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I did the video but wouldn’t upload on Padlet  and I upload  it from YouTube.

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The two type of schools in Ancient Rome

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This is another map of Rome

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Ancient Rome school

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This is a map of Rome.

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This video shows you about Ancient Rome.

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This video talk about teachers in Ancient Rome

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Tour of Rome

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VR Gorilla - Virtual Reality From Amsterdam

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This video talk about education in roman time

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This article also explains how immigration has changed for the past 10 years.

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In 2003, foreigners represented circa 3% of the population; nowadays that number has almost tripled, getting to 8,2% of the population in 2014.

During the first few years of the new millennium, two communities topped the chart of foreigners in Italy: from 2003, the numbers of Moroccans and Albanians living in Italy have been steadily growing up from more than 200,000 people to the actual 450,000.
Their presence shows constant trends that date back, respectively, to the 90s for Moroccans and to the 70s for the latter.

Nevertheless, by confronting the two maps - from 2003 and 2014 - one can easily note how the geography of migrations has deeply changed over the course of a decade. In 2003, the Italian peninsula appears substantially divided between Casablanca and Tirana, the only exceptions being a strong presence of Romanians in Latium (the region with Rome) and of Tunisians in Sicily. In 2014, the scenario changes showing almost only one color: nowadays, in almost every Italian region, Romanians represent the majority of the foreign population.

The big change was brought forward in 2007, when Romania entered the European Union: in that year, the number of Romanians based in Italy almost doubled, rising from 342.200 to 625.278. By the end of 2014, there were more than 1 million and 100.000 Romanians living in our country, scattered in pretty much all the Italian regions - with a record of presences (as much as 224.537) in Latium.
In 2014, the other significan news is that Chinese show up at the fourth place of the chart of nationalities more consistently represented in Italy - following Romanians, Moroccans and Albanians.
According to figures, there were 265.820 of them living all over Italy, with some strong communities in cities like Prato (also the province with the highest rate of foreigners - a whopping 15,8%). In the Tuscan town, there are currently more than 17.000 Chinese residents, representing about half of the foreign population in the area, as well as 10% of the local population.

In Italy there are a little more than 5 million foreign residents ( 5.014.437, according to official data from December 2014 ), representing as much as 8,2% of the population of the country. Nevertheless, the distribution of the foreign population over the peninsula is far from homogenous, with a significantly higher concentration (tripled or even quadrupled) in the northern and central regions.

Emilia Romagna is the region with the highest concentration of foreigners, which represented 12,1% of the local population. Sardinia - where foreigners represented the 2,7% of the local population - is instead the one with the lowest rate. As said, Prato tops the provinces' chart, whereas Carbonia-Iglesias and Medio Campidano (both located in Sardinia) are at the bottom, respectively with 1,4% and 1,2%.

According to a 2015 ], published at the end of November 2015, arrivals of foreigners have decreased by 30,000 units compared to 2013 (-9.7%) and by 249, 000 units compared to 2007 (-47,3%), when Bulgaria and Romania were admitted to the European Union. Istat report the National Statistics Institute
According to the same analysis by Istat, the most consistently represented country in Italy is Romania (51,000 arrivals), followed by Morocco (18,000 arrivals), China (16,000 arrivals) and Bangladesh (13,000 arrivals). In comparison to 2013, the arrivals of people from Moldavia, Ecuador, Peru and Ghana have consistently decreased (respectively: -53%, -42%, -36%, -33%); on the other hand, though, arrivals from Pakistan and Bangladesh are on the rise (respectively, +23% and +21%).
Twitter: @alessandrolanni

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From Morocco to Romania: how immigration to Italy has changed over 10 years ⁄ Open Migration

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In 2003, foreigners represented circa 3% of the population; nowadays that number has almost tripled, getting to 8,2% of the population in 2014. During the first few years of the new millennium, two communities topped the chart of foreigners in Italy: from 2003, the numbers of Moroccans and Albanians living in Italy have been steadily growing up from more than 200,000 people to the actual 450,000.

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This is how a Roman school class use to be

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A recreation of the last days of pompeii.

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The Last Days of Pompeii, The Volcano Explodes

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This is the after math of the volcanic eruption of mount Vesuvius.

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This article talks about Ancient Rome. The article gives you a background about people who lived in Rome in b c . The article also talks about the Roman Empire. In my opinion the way how Romans lived in b .c was interesting.

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Origins of Rome

As legend has it, Rome was founded in 753 B.C. by Romulus and Remus, twin sons of Mars, the god of war. Left to drown in a basket on the Tiber by a king of nearby Alba Longa and rescued by a she-wolf, the twins lived to defeat that king and found their own city on the river's banks in 753 B.C. After killing his brother, Romulus became the first king of Rome, which is named for him.

A line of Sabine, Latin and Etruscan (earlier Italian civilizations) kings followed in a non-hereditary succession. There are seven legendary kings of Rome: Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Martius, Lucius Tarquinius Priscus (Tarquin the Elder), Servius Tullius and Tarquinius Superbus, or Tarquin the Proud (534-510 B.C.). While they were referred to as "Rex," or "King" in Latin, all the kings after Romulus were elected by the senate.

Did you know? Four decades after Constantine made Christianity Rome's official religion, Emperor Julian-known as the Apostate-tried to revive the pagan cults and temples of the past, but the process was reversed after his death, and Julian was the last pagan emperor of Rome.

Rome's era as a monarchy ended in 509 B.C. with the overthrow of its seventh king, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, whom ancient historians portrayed as cruel and tyrannical, compared to his benevolent predecessors. A popular uprising was said to have arisen over the rape of a virtuous noblewoman, Lucretia, by the king's son. Whatever the cause, Rome turned from a monarchy into a republic, a world derived from res publica, or "property of the people."

Rome was built on seven hills, known as "the seven hills of Rome"-Esquiline Hill, Palatine Hill, Aventine Hill, Capitoline Hill, Quirinal Hill, Viminal Hill and Caelian Hill.

The Early Republic

The power of the monarch passed to two annually elected magistrates called consuls. They also served as commanders in chief of the army. The magistrates, though elected by the people, were drawn largely from the Senate, which was dominated by the patricians, or the descendants of the original senators from the time of Romulus. Politics in the early republic was marked by the long struggle between patricians and plebeians (the common people), who eventually attained some political power through years of concessions from patricians, including their own political bodies, the tribunes, which could initiate or veto legislation.

In 450 B.C., the first Roman law code was inscribed on 12 bronze tablets-known as the Twelve Tables-and publicly displayed in the Roman Forum. These laws included issues of legal procedure, civil rights and property rights and provided the basis for all future Roman civil law. By around 300 B.C., real political power in Rome was centered in the Senate, which at the time included only members of patrician and wealthy plebeian families.

Military Expansion

During the early republic, the Roman state grew exponentially in both size and power. Though the Gauls sacked and burned Rome in 390 B.C., the Romans rebounded under the leadership of the military hero Camillus, eventually gaining control of the entire Italian peninsula by 264 B.C. Rome then fought a series of wars known as the Punic Wars with Carthage, a powerful city-state in northern Africa.

The first two Punic Wars ended with Rome in full control of Sicily, the western Mediterranean and much of Spain. In the Third Punic War (149-146 B.C.), the Romans captured and destroyed the city of Carthage and sold its surviving inhabitants into slavery, making a section of northern Africa a Roman province. At the same time, Rome also spread its influence east, defeating King Philip V of Macedonia in the Macedonian Wars and turning his kingdom into another Roman province.

Rome's military conquests led directly to its cultural growth as a society, as the Romans benefited greatly from contact with such advanced cultures as the Greeks. The first Roman literature appeared around 240 B.C., with translations of Greek classics into Latin; Romans would eventually adopt much of Greek art, philosophy and religion.

Internal Struggles in the Late Republic

Rome's complex political institutions began to crumble under the weight of the growing empire, ushering in an era of internal turmoil and violence. The gap between rich and poor widened as wealthy landowners drove small farmers from public land, while access to government was increasingly limited to the more privileged classes. Attempts to address these social problems, such as the reform movements of Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus (in 133 B.C. and 123-22 B.C., respectively) ended in the reformers' deaths at the hands of their opponents.

Gaius Marius, a commoner whose military prowess elevated him to the position of consul (for the first of six terms) in 107 B.C., was the first of a series of warlords who would dominate Rome during the late republic. By 91 B.C., Marius was struggling against attacks by his opponents, including his fellow general Sulla, who emerged as military dictator around 82 B.C. After Sulla retired, one of his former supporters, Pompey, briefly served as consul before waging successful military campaigns against pirates in the Mediterranean and the forces of Mithridates in Asia. During this same period, Marcus Tullius Cicero, elected consul in 63 B.C., famously defeated the conspiracy of the patrician Cataline and won a reputation as one of Rome's greatest orators.

Julius Caesar's Rise

When the victorious Pompey returned to Rome, he formed an uneasy alliance known as the First Triumvirate with the wealthy Marcus Licinius Crassus (who suppressed a slave rebellion led by Spartacus in 71 B.C.) and another rising star in Roman politics: Gaius Julius Caesar. After earning military glory in Spain, Caesar returned to Rome to vie for the consulship in 59 B.C. From his alliance with Pompey and Crassus, Caesar received the governorship of three wealthy provinces in Gaul beginning in 58 B.C.; he then set about conquering the rest of the region for Rome.

After Pompey's wife Julia (Caesar's daughter) died in 54 B.C. and Crassus was killed in battle against Parthia (present-day Iran) the following year, the triumvirate was broken. With old-style Roman politics in disorder, Pompey stepped in as sole consul in 53 B.C. Caesar's military glory in Gaul and his increasing wealth had eclipsed Pompey's, and the latter teamed with his Senate allies to steadily undermine Caesar. In 49 B.C., Caesar and one of his legions crossed the Rubicon, a river on the border between Italy from Cisalpine Gaul. Caesar's invasion of Italy ignited a civil war from which he emerged as dictator of Rome for life in 45 B.C.

From Caesar to Augustus

Less than a year later, Julius Caesar was murdered on the ides of March (March 15, 44 B.C.) by a group of his enemies (led by the republican nobles Marcus Junius Brutus and Gaius Cassius). Consul Mark Antony and Caesar's great-nephew and adopted heir, Octavian, joined forces to crush Brutus and Cassius and divided power in Rome with ex-consul Lepidus in what was known as the Second Triumvirate. With Octavian leading the western provinces, Antony the east, and Lepidus Africa, tensions developed by 36 B.C. and the triumvirate soon dissolved. In 31 B.C., Octavian triumped over the forces of Antony and Queen Cleopatra of Egypt (also rumored to be the onetime lover of Julius Caesar) in the Battle of Actium. In the wake of this devastating defeat, Antony and Cleopatra committed suicide.

By 29 B.C., Octavian was the sole leader of Rome and all its provinces. To avoid meeting Caesar's fate, he made sure to make his position as absolute ruler acceptable to the public by apparently restoring the political institutions of the Roman republic while in reality retaining all real power for himself. In 27 B.C., Octavian assumed the title of Augustus, becoming the first emperor of Rome.

Age of the Roman Emperors

Augustus' rule restored morale in Rome after a century of discord and corruption and ushered in the famous pax Romana -two full centuries of peace and prosperity. He instituted various social reforms, won numerous military victories and allowed Roman literature, art, architecture and religion to flourish. Augustus ruled for 56 years, supported by his great army and by a growing cult of devotion to the emperor. When he died, the Senate elevated Augustus to the status of a god, beginning a long-running tradition of deification for popular emperors.

Augustus' dynasty included the unpopular Tiberius (A.D. 14-37), the bloodthirsty and unstable Caligula (37-41) and Claudius (41-54), who was best remembered for his army's conquest of Britain. The line ended with Nero (54-68), whose excesses drained the Roman treasury and led to his downfall and eventual suicide.

Four emperors took the throne in the tumultuous year after Nero's death; the fourth, Vespasian (69-79), and his successors, Titus and Domitian, were known as the Flavians; they attempted to temper the excesses of the Roman court, restore Senate authority and promote public welfare. Titus (79-81) earned his people's devotion with his handling of recovery efforts after the infamous eruption of Vesuvius, which destroyed the towns of Herculaneum and Pompeii.

The reign of Nerva (96-98), who was selected by the Senate to succeed Domitian, began another golden age in Roman history, during which four emperors-Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius-took the throne peacefully, succeeding one another by adoption, as opposed to hereditary succession. Trajan (98-117) expanded Rome's borders to the greatest extent in history with victories over the kingdoms of Dacia (now northwestern Romania) and Parthia. His successor Hadrian (117-138) solidified the empire's frontiers (famously building Hadrian's Wall in present-day England) and continued his predecessor's work of establishing internal stability and instituting administrative reforms.

Under Antoninus Pius (138-161), Rome continued in peace and prosperity, but the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180) was dominated by conflict, including war against Parthia and Armenia and the invasion of Germanic tribes from the north. When Marcus fell ill and died near the battlefield at Vindobona (Vienna), he broke with the tradition of non-hereditary succession and named his 19-year-old son Commodus as his successor.

Decline and Disintegration

The decadence and incompetence of Commodus (180-192) brought the golden age of the Roman emperors to a disappointing end. His death at the hands of his own ministers sparked another period of civil war, from which Lucius Septimius Severus (193-211) emerged victorious. During the third century Rome suffered from a cycle of near-constant conflict. A total of 22 emperors took the throne, many of them meeting violent ends at the hands of the same soldiers who had propelled them to power. Meanwhile, threats from outside plagued the empire and depleted its riches, including continuing aggression from Germans and Parthians and raids by the Goths over the Aegean Sea.

The reign of Diocletian (284-305) temporarily restored peace and prosperity in Rome, but at a high cost to the unity of the empire. Diocletian divided power into the so-called tetrarchy (rule of four), sharing his title of Augustus (emperor) with Maximian. A pair of generals, Galerius and Constantius, were appointed as the assistants and chosen successors of Diocletian and Maximian; Diocletian and Galerius ruled the eastern Roman Empire, while Maximian and Constantius took power in the west.

The stability of this system suffered greatly after Diocletian and Maximian retired from office. Constantine (the son of Constantius) emerged from the ensuing power struggles as sole emperor of a reunified Rome in 324. He moved the Roman capital to the Greek city of Byzantium, which he renamed Constantinople. At the Council of Nicaea in 325, Constantine made Christianity (once an obscure Jewish sect) Rome's official religion.

Roman unity under Constantine proved illusory, and 30 years after his death the eastern and western empires were again divided. Despite its continuing battle against Persian forces, the eastern Roman Empire-later known as the Byzantine Empire-would remain largely intact for centuries to come. An entirely different story played out in the west, where the empire was wracked by internal conflict as well as threats from abroad-particularly from the Germanic tribes now established within the empire's frontiers like the Vandals (their sack of Rome originated the phrase "vandalism")-and was steadily losing money due to constant warfare.

Rome eventually collapsed under the weight of its own bloated empire, losing its provinces one by one: Britain around 410; Spain and northern Africa by 430. Attila and his brutal Huns invaded Gaul and Italy around 450, further shaking the foundations of the empire. In September 476, a Germanic prince named Odovacar won control of the Roman army in Italy. After deposing the last western emperor, Romulus Augustus, Odovacar's troops proclaimed him king of Italy, bringing an ignoble end to the long, tumultuous history of ancient Rome. The fall of the Roman Empire was complete.

Roman Architecture

Roman architecture and engineering innovations have had a lasting impact on the modern world. Roman aqueducts, first developed in 312 B.C., enabled the rise of cities by transporting water to urban areas, improving public health and sanitation. Some Roman aqueducts transported water up to 60 miles from its source and the Fountain of Trevi in Rome still relies on an updated version of an original Roman aqueduct.

Roman cement and concrete are part of the reason ancient buildings like the Colosseum and Roman Forum are still standing strong today. Roman arches, or segmented arches, improved upon earlier arches to build strong bridges and buildings, evenly distributing weight throughout the structure.

Roman roads, the most advanced roads in the ancient world, enabled the Roman Empire-which was over 1.7 million square miles at the pinnacle of its power-to stay connected. They included such modern-seeming innovations as mile markers and drainage. Over 50,000 miles of road were built by 200 B.C. and several are still in use today.

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Ancient Rome - Facts, Location, & Timeline

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The Roman Empire, founded in 27 B.C., was a vast and powerful domain that gave rise to the culture, laws, technologies and institutions that continue to define Western civilization.

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This article compare thethe Ancient Rome education and modern education.

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1. Roman Education was all started with reading, math, and writing. Which was also known as the primary education. At the age of 12 the students moved up to secondary learning witch was based on finding an occupation, , as well as learning Latin, Greek, grammar, and literature. The third education learning was moving up to debates and free speech. Most Roman families would teach their children at home or Romans with more money would higher a tutor to teach their children at home. The families would perfer a one on one then a classroom full of students. Males were allowed at a school well females could only be tutored for an education. Usually females were ready to be wed at the age of twelve. Poor families were not allowed to send their kids to schools. In class rooms if a student answered a question wrong they got beaten, if multiple questions were wrong they would get whipped. The students went to school for seven days straight, using pi-pay scrolls for reading and wax tablets with a knitting needle to write

2. Late Roman education schooling was only for paying boys and girls, both genders were allowed to attend just not together. Smart Roman students were known as being gifted and most of the time they were worshiped to a certain extent. High education in Rome were a status symbol, and in modern education its all about that piece of paper. What we call it in modern days is a " degree." An important fact in this article was we learned by the elders not by a teacher. Also to be educated will lead you more to become a lawyer or a politician.

3. Going on to the third century BC the education system was changed. To keep note the Roman education still remained very different from the Greek ways. It was at this point the Roman education system became more like what we know today. It was at this time; the Roman public schools were established. Males of wealthy families were sent to the Roman public schools, well females stayed home, but they were sometimes taught by a private tutors. School prepared boys to enter Roman life and obtain jobs. Education was very important to the Romans because it showed value of knowledge.

4. Education teachers vs roman teachers: rqcGaq

5. Well in modern education times there turned out to be more public schools, along with private, charter, home schooled, Christian, all girl schools, and lastly online classes. Costs of schoolings are becoming outrageous, well in the Roman times school was free. Also in today's world we have education up to college level for female and males. There are more options for modern education than there were for Roman education, only because there are so many more resources and so much more technology in modern times. We all learn the same because we are all equal. Modern education is like Roman education because it has many levels before you get to the end. As well as with modern education is important because you need it if you want to get a good job and go further in your life.

6. Above is a picture I found on flickr. I picked this picture to add onto my story because it shows the way of the different ways of writing and literature. it shows from this man writing on a piece of paper to writing in news paper and to giving speeches. this is all part of education in roman and modern times because it shows the different ways of being taught in different eras.

7. The Roman education system did not start out as it ended. It gradually evolved into the system we hear about today. The young children of Roman used to got educated only by their parents. The children would learn to read and write intheir own home, rather than in a school like todays system. Young men would travel with their fathers and when they were away they were to learn about public affairs and their Roman traditions. Females on the other hand stayed home and were taught to cook, clean, and other necessitates by their mother.

9. Improving education chart I found on twitter. The point of this chart shows how one human being can connect to lesson plans, acivities, stratagies, ideas, successes, and challenges. With all that being it leads up to face to face interactions, to social medias, to blogs, media productions, and confrence sharing. All should be connected to education. The first part of I share is more of the Roman education facts of their education. The second part Vvia is more of how the modern education is being taught. Most teachers are making everything online instead of making it an interaction class room with one on one learning. A teachers voice can make a big difference compared to making it an online process.

10. I really hate todays education process.

11. "I really hate today's education process." Coming with an agreement with this tweet, in Roman education times the education process would have been easy to go by, because they went by the only ways of education they knew. Which was basically going by males having to learn to read,write, and learn the male roles in the future purposes. Well females learn all women duties, such as cooking, cleaning and all female house wife duties. Today's education can be a hate because you are having to obey by so many rules. Law gets involved for petty things, such as missing school, plagiarism. The understanding of "hate" is because most males and females are having a higher paying job with less education.

12. Pros and Cons of the modern days, starting off with the Pros. The pros of education is technology, computers, ipads, projectors, internet, and lastly cell phones along with many many others. All things that have been simplified came to be simpler in the modern days, instead of books children and adults have their cell phones and internet to find everything and anything they want to know and at any time. Another pro ia having an educated teacher to teach the upcoming students, as well as to teach them about history from the past all the way up to the present upcoming events. This is all to reach our own goals. Primary and secondary was all the Romans could reach for education, well in the modern days there is primart, middle, secondary, and graduate school. Getting educated in modern days never gets old, because you are constantly learning something new everyday. Now with the cons, how far can education really take you? Think about it? Most people are not getting the education a lot of jobs are requiring, but surprise they have a job with no education. This article states that education is ignorance. The knowledge is to be mentally in your head then to go to school to learn what life is not really about.

13. The Jesuit control of the educational system was about all of what I have explained above on all other contents. The Jesuit control was talking about what has happened with certain days as well as what is going on important facts that had to do with the counter reformation.

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Roman Education vs Modern Education (with images, tweets) · BMooo21

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Modern education has the same areas as Roman education. Someare just the needs for everyday life. Modern education you learn how to solvemath, write literature, and memorize dates in history. Romans education is tolearn the basics needs in life.

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This picture is from the inside of the colosseum. It’s a famous site in Rome.

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This article explains the protest that happened because of migration. Many people walked through Rome till it became night time

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Thousands of Italians have marched through Rome in support of the rights of refugees after clashes between migrants and police exposed rising hostility towards recent arrivals in the country.

Italy is bearing the brunt of the European migration crisis, having seen almost 100,000 people arrive between January and June. Authorities are struggling to cope and efforts to promote integration have become strained.

The prime minister, Paolo Gentiloni, is due to meet the French president, Emmanuel Macron, and counterparts from Spain and Germany, as well as leaders from Chad, Niger and Libya, on Monday for talks aimed at cutting illegal migration from Africa to Europe.

The ongoing influx is deeply dividing Italy's ruling centre-left Democratic party, while rightwing parties have seized on the issue as Italy prepares for a general election expected to be held before May 2018.

In scenes that were widely condemned last week, police armed with batons fired water cannon at a group of around 100 refugees, mostly from Eritrea, who for several days had been camped out in a square in protest against their forced eviction from a nearby office building where they had been squatting.

Some refugees hurled bottles, rocks and gas canisters as officers tried to clear the camp from the square near Rome's central Termini station.

"Unfortunately, these things happen ahead of elections," Cécile Kyenge, an MEP and Italy's former integration minister, told the Guardian. "In my opinion, good migrant reception needs to be a priority [in the campaign] - if reception and integration are done well, it would prevent conflicts like the one in Rome and benefit everyone. There are many examples of good integration in Italy, mostly in small towns, but there are also many examples of bad practice."

The refugees, many of whom had been granted asylum and who have jobs in Rome and children enrolled in schools there, were among a community of 800 who had been squatting in the six-storey building for five years.

Authorities said they were evicted after refusing to accept alternative accommodation, and justified clearing the camp by pointing to the risks posed by the gas canisters the squatters had been using for stoves, in an area surrounded by residential buildings.

Human rights advocates and the UN refugee agency protested that the eviction had been conducted without warning. Many asylum seekers sleep on the streets of Rome for lack of housing.

On Saturday, thousands of asylum seekers, other migrants and supporters marched through the Italian capital carrying banners saying "refugees not terrorists", calling for evictions to be halted and for refugees to be properly housed.

As images of last week's clashes spread across the world, Rome's city council, which is led by the populist Five Star Movement, relented on Friday and allowed a group of 40 elderly, sick and young refugees to return to the building for six months after brokering a deal with SEA, the company that owns the block.

The interior ministry is now reportedly drafting new guidelines stipulating that any future evictions must include relocation proposals for the most vulnerable. But the incident has highlighted the fact that 200,000 people are currently housed in state-run shelters as they await asylum applications.

Disillusioned by their government's inability to manage the situation, some Italians are also beginning to revolt. "If you look at the comments on news sites or on Facebook in response to what happened in Rome, you see that people are very passionate about migration and were mostly in favour of the police," said Giovanni Orsina, a professor of political science at Rome's Luiss University.

Though the numbers of people arriving in Italy by sea fell in July - stymied by a crackdown on NGO search and rescue ships operating off the coast of Libya in the Mediterranean - around 140,000 migrants are projected to reach the country by the end of the year.

In what was seen as a final political litmus test ahead of next year's general elections, centre-right parties scored victories in local elections in June. The centre-right triumphed in mayoral votes in 15 of the largest cities, including Verona, Monza, Piacenza and the border town of Como, where migrants prevented from entering Switzerland have been sleeping rough in parks and outside the train station.

Last week in the Tuscan town of Pistoia, which in June elected its first rightwing mayor since the second world war, a priest sparked controversy merely by taking a group of migrants to a local swimming pool. Members of the far-right Forza Nuova party said on Friday that they would "control" this week's Sunday mass in retaliation.

The biggest surprise of the June elections was in Lampedusa, the Sicilian island that has been at the centre of the migration crisis. The Unesco peace prize-winning former mayor Giusi Nicolini resoundingly lost to Salvatore Martello, a hotel owner who ran independently from Italy's main parties and who said he "cannot stand seeing migrants swarming everywhere".

Daniela DeBono, a research fellow and senior lecturer at the European University Institute and Malmö University, said Italians were mostly frustrated at "the outcome of the gross mismanagement of the secondary reception system".

"Asylum processes can take up to three years, integration programmes are poor and then, of course, migrants are frustrated and are not allowed to be autonomous ...that is quite rightly bothering Italians, especially bearing in mind the high rates of unemployment and precariousness at work," she said.

Orsina said: "People can't stand this situation any longer, they don't perceive it as something that is being well-governed. It's beyond racism and fear - Italians might even allow half a million more migrants in, but they want to be able to decide rather than have it imposed on them."
Topics

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Italian PM attends talks on migration after mass protest over Rome eviction

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Thousands of Italians have marched through Rome in support of the rights of refugees after clashes between migrants and police exposed rising hostility towards recent arrivals in the country. Italy is bearing the brunt of the European migration crisis, having seen almost 100,000 people arrive between January and June.

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This article is a comparison of Ancient Rome schools and modern Rome schools. This is how Ancient Rome education changed to today Rome education

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Comparison of Modern and Roman Education

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School taught by ludi magister Students walked to school Parents didn't have to send children to school Science was not a core subject Girls were not expected to attend school No electives There were...

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This article shows Rome population now and it also shows how Rome population was back in ancient times.
The population now in Rome is around 2 million.

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This is one of the many museums in Rome. These museums show many pieces of ancient history of Rome.

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ttp://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/rome-population/

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This is the Roman Colosseum. It was built in 70 AD. It was used for gladiator fights and was watched by 50,000 to 80,000 spectators.

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This article talks about the ancient ruins of the Roman civilization thousands of years ago washes up on the turkish coast.

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A number of Roman ruins dating from the first to third century AD washed ashore, the latest remnants to emerge of the ancient Anatolian city of Amastris.

The objects were found by locals walking the shoreline who noticed carved marble and other masonry among the rocks. The marble remnants are indicative of a period of construction during the reign of Roman emperor Septimius Severus (193-211 AD) says Baran Aydin, director of the Amasra Museum.

Severus, a military leader who took control in the bloody Year of the Five Emperors, oversaw the Roman Empire when it controlled approximately half the coastline of the Black Sea. Amastris significantly predates his rule. The city, 184 miles east of Istanbul, was founded by Persian princess Amastrine in the early fourth century BC and passed between Roman, Byzantine, Genoese and Ottoman control in the last two millennia.

"We know from old travelers' reports there were some very spectacular temples in Amastris," Aydin says. It's possible, he adds, that parts of the find came from these Roman temples.

How the ruins ended up in the sea is more of a mystery. Speculation is rife that objects could have been discarded at sea many years ago by construction workers.

"I guess those fragments were dumped in history," says Aydin, adding such an occurrence is not unusual for Amasra. "In those times people didn't know the meaning of these ruins."

There's a certain poetry to their fate: according to Ancient Greek writer Memnon of Heraclea, Amastrine was drowned at sea at the hands of her two sons.

Archaeologists have found the Black Sea, east of the Mediterranean, a source of perennial curiosity. Its waters below 500 feet contain no oxygen, aiding preservation, and some estimate hundreds, maybe thousands of shipwrecks lie on the seabed in remarkable condition.

While organizations like the Black Sea Maritime Archaeology Project are investing in costly dive missions to view wrecks in situ, Aydin has fragments of history washing up at his feet.

"Every year it happens," says the museum director, talking down his good fortune. "We are living on an ancient city and there are many, many ruins underneath."

The next step is to further assess the find. Approximately 10 artifacts were retrieved, says Aydin, and experts are poring over them before enrolling museum-worthy items into their inventory.

"I'm very careful about such ruins," the director adds, "they are valuable for us because of their cultural meaning."

Careful as the museum may be, the ruins have already survived what Aydin says locals are calling the worst storm in 40 years. For Amasra at least, there was a silver lining.

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ancient roman ruins wash up on turkish coast - cnn

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Ancient Roman ruins wash up on Turkish coast

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A number of Roman ruins dating from the first to third century AD washed ashore, the latest remnants to emerge of the ancient Anatolian city of Amastris. The objects were found by locals walking the shoreline who noticed carved marble and other masonry among the rocks.

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This article was about the geography of Rome during the 21st century. Today, Rome goes through many negative geographical changes.

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But lately, the city has fallen victim to a different kind of threat -- that of indifference and questionable city governments that have left its grandeur dirty and decaying.

The mosaics and frescoes are still safe within the fortified walls of the great palaces and museums, but it is far more likely that any recent visitor will instead remember the graffiti and the garbage spilling over onto the cobblestone streets. Buses don't run on time and frequent labor union disputes lead to strikes that shut down public transportation altogether.

So dire is the situation that a group of city activists who work under the banner "Roma Fa Schifo" (Rome is Disgusting) chronicle the degradation on a website and Twitter feed with more than 150,000 followers.

This city is also lately filled with migrants who suffer from a recent backlash that is pushing right-wing anti-immigration parties to the forefront ahead of Sunday's elections.

Rome has no official center for migrants waiting for word on their political asylum requests, so many camp out near the main train station or settle in any number of shanty towns that have sprung up along the banks of the city's Tiber River.

In January, CNN visited an abandoned multi-story university building known to its inhabitants as the Selam Palace, where nearly 1,000 Ethiopian, Eritrean and Somali refugees who have been granted legal refugee status squat illegally because the city can't find legitimate housing. There are more than 50 other abandoned office buildings just like it throughout the city.

Donatella D'Angelo, a medical doctor with a nongovernmental organization called Cittadini Del Mondo (Citizens of the World), visits the center once a week to provide basic health care.

"It is unthinkable that a European capital treats refugees and migrants like this," she told CNN while volunteers cobbled together wires with duct tape so she had enough light to treat patients. "This is Rome? This is the best we can do?"

A frozen city

On Monday morning, a dusting of snow brought the city to a complete standstill, closing schools for two full days and paralyzing traffic. The city's buses had to be called back to the depot after it was confirmed that the city government had apparently overlooked funding for all-weather tires.

The last time it snowed, in 2012, a similar fiasco ensued when it was discovered that the snow blades meant to be clipped on to garbage collection trucks were the wrong size. It was soon apparent that promises to fix that problem had been forgotten when the army had to be called in to remove the slushy snow from the streets to try to get the buses running again. The snow blades are still rusting in an abandoned parking lot near the Baths of Caracalla.

Those businesses that did open had to resort to using table salt to keep their clients from slipping in the slush. With an absence of snow shovels or city clean-up crews, workers used anything they could find, from serving trays to pieces of cardboard, to clean the sidewalks.

Several trees that had not been properly pruned and trimmed last autumn collapsed under the weight of the snow, one falling next to children throwing snowballs in a park in the neighborhood of Testaccio near the city center. Another untrimmed tree fell onto a light rail line near Rome's ancient Aurelian walls, blocking what had been the only means of above-ground public transportation in the entire city.

Melting snow turned subway stairs into waterfalls, and the average wait for trains out of Rome while crews worked to clear the tracks was just over two hours.

Romans did as they always do, just shrugging it off and meeting for coffee to complain, which is a favorite, and often justifiable, pastime. A group of older men sitting in the Linari coffee bar in Testaccio argued Monday morning about solutions for the mess Rome finds itself in.

"Mussolini would have had these streets clean by now," said one man as he sipped a creamy cappuccino. "We need order in this country again, a stronger hand to put things back in place."

Blame game continues

In fact, much of the blame for Rome's current state of disrepair has been cast on Mayor Virginia Raggi, the first female ever to lead the eternal city, and the first member of the maverick Five Star Movement (M5S) political party to be given charge of such an important municipality.

When the snow fell on Monday, she was ridiculed for being in Mexico for talks about climate change. She certainly couldn't have foreseen the inclement weather, but she is being blamed for not having the measures in place just in case. Criticism against her and her party trended all day.

The populist M5S is polling ahead of all the other single parties ahead of the upcoming elections. The party has previously ruled out forming a coalition, which makes it unlikely that it can attain power, although it has suggested in recent days that it may have changed its stance.

Its charismatic leader, 31-year-old Luigi Di Maio, a former waiter with scant government experience, believes that M5S could still pull off a surprise victory when it becomes apparent to voters that the alternatives are a right-wing coalition led by Silvio Berlusconi that includes neo-fascist parties, or the largely divided center-left.

Raggi won Rome, in part, on the promise to rid the city of corruption, a mantra of the party first introduced by M5S founder and comedian Beppe Grillo, who vowed to rid Parliament of criminals. Never mind that several of Raggi's cabinet members have so far had to resign amid accusations of the very corruption she is supposed to be fighting, and that the mayor herself is under investigation for abuse of office and giving false testimony in the investigation of one of her associates.

Raggi denies the allegations, but her record as mayor has given ammunition to some M5S opponents who say the anti-corruption party is no better than anyone else, and that its record in Rome proves it is not ready or able to lead.

But Raggi is not the first troubled Roman mayor. Her predecessor, Ignazio Marino, a member of the center-left Democratic Party, resigned in shame after being investigated for embezzlement, fraud and forgery tied to an expense receipt scandal -- charges first lodged by the Five Star Movement party. He was eventually cleared.

Before him, Rome's mayor was Gianni Alemanno, a member of Berlusconi's center-right Forza Italia party, who was tried for Mafia collusion after it was alleged he accepted more than 125,000 euros ($152,280) from mobster Salvatore Buzzi, the leader of the so-called Mafia Capitale organized-crime ring. Alemanno was eventually cleared, too, but the scandals clearly took their toll on the city.

Terminal decline?

Buzzi, along with Massimo Carminati and nearly 40 others, was found guilty and sentenced to prison in 2017 for pocketing public-works money from Rome's coffers for years. But when the criminal network was dismantled, the city fell apart.

The contracts for waste management had to be reissued, and proved too expensive for legitimate companies to carry out the work for the same price the mob-related companies had, creating a garbage crisis in many Roman neighborhoods.

The commissioner of the city bus company was also forced to resign, which has caused a variety of problems. The new commissioner requires bus drivers to punch a time clock and be accountable, and many drivers took part in strikes and drove their routes very slowly in protest.

The vacuum created by cleaning up the mafia mess contributed to the sad state of the Italian capital today. And in many ways, Rome was nearly ruined by attempts to save it.

"Rome has suffered from being an ideological showcase," Matthew Kneale, a historian and author of Rome: A History in Seven Sackings, told CNN.

"Popes, emperors, the kings, Mussolini -- they all wanted to use it to display their ideology. Now it is less about the architecture, but it is still a trophy to be fought over to show ideological supremacy."

Kneale said that because Rome is largely a parasitical city, reaping the benefits of its past for more than 2,000 years rather than carving out a sustainable future, its success or failure surely cannot be an accurate measure of anyone's ability to govern.

"Rome has quite a long standing history of corruption," he says. "Rome's extraordinary past, that has made it a center of pilgrimage, tourism and government, has allowed it to survive despite some wholly and often corrupt inept rulers."

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rome's sad decline sums up italy's problems  - cnn

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Rome's sad decline sums up Italy's problems

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But lately, the city has fallen victim to a different kind of threat -- that of indifference and questionable city governments that have left its grandeur dirty and decaying. The mosaics and frescoes are still safe within the fortified walls of the great palaces and museums, but it is far more likely that any recent visitor will instead remember the graffiti and the garbage spilling over onto the cobblestone streets.

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This article explained how much Rome’s migration  had changed from how it was and what changes were made to it. Migration within the  Rome empire has changed at multiple scales and was engaged in both voluntarily and involuntarily.

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Kristina Killgrove,

Janet Montgomery

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Abstract

Migration within the Roman Empire occurred at multiple scales and was engaged in both voluntarily and involuntarily. Because of the lengthy tradition of classical studies, bioarchaeological analyses must be fully contextualized within the bounds of history, material culture, and epigraphy. In order to assess migration to Rome within an updated contextual framework, strontium isotope analysis was performed on 105 individuals from two cemeteries associated with Imperial Rome-Casal Bertone and Castellaccio Europarco-and oxygen and carbon isotope analyses were performed on a subset of 55 individuals. Statistical analysis and comparisons with expected local ranges found several outliers who likely immigrated to Rome from elsewhere. Demographics of the immigrants show men and children migrated, and a comparison of carbon isotopes from teeth and bone samples suggests the immigrants may have significantly changed their diet. These data represent the first physical evidence of individual migrants to Imperial Rome. This case study demonstrates the importance of employing bioarchaeology to generate a deeper understanding of a complex ancient urban center.

Citation: Killgrove K, Montgomery J (2016) All Roads Lead to Rome: Exploring Human Migration to the Eternal City through Biochemistry of Skeletons from Two Imperial-Era Cemeteries (1st-3rd c AD). PLoS ONE 11(2): e0147585. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0147585

Editor: Luca Bondioli, Museo Nazionale Preistorico Etnografico 'L. Pigorini', ITALY

Received: August 5, 2015; Accepted: January 6, 2016; Published: February 10, 2016

Copyright: © 2016 Killgrove, Montgomery. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: All data have been made freely available at Figshare (DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.1468571).

Funding: Data collection in Rome and carbon and oxygen isotope analyses were funded by a Doctoral Dissertation Research Improvement Grant from the National Science Foundation (BCS-0622452) awarded to KK ( http://www.nsf.gov/div/index.jsp?div=bcs). Strontium isotope analyses were funded by a Wenner-Gren Dissertation Fieldwork Grant awarded to KK ( http://www.wennergren.org/programs/dissertation-fieldwork-grants). Internal grants from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill awarded to KK also helped fund oxygen isotope analyses ( http://anthropology.unc.edu/). The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

The Medieval aphorism Mille viae ducunt homines per saecula Romam ( Liber Parabolarum 591), translated as "All roads lead to Rome," was likely a reference to the miliarium aureum, which Plutarch ( Life of Galba, 24.2) described as a gilded column in the Forum Romanum where every road in the Italian peninsula ended. Early in his principate, Augustus set up this monument and inscribed distances between Rome and other cities in the Empire [ 1]. As the literal center of the Empire, Rome beckoned people into its walls with the promise of bread and circuses, jobs and culture, but the effects that visitors had on various aspects of society is still a nascent research topic [ 2].

Roman demographers have synthesized the historical, epigraphical, and archaeological evidence of migrants to the capital and have contributed to big-picture questions of migration, fertility, and mortality [ 3- 5]. In the absence of a quantifiable data source such as a census, however, smaller scale migration often becomes a footnote [ 6- 8]. Without data on those specific individuals and groups who made the journey to Rome either by force or by choice, of their biological and cultural characteristics, their effects on the Roman population, or their experiences negotiating a new geographical space, we stand to miss out on a plethora of information on what it was like to be an immigrant to Imperial Rome.

Human skeletal remains from cemeteries in Rome are an obvious new line of evidence, and biochemical analysis of tissue can yield information about migration in the absence of epigraphical and archaeological indications of foreigners in Rome. Yet bioarchaeology in Rome is still a young and underfunded field of research, in spite of the thousands of skeletons that exist from the Republican and Imperial periods [ 9- 18]. Investigating the biological remains of the ancient Romans is imperative for a deeper understanding of those individuals who are not well-represented by records that are biased towards wealthy, literate, elite males: namely, women, children, the lower classes, slaves, and free immigrants.

In this paper, we demonstrate through a case study of two Imperial-era cemeteries in Rome both the limitations and the potential of biochemical analyses for deepening our understanding of the phenomenon of migration within a complex ancient society. Namely, this study begins to answer the questions: (a) Who migrated to Rome? (b) From where? and (c) What was their experience at their destination? When Rome as the center of an empire is approached anthropologically using all available data sources, migrants become actors and slaves become diasporic individuals, and the effects of population interaction on both locals and foreigners can be questioned in a novel way.

Imperial Rome and Its Immigrants

By the beginning of the Empire, the Italian peninsula was already quite heterogeneous in its population, and there were no stark cultural or linguistic borders between Italic peoples. Augustus' Pax Romana created a contiguous geopolitical area in which peoples of the Empire could move freely if they had the finances necessary to undertake such a move. By the early 1st century AD, the 14 km ² city of Rome ( urbs) had a large population living within its walls and in the periurban area ( suburbium) just outside it [ 3, 19- 23]. Precise population numbers are unclear, owing to changing Roman census and recording practices as well as to contemporary extrapolation of ancient estimates, but scholars tend to agree that Imperial Rome had a dense population of up to one million people and at least moderate migration rates that helped to combat high mortality rates [ 20, 24- 26].

While voluntary immigrants likely represented about 5% of the population of Imperial Rome [ 2, 4, 27], slaves accounted for up to 40% [ 28]. Many of these slaves were vernae, locally-born offspring of a slave mother, but others would have come to Rome from other areas of Italy or from far-flung regions of the Empire. The populations of both voluntary and compulsory migrants, as well as the geographic areas from which they hailed, changed generation to generation [ 2, 25, 28, 29], but there is no complete Imperial-era census for the city of Rome [ 23, 30].

The current data sets on migration to Imperial Rome therefore include the historical record, archaeological remains, and epigraphical inscriptions on tombstones. None of these lines of evidence is, of course, perfectly reflective of the experiences of all immigrants to Rome. The historical record is notoriously biased towards elite men with money, power, and literacy [ 31] and may not represent accurately the lives of the average voluntary immigrant or slave. At Rome, slaves tended to be integrated into the household, so we cannot expect to find clear archaeological evidence of slavery in the same way as, for example, in the Southern U.S., with separate quarters or special pottery assemblages [ 32- 34]. The epigraphic record is perhaps the most useful at identifying individual migrants, but only when a person is specifically commemorated as a foreigner [ 2, 25].

Biochemical analysis of human skeletal remains to identify ancient migrants has been undertaken for almost two decades through the use of strontium and oxygen isotope analysis of dental enamel [ 35- 45], but this method has not been applied to skeletons from Imperial Rome before.

The challenge with Rome, one of the most complex societies of the past, lies in integrating osteological remains with textual sources and archaeological data to create a contextualized, historical bioarchaeology [ 46]. An historically-contextualized bioarchaeological approach to migration to Rome presented in this case study allows for the investigation of questions like: (a) Who immigrated to Rome? (b) Where did they come from? (c) Did immigrants acculturate or change their culturally-influenced behaviors after their arrival? The first step in answering these questions is to find evidence of foreigners in Rome using the variation in isotopes of strontium and oxygen in ancient Roman bodies.

Sr and O Isotopes in Ancient Italy

Strontium passes essentially unchanged into the biosphere from the weathering of rocks, and most of the strontium in the body is present in the skeleton because, as another divalent alkaline earth metal, strontium follows calcium in most environmental and biological processes [ 47, 48]. A human's ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr isotope ratio from dental enamel therefore reflects both diet and, to a lesser extent, drinking water. In ancient communities that farmed and obtained water locally, human ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr isotope ratios should reflect the underlying geology. Oxygen isotopes, on the other hand, are related to environmental and meteoric water, and the values change based on factors such as latitude, rainfall, elevation, humidity, temperature, and distance from the coast [ 49, 50]. A human's δ ¹⁸O phosphate and carbonate ratios are mostly related to the isotope composition of drinking water [ 51- 54]. After taking into account metabolic fractionation between enamel and body water, oxygen isotope ratios can identify individuals who consumed local or nonlocal water while their tissues were forming [ 53- 55]. Individuals local to an area will have strontium and/or oxygen isotope ratios in line with the water, soil, and rocks in the region, while nonlocal individuals' ratios will be anomalous compared to the local value. Comparing the isotope ratios in human tissue with geology and climatology data, it may also be possible to propose the geographical location of the homelands of nonlocal individuals [ 56].

Strontium and oxygen isotope analyses have been frequently used in tandem to study migration in past populations [ 37, 57, 58], and recent studies are including DNA alongside isotopic evidence [ 59, 60]. Previous studies of migration and mobility within the Roman Empire using strontium isotopes have been undertaken in areas such as Late Roman Bavaria [ 45], Greece [ 61], and northeastern Africa [ 62], but Roman Britain is the best studied so far, with most studies utilizing multiple isotopes (Sr, O, C, and/or N) [ 63- 71]. Italy does not have much published strontium data, with the only human results coming from the author's previous publication from Republican Rome (3rd to 1st century BC) [ 72], from Iron Age Monte Bibele (4th to 3rd century BC) in northern Italy [ 73], and from Neolithic Apulia (6th millennium BC) in southeastern Italy [ 74]. The strontium results presented here therefore represent only the fourth set of human results from ancient Italy and the first for the Imperial period; they also serve both to answer questions about mobility in the Roman Empire and to generate baseline and comparative data to aid future studies of migration. Few oxygen isotope studies have been done to investigate migration in the Roman Empire. In addition to the Romano-British studies referenced above, Imperial-era oxygen isotope studies have been accomplished in Egypt [ 75] and at Portus Romae, Italy [ 76].

Prowse and colleagues [ 76] have produced the only human oxygen isotope data for central Italy to date, and these data therefore comprise a comparative data set for the oxygen isotope ratios obtained in this study. The 1st to 2nd century AD cemetery of Isola Sacra, from which Prowse and colleagues' dental remains came, was associated with Portus Romae, a port city located about 25 km southwest of Rome on the Tyrrhenian Sea ( Fig 1). Prowse and colleagues [ 76] analyzed first and third molars from individuals buried in the Isola Sacra cemetery in order to understand patterns of migration within the population of Portus Romae. They interpreted the continuum of oxygen isotope ratios (see below) as evidence of people coming to Portus Romae from nearby locales [ 76]. Additionally, they found statistically significant differences between the first and third molars of numerous individuals, which they interpreted as evidence of movement during childhood [ 76]. While more of the third molars had higher oxygen isotope ratios, for a large proportion of the sample, the first molars had higher oxygen isotope ratios. It is possible that the higher first molar/lower third molar values are related to changes to oxygen isotopes following cessation of breastfeeding rather than migration, although this is not addressed in their study. Regardless, their analysis demonstrated that males, females, and children were mobile during the Roman Empire, an important finding that contributed new data to the question of the demographics of immigrants to Portus Romae.

Public domain map via Wikimedia Commons, modified to include archaeological sites.

The present case study builds on Prowse and colleagues' data set and adds both strontium and oxygen isotope data from Imperial Rome itself, revealing a number of individual immigrants to Rome. Results of isotope analyses from two cemeteries associated with Imperial Rome are presented below, followed by a critical discussion of integrating biochemical data into the research tradition of classical studies and by suggestions for future directions in migration studies in historical bioarchaeology.

Materials and Methods

The collections that were used for this analysis are overseen by the Servizio di Antropologia, Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma. Permission to extract, transport, and test the samples was also provided by the Servizio di Antropologia on behalf of the Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, in compliance with all relevant regulations concerning human remains from ancient Italy. All human remains from these two sites were first analyzed osteologically by KK, who also took the samples and performed the Sr analysis, while JM performed the O analysis. The unused samples have since been returned to Italy.

Sites

The two cemeteries that provided human skeletal material for this analysis are located in the suburbium of Rome ( Fig 1), as almost all burials were relegated outside the city walls for health and religious purposes [ 77]. It is therefore not known whether the people buried in these cemeteries lived within the city walls or outside in the suburbium; most likely, there is a mixture of both.

The Casal Bertone cemetery is located roughly 1.5 km east of the Aurelian walls of Rome along the ancient via Praenestina. Salvage excavations occurred between 2000-03, and archaeologists date the cemetery to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD [ 78, 79]. A necropolis component with simple inhumations in pits and in cappuccina-style graves [ 77] slightly predates the above-ground mausoleum structure, which included niches for single and multiple burial.

The Castellaccio Europarco cemetery was excavated between 2003-07 [ 16, 80, 81], about 12 km south of the Roman urbs near a retaining wall of the ancient via Laurentina. The cemetery is less structured than Casal Bertone, with burials largely of the pit and cappuccina varieties arranged haphazardly. Castellaccio Europarco was used as a burial area for centuries, and artifacts and building styles helped archaeologists separate the main use periods into two Republican-era burial phases (4th-3rd centuries BC and 2nd-1st centuries BC; see [ 72] and below for isotope data from this period) and one Imperial-era burial phase (1st-2nd centuries AD).

Burials at both cemeteries by and large lack grave goods, and the burial style is without elaboration or grave markers, meaning there is no clear indication who was buried in these cemeteries. The northern portion of the Casal Bertone complex, however, included two funeral buildings with cippi (pillars) inscribed with the names of slaves or freedmen of Greek ancestry: L. Cincius Nasta and C. Ateius Epaphra ( Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum VI 37587 and VI 37576). Although these funeral buildings did not contribute material to this study, it is reasonable to assume that individuals born outside of Rome were buried at Casal Bertone.

Demographics

The demographics of the individuals assessed in this study (n = 105) are provided in Tables 1 and 2 below. Age-at-death was assessed based on the pubic symphysis [ 82- 84], the auricular surface [ 85], cranial suture closure [ 86], dental development [ 87- 91], and epiphyseal closure [ 92]. Subadults were classified per [ 92] into the categories of Infant (I: 0-12 months), Young Child (YC: 1-6), Older Child (OC: 7-12), and Adolescent (AD: 12-20). Adults were classified per [ 93] into the categories of Young Adult (YA: 20-35), Middle Adult (MA: 35-50), and Old Adult (OA: 50+). Sex of adults and older adolescents (age 16-20) was estimated based on pelvic morphology [ 93, 94] and cranial features [ 95].

Sample Selection

The total number of individuals examined osteologically from the Imperial phases of Casal Bertone and Castellaccio Europarco is 189 [ 96]. In order to create as robust a sample as possible, the enamel from every individual with an intact first molar was assessed for strontium ( ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr). Three individuals from Castellaccio Europaro had pathological first molars (ET33, ET37, ET43), so a canine was substituted, as the timing of its formation is similar to that of the first molar [ 90]. The resulting strontium sample size is 105, with 26 individuals from Castellaccio Europarco, 22 from the Casal Bertone mausoleum, and 57 from the Casal Bertone necropolis. Although these strontium samples were published in the aggregate in [ 97], the data are presented individually and fully contextualized here.

A demographically stratified sample of this population was also analyzed for oxygen isotopes ( δ ¹⁸O) as well as carbon isotopes from the enamel carbonate fraction of the first molars ( δ ¹³Cap), resulting in a sample population consisting of 14 individuals from Castellaccio Europaro, 11 individuals from the Casal Bertone mausoleum, and 30 individuals from the Casal Bertone necropolis. Carbon and nitrogen isotope data from bone samples from these populations were previously published [ 98], and those δ ¹³Cap palaeodietary data are reproduced in the tables. In addition to the human samples, two Sus teeth recovered during archaeological excavation were processed for strontium according to the methodologies described below.

Biochemical Procedures

Strontium isotope analysis was accomplished at the Isotope Geochemistry Laboratory at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill by the author with the assistance of Dr. Drew Coleman. Each tooth was cleaned by surface abrasion. Between 5 to 10 mg of dental enamel was extracted using a Brasseler hand-held dental drill fitted with a 0.3 mm round tungsten carbide bit, weighed on a Sartorius microbalance, and stored in 5 mL Savillex vials with deionized water prior to processing. Strontium was extracted by dissolving the powdered enamel in 500 μL of 7M HNO ₃, then evaporating and redissolving it in 500 μL of 3.5M HNO ₃. Sr-Spec ™ columns were cleaned and loaded with 50 to 100 μL of EiChrom SR-B100-S resin, and the enamel sample was centrifuged. The sample was loaded by pipette from the centrifuge vial and subjected to dropwise and bulk sample rinses with HNO ₃. Strontium was eluted into a clean Savillex vial with deionized water, 25 μL of H ₃PO ₄ was added, and the water was allowed to evaporate on a hotplate. The sample was redissolved with 2 μL of TaCl ₅. Half of the strontium was loaded onto a rhenium filament, and the ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr isotope ratio was measured on a fully automated VG Micromass Sector 54 TIMS spectrometer in reference to standard NBS-987, which has a ratio of 0.710270 ± 0.000014 (absolute, 2 σ), based on replicate analyses of the standard run over the same period as the samples. The internal precision for individual strontium runs was ± 0.000008 to 0.000013 (absolute, 2 σ) standard error based on 100 triple-dynamic cycles of data collection.

Analysis of the light isotopes of carbon and oxygen was performed at the Stable Isotope Facility at the University of Bradford. The outer layer of each tooth was cleaned using a diamond dental burr. A single enamel sample of around 15 mg was extracted from the thickest part of the tooth wall, rather than the earlier-forming occlusal region, following the procedure of [ 48]. Between individuals, the dental burr was cleaned with 4M HNO ₃, rinsed with deionized water, placed in an ultrasonic bath for five minutes, and swabbed with acetone.

The procedure for pre-treatment of enamel apatite is based on [ 99]. Each sample received 1.8 mL of NaOCl. Samples were rinsed with deionized water and centrifuged three times. 1.8 mL of 0.1M acetic acid was added, and the samples were again rinsed with deionized water and centrifuged three times. Samples were heat-dried overnight and freeze-dried before being weighed and loaded onto the IRMS. Rinsed and freeze-dried samples were weighed in duplicate and measured using a Finnigan Gasbench II connected to a Thermo Delta V Advantage continuous flow isotope ratio mass spectrometer. Enamel carbonate was reacted with anhydrous phosphoric acid at 70deg C to release CO ₂ gas from which δ ¹⁸OVSMOW and δ ¹³CVPDB were determined using a CO ₂ reference supply.

Data were normalized by means of a linear calibration equation derived from a plot of accepted versus measured values for two internal standards, Merck Spurapur CaCO ₃ and OES (ostrich egg shell), and the NBS19 international standard. Ratios of δ ¹⁸O and δ ¹³C are reported, respectively, per international standards Vienna Standard Mean Ocean Water (VSMOW) and Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite (VPDB). Analytical precision was determined using an internal enamel laboratory standard to be ± 0.1‰ (1 stdev) for δ ¹³C and ± 0.2‰ (1 stdev) for δ ¹⁸ O.

Results

Demographics

The Castellaccio Europaro sample (n = 26) breaks down into 7 subadults (I, YC, and OC categories) and 19 adults and older adolescents (15 male and 4 female). Most of the adults (n = 10) fall into the Middle Adult (35-50) age category. There is an obvious underrepresentation of females in this cemetery population, but it is unclear if this is the result of burial practices, taphonomy, or another phenomenon. The Casal Bertone sample includes 25 subadults (I, YC, and OC categories plus younger AD) and 54 adults and older adolescents (37 male, 16 female, and 1 indeterminate sex). The Middle Adult age category is similarly the most populated (n = 22), but there was also a comparable number of Adolescents (n = 19). Unlike at Castellaccio Europarco, where the oldest individuals fell into the Middle Adult category, the Casal Bertone sample population includes 6 Older Adults (4 female and 2 male). The demographics of these two sites are different, possibly owing to taphonomy or burial practices, but it is clear that life expectancy was low for both non-elite populations.

Chemical Analyses

Results of the chemical analyses are presented in Tables 1 and 2. These data include measurements from dental enamel of ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr from all individuals in the sample (n = 105) and of δ ¹⁸O and δ ¹³Cap from 55 individuals. Each table additionally includes δ ¹³Cap ratios from bone apatite previously published in [ 98]. All osteological and biochemical data for these two cemeteries can be found in [ 100].

Sample numbers are the same as tomb numbers assigned by the Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma, who excavated them; prefixed letter identifiers are ET for Castellaccio Europarco tombs, T for Casal Bertone tombs, and F for Casal Bertone mausoleum burials.

A series of statistical tests to look for hidden inter- and intrapopulation variation was done using the Mann-Whitney U statistic on pairs of sites, sex, and burial form. At the inter-site level, the mean strontium isotope ratio from Castellaccio Europarco (0.70935) is higher than the mean at Casal Bertone (0.70915), but a Mann-Whitney U test does not show statistical significance (U = 850.5; p = 0.19; n = 105). There was also no statistical difference between the mean oxygen isotope ratios at Castellaccio Europarco (26.5‰) and Casal Bertone (26.3‰) (U = 253.5; p = 0.5; n = 55).

At the intra-site level, comparisons can be made between the sexes. No statistically significant differences obtained between the sexes at Casal Bertone for strontium isotopes (U = 216; p = 0.12; n = 53) or oxygen isotopes (U = 82.5; p = 0.34; n = 30); there were too few individuals tested from Castellaccio Europarco to perform statistical tests based on sex.

The Casal Bertone sample includes individuals from a mausoleum context and a necropolis context. The means of the oxygen isotope ratios are not significantly different between burial types (U = 138.0; p = 0.43; n = 41). Strontium isotope ratios, however, are higher on average in the mausoleum sample (0.70933 ± 0.00046) compared to the slightly earlier necropolis (0.70908 ± 0.00011) at Casal Bertone, and the Mann-Whitney U test of the means is significant (U = 383.5; p = 0.008; n = 79). The Casal Bertone mausoleum sample has a much narrower range of values (0.70825-0.70995) than does the necropolis sample (0.70719-0.71398). The greater range of variation within the necropolis sample of Casal Bertone, as shown further below, is primarily owed to three individuals with strontium isotope ratios significantly different than the remainder of the population.

Approximating Sr and O Isotope Ranges for the Roman Suburbium

Interpreting human oxygen and strontium isotope ratios in order to arrive at conclusions of migration and mobility requires an assessment of the local isotope range. The only published human strontium isotope data from the Roman suburbium are six data points from Republican-era Castellaccio Europarco [ 72], and Prowse and colleagues' work at nearby Portus Romae [ 76] has produced the only oxygen isotope results in central Italy aside from the author's four data points from Republican-era Castellaccio Europarco [ 72]. Due to the complexity of both the volcanic geology of Rome and the importation of drinking and irrigation water via aqueducts, local ranges must be conservatively estimated based on published data and on statistical analysis of the sample populations themselves.

Local Strontium Isotope Range and Results.

Rome is positioned along the Tiber River between two dormant volcanic complexes, the Colli Albani and the Monti Sabatini. The city is surrounded by Middle to Upper Pleistocene volcanic rock as well as Plio-Quaternary sedimentary units along the Tiber, which extend westward to the Tiber Delta and end at the Tyrrhenian Sea near Portus Romae. To the east of Rome are the Apennine Mountain foothills (Preapennines), composed of Meso-Cenozoic sandstones and limestones [ 101, 102]. A simplified map of the geology of this area is presented in Fig 2, while a full geological map of the area can be found in [ 103]. Although the geology of Rome may appear at first glance to be quite complex, the city and its surroundings consist primarily of geologically young rock.

Public domain image of the geological map of Italy by H. de Collegno, 1844. Bibliothèque nationale de France, dèpartment Cartes et plans, GE DL 1844-126, modified to include an inset of Rome and a legend for the geology.

Strontium isotope ratios from rocks, faunal remains, and human remains are available to characterize the local ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr biosphere. The lavas surrounding Rome are variable in strontium isotope ratios, which may be the result of a petrogenetic transition between the Colli Albani magma and the more radiogenic Monti Sabatini magma [ 104]. Table 3 lists the published data points for the three major geographic areas from which Roman drinking and irrigation water would have come. The urbs and suburbium of Imperial Rome exist primarily within the Colli Albani, composed of Middle Pleistocene volcanic rock that ranges from 0.70900-0.71003 [ 105- 107]. Isotope results from ancient faunal remains found in this geographic area fall within the range expected from animals living on pyroclastic volcanic geology: 0.70933-0.71031 [ 105, 108, 109].

A typical sedentary agricultural population in the past would have ingested strontium from two main sources: the geology from which the population procured their crops and the water that helped grow them [ 112]. Imperial Rome was not typical, however, as it was importing roughly 115 million gallons of water per day for both irrigation and drinking water, according to the figures of Frontinus, commissioner of the aqueducts in the 1st century AD [ 113]. Three main sources of water flowed into Rome through nine aqueducts: 1) the Aniene River and springs in the Monti Simbruini to the east; 2) springs in the Colli Albani; and 3) the lake area of Monti Sabatini to the north [ 114] (see Fig 2). Potable water was meted out within the city to both private consumers and to public works (fountains, baths, basins, etc.) and was available to everyone: women as well as men, slaves as well as free citizens [ 114]. Individual castella in Rome were distribution tanks or cisterns that were usually fed by the water of one aqueduct [ 113], but multiple castella with multiple water sources could be found in the same location. Water was also piped into the suburbium to supply baths, fountains, and industries, and many suburban dwellers illegally tapped the aqueducts along their route [ 113, 39].

There are significant outcrops of Upper Pleistocene travertine near Rome at Tivoli, and there is abundant limestone in the Apennine foothills of the Monti Simbruini that dominates the geology of numerous freshwater springs that fed the three eastern aqueducts [ 111, 115]. Measured strontium isotope ratios from rock in the Monti Simbruini are lower than the volcanic geology of the Colli Albani and range from 0.70741-0.70806 [ 111]. Ancient faunal remains from the site of Grotta Polesini, located roughly between the volcanic rock of the Colli Albani and the predominantly Pliocene-Lower Pleistocene limestone that characterizes the Monti Simbruini, fall as expected between the higher and lower strontium isotope ranges: 0.70833-0.70884 [ 101]. Two aqueducts with sources in the Monti Sabatini may also have contributed to human strontium isotope ratios, as this water was primarily used for irrigation. The few published data points for the Sabatini volcanic complex give a range of 0.70987-0.71116, slightly higher than the Colli Albani. Rome is not far from the Tyrrhenian Sea, which has a strontium isotope ratio of 0.7092 [ 116]. A previous isotopic study of carbon and nitrogen isotopes on a subset of the same populations [ 98] showed seafood was not a primary part of the diet; rather, C ₃ grains (likely wheat) and terrestrial meat were. Although seawater was not used for growing crops and the Romans were not likely eating seaweed, the strontium isotope ratio of the sea cannot be ruled out as an end-member contributing to human strontim isotope values.

Individuals who lived in or frequented the city and suburbs of Rome thus had access to drinking water that came from two distinctly different geological sources. More importantly, aqueduct water was used for irrigation; per Frontinus, roughly 25% of the water that came in from the Monti Simbruini and all of the water imported from the Monti Sabatini was used either for Augustus' naumachia (a large basin in which mock naval battles were held) or for irrigation. Therefore, a child who grew up in Rome could have obtained drinking water from the Colli Albani or Monti Simbruini and could have eaten food (e.g., wheat, fruit, and vegetables; see [ 98]) grown with water from the Colli Albani or with water imported from the Monti Sabatini or the Monti Simbruini.

Strontium isotope data from both sites are plotted in Fig 3, a combination histogram and box plot. The histogram shows that the majority of the strontium isotope data points are between 0.708 and 0.710, a range consistent with the geology of the Colli Albani and with the remains of archaeological animals, and encompassing the contribution from rain and seawater, while the box plot identifies six possible outliers on the low and high ends: ET76 and ET38 from Castellaccio Europarco, and T36, T24, T8, and T15 from Casal Bertone.

Further interrogating the human data for outliers confirms many of these points. We applied the outlier labeling rule [ 117], which can detect outliers in normally distributed data through a calculation of quartiles. The outlier labeling rule resulted in lower and upper bounds, respectively, of 0.70701 and 0.71116. Individuals T15 and ET38 are both higher than the high bound, strongly suggesting they are from a geographical area other than Rome. We also used Grubb's (extreme studentized deviate) test, which identified as outliers individuals T15 (z = 6.15; p <0.01), ET38 (z = 4.47; p <0.01), T36 (z = 3.46; p <0.05), and T24 (z = 3.39; p <0.05). While T15 and ET38 are clearly much higher in terms of their strontium isotope ratio than is expected from the rest of the population and incompatible with the local geology, T36 and T24 are lower than expected.

Local Oxygen Isotope Range and Results.

A local oxygen isotope range for humans in Imperial Rome is similarly difficult to estimate, even given the fact that precipitation in the Italian peninsula has been well studied [ 118]. The Italian peninsula is bisected by the Apennine Mountains, and the average meteoric precipitation there has a lower mean δ ¹⁸O value than do the east and west coasts. There are significant differences in mean environmental oxygen isotope ratios with altitude, as δ ¹⁸O values decrease from the coast to the mountains. No significant differences exist, however, with latitude in peninsular Italy, such that δ ¹⁸O values along the Tyrrhenian coast fall within the same isopleth. Longinelli and Selmo [ 118] report their measurement of Rome at -5.65‰, which falls within a mean annual δ ¹⁸O value of meteoric water of −6 to −5‰ VSMOW along the west coast of Italy. As noted above, however, drinking and irrigation water in Rome came from local rainwater collected in cisterns, springs and groundwater in the Colli Albani, river water from the Aniene, and springs in the Apennine foothills near Subiaco, which rose to an elevation of about 440 m and lay about 70 km from Rome (see Fig 2). At the eastern aqueducts' source, the mean annual δ ¹⁸O value from precipitation is a full permil lower than at Rome [ 118].

Because of the effects of fractionation in the human body, because oxygen is sensitive to dietary differences among mammals, and because conversion equations introduce significant error, it is impossible to directly employ the available environmental or faunal measurements of δ ¹⁸O values to create a human baseline for Rome [ 101, 108, 118]. Many researchers have therefore assumed that populations unaffected by immigration and trade or importation of food and drink will fall within an oxygen isotope range of about 2‰ [ 119], but there may be a trailing 'tail' on the positive end of a histogram of δ ¹⁸O values as the result of importation of foodstuffs and/or boiling, evaporating, or brewing of water in the human diet [ 55]. Arriving at a proposed local oxygen isotope range therefore necessitates looking at variation within the Roman Imperial sample itself and comparing these data to those generated by Prowse and colleagues [ 76] at nearby Portus Romae.

For the entire Roman sample (n = 55) in Fig 4, δ ¹⁸O values range from 24.3‰ to 28.9‰ VSMOW, for a total range of 4.6‰. If we allow for a 1‰ reduction due to imported aqueduct water and a 1‰ increase to allow for any influence of breastmilk consumption on the oxygen isotope ratios of these first molars, a 4‰ range is a conservative one for Imperial Rome. The mean δ ¹⁸O values for the entire sample and for each site are tightly clustered. Over the whole sample (n = 55), the mean δ ¹⁸ O value is 26.3 ± 1.1‰ (1 stdev), and the site-specific means are not statistically different from this or from one another: Castellaccio Europarco (n = 14) is 26.5 ± 1.0‰ (1 stdev), while Casal Bertone (n = 41) is 26.3 ± 1.1‰ (1 stdev) (U = 253.5; p = 0.52; n = 55). The histogram and boxplot representations of these data show a continuous distribution with no outliers. Further interrogating the oxygen isotope data with the outlier labeling rule and Grubb's test also produces no clear statistical outliers.

Putting oxygen isotope ratio measurements through a series of regression equations to see if they line up with expectations from meteoric precipitation is possible but must be done with caution. The δ ¹⁸Ocarb (VSMOW) values were first converted using [ 54] to δ ¹⁸Ophos (VSMOW) values, then those values were converted using [ 55] to δ ¹⁸Odw (VSMOW) values. The mean δ ¹⁸Odw for Castellaccio Europarco (n = 14) is −6.3‰ ± 1.5 (VSMOW), while the mean δ ¹⁸Odw for Casal Bertone (n = 41) is −7.1‰ ± 1.6 (VSMOW).

Converting enamel δ ¹⁸O to estimated δ ¹⁸O of drinking water consumed during enamel formation shows that the majority of these data, in spite of the introduction of imprecision through conversion equations, are roughly in line with ratios recorded by [ 118] for Rome and its suburbium (−6 to −5‰ VSMOW), as well as its eastern aqueduct water sources (−7 to −6‰ VSMOW) [ 120]. Three individuals, however, are more than 2 stdev from the mean: T70, T36, and T39, all with higher than expected oxygen isotope ratios.

The results in this study also fall within the δ ¹⁸O values previously obtained by Prowse and colleagues [ 76] from two samples: first molars of individuals buried in the Isola Sacra cemetery of Imperial-era Portus Romae and deciduous teeth from modern Roman children. Their study of δ ¹⁸O values of the enamel of 20 deciduous teeth gathered from 15 modern children born in Rome yielded a mean of 26.0 ± 0.6‰ VSMOW (1 stdev). Note: The data from Prowse et al. 2007 [ 76] were published in the VPDB standard and have been convered here to the VSMOW standard using the equation 1.03092 * VPDB + 30.92 = VSMOW [ 121]. Further, their results from Isola Sacra (n = 60) give a mean of 25.4 ± 1.1‰ VSMOW (1 stdev).

While the measured human δ ¹⁸O values from Casal Bertone and Castellaccio Europarco overlap the Isola Sacra data, as evident in the histogram in Fig 5, the people buried at Isola Sacra tend towards lower δ ¹⁸O values. All of these measurements come from first molars, which begin forming at birth and are complete around age 4. As Roman children were generally weaned between 6 months and 2 years [ 98, 122- 126], differences in breastfeeding practices between Rome and Portus Romae could be evident in this case. However, the sampling protocol used in the current study took enamel from the tooth wall rather than from the earlier forming cuspal regions. Another potential cause for difference is in the water source itself, as inhabitants of Rome would have had greater access to aqueduct water than would inhabitants of Portus Romae; in this case, though, we would expect Romans to have lower δ ¹⁸ O values on average. Finally, it is possible that the wide range of oxgyen ratios is masking immigrants at either or both sites.

Portus Romae data are from [ 76].

Oxygen isotopes of first molars alone are therefore incapable at the current time of clearly distinguishing between immigrants and locals at Rome, but testing multiple teeth that form at different times, as Prowse and colleagues did [ 76], has potential for future studies.

Nonlocals at Imperial Rome

Strontium and oxygen isotope systems are complementary on the Italian peninsula, as strontium tends to vary north-to-south [ 102], while oxygen varies east-to-west [ 118]. In order to better understand migration and mobility in Imperial Rome, strontium and oxygen isotope results were combined from all individuals who were tested for both (n = 55).

Fig 6 is a scatterplot of each individual from Casal Bertone (n = 41) and Castellaccio Europarco (n = 14) who had a first molar tested for both strontium and oxygen isotopes. The wide range of oxygen isotope ratios continues to be evident, along with a clustering of strontium isotope ratios as noted above. A box plot along the oxygen axis reveals no outliers in this subsample of the population, while the box plot of the strontium isotope ratios again shows T15, ET38, T24, and T36 as statistically outside of the expected range of values.

Multivariate statistical analysis can be performed on these ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr and δ ¹⁸O data to look for commonalities in groups [ 127]. Because of the small sample sizes, hierarchical cluster analysis is an appropriate method to examine the data for groups that may suggest common geographical backgrounds. The strontium and oxygen isotope ratios were first transformed into z-scores, as the scales for the two isotopes vary considerably. The analysis was run for models that imposed two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, and ten clusters. A one-way ANOVA run on each model to identify the number of clusters that were most significantly different based on both isotopic parameters resulted in a model with seven clusters (strontium: F = 22.163, p = 0.000; oxygen: F = 39.224, p = 0.000) ( Fig 7).

Dendrogram shows average linkage based on Sr and O isotopic parameters for individuals with both (n = 55). Boxes represent the seven clusters that displayed the highest statistical significance using one-way ANOVA.

The three clusters that join late are the most interesting when compared with the scatterplot in Fig 6. Individual T24 forms a cluster, and this person has low strontium and low oxygen isotope ratios. Individuals T15 and T36 form a cluster, and both have average oxygen but very high strontium isotope ratios. Finally, the group with T70, T39, and T36 have high oxgyen and average-to-low strontium isotope ratios.

The most likely nonlocals, given all the data cited above, are T15, ET38, T36, and T24. The high oxygen isotope ratios of T70 and T39 may also mean they were immigrants, although this is not statistically conclusive, and the high strontium isotope ratios of T8 and ET76, similarly not statistically conclusive, could place these individuals as immigrants as well. Additional testing on different teeth from the same individual or with different isotopes or DNA analysis could bring more clarity to the geographical origins of this second set of potential immigrants.

Discussion

The data generated in this study are useful for answering questions raised by Roman history, or more specifically by the lack of records of migrants to Rome. It is possible to start answering questions about demography, homeland, and acculturation using biochemical data drawn from human skeletal remains from Imperial Rome, in spite of the complexity of the environment that supported this ancient civilization. Nevertheless, additional work is needed to build on and refine these results.

Who immigrated to Rome?

Of the nonlocal sample (n = 4), there are three adult males and one adolescent of unknown sex. Two of the males fall in the Middle Adult category (35-50) and one into the Older Adult category (50+), while the Adolescent is between 11-15 years old. The other four individuals whose isotope ratios were different from local Roman expectations, although not statistically conclusive, include two Older Children (7-12 years old), one probably male older Adolescent (11-15 years old), and one older Adolescent female (16-20 years old).

While it is not possible to tell when during their lives the adults came to Rome, the subadults provide a terminus ante quem of their age-at-death. The youngest possible nonlocals were found in the Older Child category, suggesting these individuals came to Rome between the time their first molar crown finished forming (age 4) and their deaths (before age 10). Although migration of children is not well known in the historical record, Prowse and colleagues [ 76] similarly found nonlocals among their subadult sample from the Isola Sacra cemetery.

The clearest evidence for migrants to Rome from these two archaeological skeletal collections is within the male population, with possible evidence of migration of children and a woman as well. As noted above, however, females are underrepresented in particular at Castellaccio Europarco, so this may not reflect the real sex ratio of immigrants. Whereas Prowse and colleagues [ 76] suggested their finding of migrant children at Portus Romae was related to family migration, it is unclear whether women and children immigrated individually or as part of a male-headed family to Portus [ 128, 129] or to Rome, and there is no evidence from any of these Imperial cemeteries of family groups. As noted above, however, females are underrepresented in the two cemetery populations, which may be contributing to a bias in favor of males as anomalous individuals.

It is also impossible to answer from the present data whether these individuals were voluntary or compulsory migrants. The status of slave was multifaceted and mutable during the Empire [ 130], and there is no indication in the archaeological information from Casal Bertone and Castellaccio Europarco that any specific individual was a slave. There is, however, no evidence from isotopes that individuals buried in the mausoleum at Casal Bertone were nonlocal, whereas the necropoleis at Casal Bertone and Castellaccio Europarco both produced skeletons with nonlocal isotope ratios. Burial in a necropolis was customary for the lower classes, while burial in a mausoleum cost more [ 77]. These isotope data may be showing a form of economic, status-related migration, with more lower class individuals and possibly slaves moving to Rome compared to wealthier individuals. Additional testing would be needed, though, to confirm this hypothesis.

Where did immigrants come from?

Because migrants often came to Rome in diasporic waves resulting from slavery, attempting to identify a general geographic origin can be instructive. The combination of strontium and oxygen isotope analyses is particularly useful for this in western Europe, although only general predictions of homeland can be made. Oxygen isotopes on the continent vary roughly east-to-west, while strontium isotopes are higher in the older rock of mountains such as the Alps and lower in the younger rock of volcanic areas like most of peninsular Italy. From the perspective of Rome, oxygen isotope ratios will decrease as one moves into the Apennine range running along the spine of Italy, and strontium isotope ratios will increase to the north and decrease to the south.

The four individuals with clearly anomalous isotope ratios-T15, ET38, T24, and T36-fall into three distinct strontium and oxygen isotope combinations. T15 and ET38 have oxygen isotope ratios within range of Rome, but strontium isotope ratios that are significantly higher, suggesting a possible origin in a place with older geology, such as the Alps or one of the islands in the Tyrrhenian Sea. As people arrived at Rome from all over the Empire, however, there are numerous locations in which these individuals could have been born.

Individual T24 has low strontium and low oxygen isotope ratios compared to Rome, suggesting an origin somewhere with a cool, wet climate and basalt or limestone substrate, such as the Apennines. Individual T36 has high oxygen and low strontium isotope ratios, suggesting an origin in a region of limestone or basalt with a hotter, drier climate than Rome, such as North Africa. For these individuals, however, a dietary explanation for the anomalous strontium isotope ratios, while much less likely owing to the concomitant δ ¹⁸O values, cannot be completely ruled out. As Rome imported significant amounts of grain from north Africa during the Empire, and as human strontium isotope ratios from Egypt and the Nile Valley have been shown to be lower than those in Rome (around 0.707 to 0.708) [ 131], it is not impossible that T24 and T36 were consuming a significant amount of imported grain as children. Still, as shown further below, the dietary explanation is less likely than is an origin elsewhere.

The four additional individuals whose isotopes may indicate they were immigrants-T8, T70, T39, and ET76-fall into the categories above. T8 and ET76 have higher-than-expected strontium isotope ratios, showing up as outliers in the box plot in Fig 3. They may have arrived at Rome from a region of older geology such as northern Italy. Individuals T70 and T39, while not statistical outliers in the oxygen isotope box plot in Fig 5, are nevertheless 0.6-0.7‰ higher than the next closest local, suggesting they may also be immigrants. They could have arrived at Rome from a drier climate like North Africa. These four individuals highlight the challenge of identifying immigrants to Rome from a vast geographical expanse.

Finally, the fact that there is a large spread in both the strontium and oxygen isotope data compared to results obtained from other archaeological populations could indicate that people were arriving at Rome from places not too far removed, in a form of centripetal migration, as Prowse and colleagues [ 76] suggest for Portus. Both the strontium and the oxygen isotope ratios from Rome are diverse, and it is not unreasonable to assume that these may reflect the diversity of the population as well. It is also possible that even more individuals are essentially isotopically invisible migrants, if they came to Rome from homelands with similar strontium and/or oxygen isotope values. Further isotopic and DNA work will be necessary to better understand origins and homelands from skeletal remains.

Did immigrants acculturate after their arrival?

In a study of mobility and identity in Bronze Age south-central Italy, M.A. Tafuri [ 132] looked at foodways as a potential characteristic by which people may have expressed their individual or collective identities. Tafuri concluded from her trace element analysis that the anomalous diets of females from the site of Sant'Abbondio represented a way of expressing their identity or habitus in spite of their post-marital residence change. She writes that, "in creating the link between place and resources, between living and eating, the essence of individual and social identity can be re-created" [ 132].

With few grave goods and no anomalous burial styles at either Casal Bertone or Castellaccio Europarco, it is largely unclear whether the immigrants to Rome are similar to the locals because of a choice to portray themselves as locals or because of a simple lack of resources to differentiate themselves. The carbon isotope data hint at a form of acculturation, however, and provide another line of evidence of nonlocal origins. In this study, δ ¹³Cap values were measured from enamel and compared with previously published bone values [ 98]. Comparing these two data points for each individual provides the opportunity to look at changes that may have occurred in the diet between childhood (0-4 from the first molar crown) and the years leading up to death (bone sample). Fig 8 displays these data for the 43 individuals who were subjected to analyses for ⁸⁷Sr/ ⁸⁶Sr, δ ¹⁸O, and δ ¹³Cap of bone and enamel.

Bold, underlined sample IDs indicate individuals identified as immigrants to Rome. Dashed line represents the 2 stdev range of bone isotope ratios for each archaeological population.

Killgrove and Tykot [ 98] showed that the δ ¹³Cap values from bone, when combined with δ ¹³C and δ ¹⁵N, reflect a diet composed of wheat with variable inputs from legumes, meat, and seafood. The entire population save one individual (ET20) has a C ₃ protein signature based on the plot of δ ¹³Cco and δ ¹³Cap coupled with low δ ¹⁵N. Individual ET20, who has a very high δ ¹³C value, nevertheless has δ ¹³Cap and δ ¹⁵N values in line with the rest of the population, suggesting consumption of millet rather than seafood. The higher δ ¹³Cap bone values for Castellaccio Europarco therefore likely reflect greater reliance on millet for this suburban population compared to the periurban population of Casal Bertone [ 98]. Construction of a 2 stdev range for bone δ ¹³Cap values for each site yields −12.2 to −8.5‰ VPDB for Castellaccio Europarco and −13.9 to −10.9‰ VPDB for Casal Bertone. Individuals whose δ ¹³Cap ratios fall outside that range may have been eating food of nonlocal origin.

A pattern therefore emerges in which individuals identified as nonlocal to Rome based on strontium and oxygen isotope ratios are most likely to have δ ¹³Cap enamel ratios outside the 2 stdev local range but bone ratios within it. In particular, individuals ET38, T24, T39, and T36 have anomalous strontium and/or oxygen isotope ratios, higher enamel carbon isotope ratios than expected for Rome, but also bone isotope ratios in line with the local range. While many people changed their diets between the time they were children and the time they died-most notably at Castellaccio Europarco, where the adult diet likely contained significant quantities of millet or millet-foddered animals [ 98]-those people with suspected nonlocal origins changed their diets more dramatically, likely due to a difference in available foodstuffs at Rome compared to their geographical area of origin. Whether this change was voluntary (to fit in with Roman foodways) or involuntary (because of food availability) is not clear.

Conclusions

Modeling migration to Imperial Rome is necessary for a deeper understanding of demographics, family structure, and gender roles, and is particularly relevant for the vast majority of the Roman population that was left out of historical records. This study has generated the first concrete data of individuals who were not born at Rome, but much more research is needed into a variety of data sets to fully contextualize questions about mobility in Imperial Rome and to move forward in employing bioarchaeology in Roman migration studies.

Chemical analysis of small animals could help define the local range of bioavailable strontium in a volcanic area with quite complex geology, contributing to our ability to identify both immigrants to Rome and their homelands. Further studies of strontium and oxygen isotopes of ancient Romans would similarly contribute to the understanding of the use of aqueduct water, whose importance in Roman culture and to Roman health cannot be overstated. Analyses of multiple teeth from a single individual would greatly aid our assessment of mobility and potentially allow us to characterize migration as rural-to-urban, urban-to-rural, or circular [ 76]. Further, multiple isotopes are needed to better understand the complex society of Imperial Rome. Strontium and oxygen isotope values do not fully capture the individuals who migrated to Rome or the variation among them, so the addition of sulphur and lead isotopes (see also [ 133]) may clarify the picture of migration as may DNA analysis [ 134]. Additional avenues of research interest include looking at patterns in habitual action through enthesopathies or musculoskeletal markers as these may show, for example, distinct local and nonlocal patterns of leatherworking in a burial population. Spatial relationships among graves may also hold clues to the composition of polyethnic communities in Rome, particularly since burial could be based on shared occupation or ethnicity and financed through a collegium (fraternal organization), although preliminary GIS analyses at Casal Bertone did not reveal patterns in strontium isotope data suggestive of diaspora [ 135].

A bioarchaeological approach to Imperial Rome that combines ancient history, anthropological theory, material culture, and chemical analyses as outlined above will help reveal individual migrants, contextualize them within migrant and local populations, and elucidate the experiences migrants had at Rome and elsewhere in the Empire. Immigrants contributed physical labor, novel pathogens, and diverse genes to the city, and Rome in turn affected these individuals' lifestyles and experiences through social, environmental, and economic conditions. Bioarchaeological studies that mesh palaeopathology and biochemical analysis may reveal additional facets of daily life and health outcomes for both immigrants and locals. For example, cribra orbitalia could be related to dietary deficiency, a pathogen-heavy environment, or lead poisoning, and a multi-element analysis of Pb, C, N, and O may tease out the reasons [ 136]. The thousands of individuals who died in Rome and whose skeletons survived two millennia of burial hold vast amounts of information about this civilization, and telling their stories through osteobiography will further complement, contradict, and complicate the received wisdom about the Roman Empire.

Finally, historically-informed bioarchaeology in Rome may be particularly fruitful in terms of generating a more complex theory of slavery in the Empire. While free, mobile individuals in Imperial Rome traveled, wrote letters, and sent money back home while living elsewhere [ 137, 138], many migrants arrived at their destination in Italy as slaves. Some of the immigrants identified in this study may have come to Rome as slaves, but their tenure as slaves could have been ended quickly by manumission. Although the bioarchaeology of slavery is even more fraught with issues than the bioarchaeology of immigrants, it remains an important future avenue of research because slaves comprised a considerable segment of the Roman population.

It is imperative, therefore, to assess migration at all levels in the Roman Empire in order to better understand the epidemiology and demography of the capital but also to proceed further with questions about the people of Imperial Rome. A contextually-informed historical bioarchaeology is necessary to bring ancient migration studies to the fore and to reveal the role that migrants had in shaping the history, culture, and geography of the Roman Empire.

Acknowledgments

For permission to study the materials discussed in this article, thanks go to Paola Catalano of the Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma. Drew Coleman and Paul Fullager were instrumental in helping with the Sr analysis and answering questions about data interpretation, and O isotope analysis was carried out with the assistance of Andrew Gledhill and Jacqueline Towers. Thanks are also owed to Dale Hutchinson, Margie Scarry, Nicola Terrenato, Carole Crumley, Robert Tykot, Donna Surge, and Lee Boushell for access to tools and discussions about this project. Suggestions and critiques by peer reviewers made this a stronger paper. Any errors, of course, remain our own.

Author Contributions

Conceived and designed the experiments: KK. Performed the experiments: KK JM. Analyzed the data: KK. Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: JM. Wrote the paper: KK. Collected samples: KK.

References

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All Roads Lead to Rome: Exploring Human Migration to the Eternal City through Biochemistry of Skeletons from Two Imperial-Era Cemeteries (1st-3rd c AD)

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Migration within the Roman Empire occurred at multiple scales and was engaged in both voluntarily and involuntarily. Because of the lengthy tradition of classical studies, bioarchaeological analyses must be fully contextualized within the bounds of history, material culture, and epigraphy.

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This article was about how Ancient Rome’s geography. It talked about how the Romans lived back then and what they did to survive.

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What is Geography? Geography is the study of physical features of the earth and its atmosphere, the study of its people, earth and environment. Ancient Rome is located in Italy, Europe, near...

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This article shows how Roman was back then in history. Over the years Rome has got much more developed. It explains the Roman Empire . Rome had many beliefs . They had believed in god and goddesses .This mostly explains Romans back then

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The Roman Empire: in the First Century. The Roman Empire. Republic to Empire | PBS

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Two thousand years ago, the world was ruled by Rome, but Rome could not rule itself. It took two men to wrestle Rome back from chaos and turn a republic into an empire. In the first century BC, Rome was a republic. Power lay in the hands of the Senate, elected by Roman citizens.

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Rome schools now are like every other schools in America but back then Ancient Rome schools use to be diffferent. Some  difference
was that not all people use to go to schools, they use to hit the student, and the school were small. This article talk about how Ancient Rome schools were  different than Rome schools now.

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Poor kids had to work

Roman schools were for rich boys; most Roman kids did not go to school. Like their parents, they worked in the fields hoeing and weeding and plowing as soon as they were old enough. Their parents needed them to work, to get enough to eat. They did not learn to read or write or do math.

Roman schools for richer boys

Some rich boys, especially if they lived in cities, did go to school. Girls mostly did not go to school. Rich kids sometimes had a slave who walked them to school and back and kept them safe. Boys were in school from early in the morning until mid-morning, and then often exercised until lunch. They usually walked home for lunch and then came back for an afternoon session. But they didn't all necessarily arrive or leave at the same time - some boys came later, or left earlier.

One-room schools

Roman schools were small, with only one room, and one teacher, like American one-room schools. The same teacher taught boys of different ages, from about seven to eleven or twelve. (Boys younger than seven didn't go to school). The boys' parents paid the teacher, the way your parents pay for music lessons or karate lessons today. Like music teachers today, they weren't paid very well. Teachers were always complaining about being poor. A teacher with 30 students in his class might get about 180 denarii a year, which was maybe enough to live on but not enough to support a family.

The boys usually sat on stools or chairs, while the teacher had a chair with a back (though in this picture actually the boys do have backs on their chairs). Nobody had a desk.

Homeschooling in ancient Rome

Some kids (both boys and girls) were home-schooled instead. Either their mothers or fathers taught them, or sometimes they hired a teacher to come to their house, or (for very rich people) they might buy a slave to be their kids' teacher.

What subjects did Roman kids learn in school?

The teacher taught the boys how to read and write, and also how to count and calculate some numbers. Books hadn't been invented yet, and nobody in Europe knew how to make paper, so the boys read from papyrus scrolls. To practice their writing, they scratched with wooden sticks on wooden boards covered with wax, or sometimes they scratched with a metal stick on old broken pieces of pottery.

The teacher wrote out the alphabet, or lines from the Aeneid, and then the kids copied out what the teacher had written. They also learned math. He (most teachers were men) taught them their times tables. The boys memorized a lot of poetry, and sometimes they learned to play a musical instrument. They did not learn science, or art, or physical education.

Teachers could hit kids

If a boy had not learned what he was supposed to learn, the teacher would often hit him with a stick. Many boys were very afraid of their teacher, and hated school because they were afraid of being hit with the stick.

When boys were eleven or twelve, and had learned everything they could learn in this school, many of them stopped going to school. A few, like the scholar Augustine, went on to high school.

Bibliography and further reading about Roman school:

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Roman schools - education in ancient Rome

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Roman schools: A Roman teacher home-schooling, about 200 AD Poor kids had to work Roman schools were for rich boys; most Roman kids did not go to school. Like their parents, they worked in the fields hoeing and weeding and plowing as soon as