome barriers to neutral policing and rebuild trust between law enforcement and the community. All Command-level staff received the training. The training was part of a package of reforms introduced within the California Department of Justice, which also included additional resources deployed to increase the recruitment and hiring of diverse special agents, an expanded role for the department to investigate officer-related shooting investigations and community policing.[189] The same year, Harris's California Department of Justice became the first statewide agency in the country to require all its police officers to wear body cameras.[190] Harris also announced a new state law requiring every law enforcement agency in California to collect, report, and publish expanded statistics on how many people are shot, seriously injured or killed by peace officers throughout the state.[191]

Later that year, Harris appealed a judge's order to take over the prosecution of a high-profile mass murder case and to eject all 250 prosecutors from the Orange County district attorney's office over allegations of misconduct by Republican D.A. Tony Rackauckas. Rackauckas was alleged to have illegally employed jailhouse informants and concealed evidence.[192] Harris noted that it was unnecessary to ban all 250 prosecutors from working on the case, as only a few had been directly involved, later promising a narrower criminal investigation. The U.S. Department of Justice began an investigation into Rackauckas in December 2016, but he was not re-elected.[193]

In 2016, Harris announced a patterns and practices investigation into purported civil rights violations and use of excessive force by the two largest law enforcement agencies in Kern County, California, the Bakersfield Police Department and the Kern County Sheriff's Department.[194]

Labeled the "deadliest police departments in America" in a five-part Guardian expose, a separate investigation commissioned by the ACLU and submitted to the California Department of Justice corroborated reports of police using excessive force. The ACLU found that officers had engaged in patterns of excessive force - including shooting and beating to death unarmed individuals - as well as a practice of filing retaliatory criminal charges against individuals subjected to excessive force. Further analysis also revealed the highest rate of police homicides in the country, as well as excessive use of force, resulting in 17 deaths of unarmed civilians from 2009 to 2013 in the form of dog attacks and tasings.[195]

Planned Parenthood

In 2016, Harris's office seized videos and other information from the apartment of an antiabortion activist who had made secret recordings and then accused Planned Parenthood doctors of illegally selling fetal tissue. Harris had announced that her office would investigate the activist in the summer of 2015. She was facing increasing criticism for not taking public action by the time Planned Parenthood filed a lawsuit against the activist.[196][197]

Sex crimes

In 2011, Harris obtained a guilty plea and a four-year prison sentence from a stalker who used Facebook and social engineering techniques to illegally access the private photographs of women whose social media accounts he hijacked. Harris commented that the Internet had "opened up a new frontier for crime".[198] Later that year, Harris created the eCrime Unit within the California Department of Justice, a 20-attorney unit specifically targeting technology crimes.[199] In 2015, several purveyors of so-called revenge porn sites based in California were arrested, charged with felonies, and sentenced to lengthy prison terms.[200][201] In the first prosecution of its kind in the United States, Kevin Bollaert was convicted on 21 counts of identity theft and six counts of extortion and sentenced to 18 years in prison.[202] Harris brought up these cases when California Congresswoman Katie Hill was targeted for similar cyber exploitation by her ex-husband and forced to resign in late 2019.[203]

In 2016, Harris announced the arrest of Backpage CEO Carl Ferrer on felony charges of pimping a minor, pimping, and conspiracy to commit pimping. The warrant alleged that 99 percent of Backpage's revenue was directly attributable to prostitution-related ads, many of which involved victims of sex trafficking, including children under the age of 18.[204] The pimping charge against Ferrer was dismissed by the California courts in 2016 on the grounds of Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, but in 2018, Ferrer pleaded guilty in California to money laundering and agreed to give evidence against the former co-owners of Backpage.[205] Ferrer simultaneously pleaded guilty to charges of money laundering and conspiracy to facilitate prostitution in Texas state court and Arizona federal court.[205][206] Under pressure, Backpage announced that it was removing its adult section from all its U.S. sites.[207] Harris welcomed the move, saying, "I look forward to them shutting down completely."[208] The investigations continued after she became a senator, and, in April 2018, Backpage and affiliated sites were seized by federal law enforcement.[206]

Transnational criminal organizations

In early 2011, Harris ordered the arrest of three men with ties to the Tijuana Cartel suspected of plotting to murder a family in San Diego, seizing two assault weapons, more than a thousand rounds of ammunition, and $20,000 in cash.[209] Later that year, Harris ordered three coordinated law enforcement sweeps in Contra Costa County, the Central Valley, and San Bernardino County, resulting in hundreds of gang leader arrests of Nuestra Familia, Norteños, and the Vagos Motorcycle Club. Law enforcement officers also seized vast quantities of methamphetamine, cash, and illegal firearms, including an anti-tank gun and a rocket launcher.[210][211][212]

In summer 2012, Harris signed an accord with the attorney general of Mexico, Marisela Morales, to improve coordination of law enforcement resources targeting transnational gangs engaging in the sale and trafficking of human beings across the San Ysidro border crossing. The accord called for closer integration on investigations between offices and sharing best practices.[213] In September 2012, Harris announced that Governor Jerry Brown had signed into law two bills she sponsored to combat human trafficking.[214] In November, Harris presented a report titled "The State of Human Trafficking in California 2012" at a symposium attended by U.S. secretary of labor Hilda Solis and Attorney General Morales, outlining the growing prevalence of human trafficking in the state, and highlighting the involvement of transnational gangs in the practice.[215][216]

In early 2014, Harris issued a report titled, "Gangs Beyond Borders: California and the Fight Against Transnational Crime",[217] addressing the prominent role of drug, weapons, and human trafficking, money laundering, and technology crimes employed by various drug cartels from Mexico, Armenian Power, 18th Street Gang, and MS-13 and offering recommendations for state and local law enforcement to combat the criminal activity.[218] Later that year, Harris led a bipartisan delegation of state attorneys general to Mexico City to discuss transnational crime with Mexican prosecutors.[219] Harris then convened a summit focused on the use of technology to fight transnational organized crime with state and federal officials from the U.S., Mexico, and El Salvador.[220]

In 2015, Harris ordered the arrest of 75 individuals in Merced County and 52 individuals in Tulare County affiliated with the Norteños.[221][222] Harris's office also broke up a massive identity theft and tax fraud scam perpetrated by Crips in Long Beach, CA. Thirty-two members were arrested on charges including 283 counts of criminal conspiracy, 299 counts of identity theft, and 226 counts of grand theft, amounting to over $3.3million stolen by an identity theft scheme and $11million stolen by a tax fraud scheme.[223]

In 2016, Harris announced wide-sweeping arrests of more than fifty members of the Mexican Mafia, a.k.a. La Eme, seizing more than sixty firearms, more than $95,000 in cash, and $1.6million worth of methamphetamine, cocaine, and marijuana in Riverside County.[224] Later that year, Harris's office coordinated with federal agents in a raid on dozens of businesses in the Los Angeles Fashion District operating as a major money-laundering hub for narcotics traffickers in Mexico, arresting nine people on charges of money laundering through a black market peso exchange scheme and seizing nearly $65million in illegal proceeds.[225]

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Kamala Devi Harris ( KAH-mə-lə ;[2] [3] born October 20, 1964) is an American politician and attorney who is the current junior United States senator from California, and the vice president-elect of the United States.

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  Ιωάννα της Λωραίνης 

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  Ιωάννα της Λωραίνης 

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Ιωάννα της Λωραίνης (1412 – 1431) Ηρωίδα της Γαλλίας και Προστάτιδα της Ρωμαιοκαθολικής Εκκλησίας (γνωστή και ως η Παρθένος της Ορλεάνης) Σε ηλικία 18 χρονών ήταν επικεφαλής των Γαλλικού στρατού στον Εκατονταετή Πόλεμο κατά των Άγγλων στην Γαλλία τον οποίο και νίκησε. Έναν χρόνο μετά, πιάστηκε αιχμάλωτη από τους Άγγλους και σε δικαστήριο με μέλη τόσο της Βρετανίας όσο και της Γαλλίας που συνεργάστηκαν μαζί, καταδικάστηκε και κάηκε ζωντανή. Μετά από 500 χρόνια αναγνωρίστηκε η συμβολή της στην νικηφόρα έκβαση του πολέμου και  ανακηρύχθηκε Αγία από την Ρωμαιοκαθολική εκκλησία.
Δημήτρης Τ.

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Σαν Σήμερα .gr

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Αγία της Καθολικής Εκκλησίας, εθνική ηρωίδα και προστάτιδα της Γαλλίας. Η Ζαν Ντ' Αρκ (Jeanne d'Arc), γνωστότερη στην Ελλάδα ως Ιωάννα της Λωραίνης, γεννήθηκε στις 6 Ιανουαρίου 1412 στο χωριό Ντονρεμί της βορειοανατολικής Γαλλίας, στα σύνορα της Καμπανίας και της Λωραίνης . Μεγάλωσε στο αγρόκτημα της οικογένειάς της, χωρίς να μάθει ποτέ γραφή και ανάγνωση.

Ήταν μόλις 12 ετών όταν άρχισε για πρώτη φορά ν' ακούει φωνές, που την καλούσαν να σώσει τη Γαλλία από τη διάλυση. Όπως υποστήριζε, ο Αρχάγγελος Μιχαήλ, η Αγία Μαργαρίτα και η Αγία Αικατερίνη της είπαν ότι ήταν Θεία αποστολή να απελευθερώσει τη χώρα της από τους Άγγλους και να βοηθήσει τον διάδοχο του γαλλικού χρόνου, Κάρολο, να στεφθεί βασιλιάς. Της είπαν να κόψει τα μαλλιά της κοντά, να ντυθεί σαν άντρας και να πάρει τα όπλα.

Το 1429 οι Άγγλοι, με τη βοήθεια των συμμάχων τους από τη Βουργουνδία, κατέλαβαν το Παρίσι και όλες τις γαλλικές περιοχές βόρεια της Λωραίνης. Η αντίσταση που συνάντησαν ήταν ελάχιστη, λόγω της έλλειψης ηγεσίας και της ηττοπάθειας που διακατείχε τους Γάλλους. Ο Ερρίκος ΣΤ' της Αγγλίας απαιτούσε το γαλλικό θρόνο.

Παρότι αρχικώς δεν την έπαιρνε κανένας στα σοβαρά, η Ζαν Ντ' Αρκ επέμεινε και τελικά -με τη βοήθεια και κάποιων θεϊκών σημαδιών- κατάφερε να πείσει τον Κάρολο να της δώσει στρατεύματα για ν' αντιμετωπίσει τον εχθρό. Στη μάχη της Ορλεάνης το Μάιο του 1429 πέτυχε μια θαυμαστή νίκη έναντι των άγγλων εισβολέων, τους οποίους συνέχισε να καταδιώκει κατά μήκος της Λωραίνης. Η φήμη της έγινε τόσο τρομακτική, ώστε συχνά οι εχθροί τρέπονταν σε φυγή πριν ακόμα πολεμήσουν.

Στις 17 Ιουλίου 1429, ο Κάρολος στέφθηκε βασιλιάς της Γαλλίας. Κατά την ενθρόνιση, στη Ζαν Ντ' Αρκ δόθηκε μία τιμητική θέση δίπλα στον βασιλιά, ενώ αργότερα της απονεμήθηκε κι ένας τίτλος ευγενείας για τις υπηρεσίες της στη χώρα.

Ένα χρόνο αργότερα συνελήφθη από τους Βουργούνδιους, ενώ υπερασπιζόταν την Καμπανία, κοντά στο Παρίσι. Πωλήθηκε στους Άγγλους και δικάστηκε από εκκλησιαστικό δικαστήριο ως μάγισσα και αιρετική. Κύριο επιχείρημα υπήρξε η ανδρική ενδυμασία της, κάτι που θεωρείτο έγκλημα ενάντια στο Θεό. Καταδικάστηκε σε θάνατο και στις 30 Μαΐου 1431 κάηκε στην πυρά. Ο βασιλιάς Κάρολος δεν έκανε καμία προσπάθεια να τη σώσει.

Το 1456 η υπόθεση επανεξετάστηκε και το δικαστήριο την έκρινε αθώα. Στις 18 Απριλίου 1909 η Ζαν Ντ' Αρκ οσιοποιήθηκε από τη Ρωμαιοκαθολική Εκκλησία και στις 19 Μαΐου 1920 ανακηρύχθηκε Αγία από τον Πάπα Βενέδικτο τον 15o.

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Σαν Σήμερα .gr

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Αγία της Καθολικής Εκκλησίας, εθνική ηρωίδα και προστάτιδα της Γαλλίας. Η Ζαν Ντ' Αρκ (Jeanne d'Arc), γνωστότερη στην Ελλάδα ως Ιωάννα της Λωραίνης, γεννήθηκε στις 6 Ιανουαρίου 1412 στο χωριό Ντονρεμί της βορειοανατολικής Γαλλίας, στα σύνορα της Καμπανίας και της Λωραίνης . Μεγάλωσε στο αγρόκτημα της οικογένειάς της, χωρίς να μάθει ποτέ γραφή και ανάγνωση.

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Έλλη Αλεξίου - Ελληνίδα συγγραφέας, δημοσιογράφος και παιδαγωγός

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Έλλη Αλεξίου - Ελληνίδα συγγραφέας, δημοσιογράφος και παιδαγωγός

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Σπούδασε στο Διδασκαλείο Ηρακλείου, για έξι χρόνια υπηρέτησε ως δασκάλα και διορίστηκε καθηγήτρια Μέσης Εκπαίδευσης. Της αφαιρέθηκε η ελληνική ιθαγένεια και δεν μπόρεσε να επιστρέψει στην Ελλάδα. Το 1949 αυτοεξορίστηκε από την Ελλάδα ενώ στη συνέχεια ελευθερώθηκε και επέστρεψε οριστικά. Με την επιστροφή της συνελήφθη  με βάση βούλευμα εναντίον της που είχε εκδοθεί το 1952.  Έκτοτε μέχρι το θάνατό της, στις 28 Σεπτεμβρίου του 1988, αφιερώθηκε στη λογοτεχνία και τα έργα της διακρίνονται.
Ανδρομάχη

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Η Έλλη Αλεξίου (Ηράκλειο Κρήτης, 22 Μαΐου 1894 - Αθήνα, 28 Σεπτεμβρίου 1988) ήταν Ελληνίδα συγγραφέας, δημοσιογράφος, ακαδημαϊκός και παιδαγωγός.

Βιογραφικά στοιχεία
Γεννήθηκε στις 22 Μαΐου του 1894 στο Ηράκλειο της Κρήτης. Σπούδασε στο Διδασκαλείο Ηρακλείου και για έξι χρόνια υπηρέτησε ως δασκάλα στο Γ' Χριστιανικό Παρθεναγωγείο και στη "Στέγη Μικρών Αδελφών". Το 1920 εγκαταστάθηκε στην Αθήνα μετά το γάμο της με το Βασίλη Δασκαλάκη. Ακολούθησε σπουδές Παιδαγωγικών και Φιλολογίας, όπου και διορίστηκε καθηγήτρια Μέσης Εκπαίδευσης διδάσκοντας επί 19 χρόνια. Συμμετείχε στην Εθνική Αντίσταση μέσα από το ΕΑΜ Λογοτεχνών. Το 1945 μετέβη για σπουδές στη Σορβόνη, απ΄ όπου έλαβε δίπλωμα φωνητικής και γαλλικής, ενώ παράλληλα δίδασκε σε σχολεία της ελληνικής παροικίας αλλά της αφαιρέθηκε η ελληνική ιθαγένεια και δεν μπόρεσε να επιστρέψει στην Ελλάδα[εκκρεμεί παραπομπή]. Από το 1949 αυτοεξορίστηκε από την Ελλάδα και μέχρι το 1962 εργαζόταν ως εκπαιδευτικός σύμβουλος των ελληνικών σχολείων των σοσιαλιστικών χωρών.Το 1962 της επετράπη να επιστρέψει στην Ελλάδα για να μπορέσει να παρευρεθεί στην κηδεία της αδελφής της, Γαλάτειας Καζαντζάκη αργότερα όμως συνελήφθη και το 1965 βρέθηκε στις φυλακές Αβέρωφ. Στη συνέχεια ελευθερώθηκε και μετέβη στη Ρουμανία ως το 1966, οπότε και επέστρεψε οριστικά στην Ελλάδα. Με την επιστροφή της συνελήφθη με βάση βούλευμα εναντίον της που είχε εκδοθεί το 1952, δικάστηκε και απαλλάχθηκε. Έκτοτε και μέχρι το θάνατό της, στις 28 Σεπτεμβρίου του 1988, αφιερώθηκε στη λογοτεχνία. Τα έργα της διακρίνονται για τον ποιητικό ρεαλισμό του ύφους καθώς και για τον κοινωνικοπολιτικό προβληματισμό τους.

Η Έλλη Αλεξίου είχε λάβει μέρος στο Α' και Β' Συνέδριο της Ειρήνης, στο Παρίσι (1947) και Βαρσοβία (1950) αντίστοιχα, καθώς και στα Συνέδρια: των Διανοουμένων, στο Βρότσλαβ Πολωνίας (1948), για το Παιδί στη Βιέννη (1952), για τη Γυναίκα, στη Κοπεγχάγη (1953) κ.ά. όπως και της Νεοελληνικής Λογοτεχνίας (Βερολίνο 1957). Υπήρξε μέλος του Συλλόγου Γυναικών Επιστημόνων, της Εταιρίας Ελλήνων Λογοτεχνών, της Πανελλήνιας Κίνησης για την Ύφεση και την Ειρήνη κ.ά. Μιλούσε επίσης γαλλικά, γερμανικά και ρωσικά. Κατά την περίοδο της παραμονής της στο εξωτερικό ζούσε στη Ρουμανία ενώ με την επιστροφή της στην Ελλάδα εγκαταστάθηκε στην Αθήνα (Λ. Αλεξάνδρας).

Ήταν κόρη του λόγιου και εκδότη εφημερίδων, Στυλιανού Αλεξίου. Αδέλφια της ήταν η Γαλάτεια Καζαντζάκη (Γαλάτεια Αλεξίου) και ο φιλόλογος Λευτέρης Αλεξίου. Ήταν παντρεμένη με τον Βασίλη Δασκαλάκη ενώ αργότερα συζούσε για πολλά χρόνια με τον ποιητή Μάρκο Αυγέρη. Ανιψιός της ήταν ο Παύλος Σιδηρόπουλος.

Σκληροί αγώνες για μικρή ζωή (1931)
Άνθρωποι (1938)
Γ΄ Χριστιανικόν Παρθεναγωγείον (1938)
Ο Χοντρούλης και η Πηδηχτή (1939)
Λούμπεν (1943)
Ήθελε να την λένε κυρία (1956)
Με τη λύρα (1958)
Αναχωρήσεις και μεταλλαγές (1962) 3 τόμοι.
Για να γίνει μεγάλος, βιογραφία του Καζαντζάκη (1966)
Υπέρ των ζώντων, (11 διηγήματα, 1972)
Σπουδή (11 διηγήματα) (1972)

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ελλη αλεξιου

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ελληνιδα συγγραφεας

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δημοσιογραφος ακαδημαικος και παιδαγωγος

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γεννηθηκε ηρακλειο κρητης

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διδασκαλειο ηρακλιειου

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ΗΛΙΑΣ ΚΑΛΑΜΑΚΗΣ

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Έλλη Αλεξίου, ήταν Ελληνίδα συγγραφέας, δημοσιογράφος, ακαδημαϊκός και παιδαγωγός | diaskedasi.info

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Η Έλλη Αλεξίου (Ηράκλειο Κρήτης, 22 Μαΐου 1894 - Αθήνα, 28 Σεπτεμβρίου 1988) ήταν Ελληνίδα συγγραφέας, δημοσιογράφος, ακαδημαϊκός και παιδαγωγός. Βιογραφικά στοιχεία Γεννήθηκε στις 22 Μαΐου του 1894 στο Ηράκλειο της Κρήτης. Σπούδασε στο Διδασκαλείο Ηρακλείου και για έξι χρόνια υπηρέτησε ως δασκάλα στο Γ' Χριστιανικό Παρθεναγωγείο και στη "Στέγη Μικρών Αδελφών".

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Ελένη Μπούκουρα-Αλταμούρα: η πρώτη ελληνίδα ζωγράφος

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Ελένη Μπούκουρα-Αλταμούρα: η πρώτη ελληνίδα ζωγράφος

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Αναγκάστηκε να μεταμφιεστεί σε άντρα για να σπουδάσει ζωγραφική στη σχολή Ναζαρηνών ζωγράφων στην Ιταλία, καθώς στα μέσα του 19ου αι. στην Ελλάδα οι γυναίκες δεν μπορούσαν να ακολουθήσουν ανώτερες σπουδές

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Σαν Σήμερα .gr

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Η πρώτη ελληνίδα ζωγράφος, με πολυτάραχο και τραγικό βίο.

Γεννήθηκε το 1821 στις Σπέτσες και ήταν κόρη του αρβανίτη καραβοκύρη και πρώτου θεατρώνη της Αθήνας Γιάννη Μπούκουρα, με καταγωγή από τη Γορτυνία. Από μικρή έδειξε το ταλέντο της στη ζωγραφική και ο πατέρας της δεν της χάλασε το χατήρι. Έλαβε μαθήματα κατ' οίκον από τον ιταλό ζωγράφο Ραφαέλο Τσέκολι, καθηγητή του Σχολείου των Τεχνών, με συστατική επιστολή του οποίου συνέχισε τις σπουδές της στην Ιταλία.

Μεταμφιεσμένη σε άνδρα, με το ψευδώνυμο Χρυσίνης Μπούκουρας, παραβίασε το καλλιτεχνικό άβατο της εποχής και μαθήτευσε στο εργαστήρι του ζωγράφου και γαριβαλδινού επαναστάτη Φραντσέσκο Σαβέριο Αλταμούρα στη Νεάπολη (Νάπολι).

Η Ελένη ερωτεύθηκε τον κατά τέσσερα χρόνια μικρότερο δάσκαλό της και μαζί του απέκτησε τρία εξώγαμα παιδιά: τον Ιωάννη, τη Σοφία και τον Αλέξανδρο. Προκειμένου να νομιμοποιήσει τη σχέση της, ασπάστηκε τον καθολικισμό και τον παντρεύτηκε. Όμως, το 1857 ο σύζυγός της την εγκατέλειψε κι έφυγε με την ερωμένη του, την αγγλίδα φίλη της ζωγράφο Τζέιν Χέυ, παίρνοντας μαζί του τον μικρότερο γιο τους Αλέξανδρο.

Η Ελένη επέστρεψε στην Ελλάδα με τα άλλα δύο παιδιά της, τον Ιωάννη και τη Σοφία, και άρχισε να παραδίδει μαθήματα ζωγραφικής σε νεαρές Αθηναίες. Όμως, το 1872 η κόρη της αρρώστησε από φυματίωση και για λόγους υγείας οι δύο γυναίκες μετακόμισαν στις Σπέτσες. Τελικά, η Σοφία δεν απέφυγε το μοιραίο και πέθανε στα τέλη του 1872, σε ηλικία μόλις 18 ετών.

Το 1876 ο γιος της και ανερχόμενος ζωγράφος Ιωάννης Αλταμούρας ολοκλήρωσε τις σπουδές του στην Κοπεγχάγη και επέστρεψε στην Αθήνα, γεμίζοντας με χαρά τη χαροκαμένη μάνα. Όμως, η χαρά της δεν κράτησε πολύ. Ο Ιωάννης, που διακρίθηκε για τις θαλασσογραφίες του, προσβλήθηκε και αυτός από φυματίωση και πέθανε τον Μάιο του 1878, σε ηλικία μόλις 26 ετών.

Η απώλεια των παιδιών της προκάλεσε νευρικό κλονισμό στην Ελένη και την οδήγησε στην τρέλα. Σε ηλικία 60 ετών επέστρεψε στις Σπέτσες, όπου έκαψε σχεδόν όλα τα ζωγραφικά της έργα. Πέθανε σχεδόν άγνωστη στις 19 Μαρτίου 1900 και κηδεύτηκε στο κοιμητήριο της Αγίας Άννας των Σπετσών. Αργότερα, τα οστά της, όπως και εκείνα της Σοφίας και του Ιωάννη, μεταφέρθηκαν από τους απογόνους της στο A' Νεκροταφείο Αθηνών, στον κοινό τάφο της οικογενείας Mπούκουρα - Aλταμούρα.

Η τραγική ζωή της Ελένης Μπούκουρα - Αλταμούρα έγινε το θέμα ενός μυθιστορήματος (Ρέα Γαλανάκη:"Ελένη ή ο κανένας", εκδ. Άγρα, 1998) κι ενός θεατρικού έργου (Κώστας Ασημακόπουλος "Ελένη Αλταμούρα", εκδ Δωδώνη, 2005).

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Σαν Σήμερα .gr

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Ελένη Μπούκουρα - Αλταμούρα

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Η πρώτη ελληνίδα ζωγράφος, με πολυτάραχο και τραγικό βίο. Γεννήθηκε το 1821 στις Σπέτσες και ήταν κόρη του αρβανίτη καραβοκύρη και πρώτου θεατρώνη της Αθήνας Γιάννη Μπούκουρα, με καταγωγή από τη Γορτυνία. Από μικρή έδειξε το ταλέντο της στη ζωγραφική και ο πατέρας της δεν της χάλασε το χατήρι.