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This is a new TV series that is based on the equal rights amendment movement from` the 1970's which some believe is the birth of feminism.

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Mrs. America Season 1 Trailer | Rotten Tomatoes TV

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A contestant on RuPaul's Drag Race was discriminated against because of their Islamic religion by a white heterosexual male judge.

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“I’m here, and I deserve to be in America just as much as anyone else.” 

Thank you for your bravery, @JackieCoxNYC – we’re so happy you’re here. ❤️#DragRace

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“I’m here, and I deserve to be in America just as much as anyone else.” 

Thank you for your bravery, @JackieCoxNYC – we’re so happy you’re here. ❤️#DragRace https://t.co/aVCFXNKHHx

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“I’m here, and I deserve to be in America just as much as anyone else.”

Thank you for your bravery, @JackieCoxNYC – we’re so happy you’re here. ❤️#DragRace pic.twitter.com/aVCFXNKHHx
— RuPaul's Drag Race (@RuPaulsDragRace) April 25, 2020

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“I’m here, and I deserve to be in America just as much as anyone else.” 

Thank you for your bravery, @JackieCoxNYC – we’re so happy you’re here. ❤️#DragRace https://t.co/aVCFXNKHHx

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“I’m here, and I deserve to be in America just as much as anyone else.” 

Thank you for your bravery, @JackieCoxNYC – we’re so happy you’re here. ❤️#DragRace https://t.co/aVCFXNKHHx

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“I’m here, and I deserve to be in America just as much as anyone else.” 

Thank you for your bravery, @JackieCoxNYC – we’re so happy you’re here. ❤️#DragRace

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This article talks about how social movements can help build power if they understand the bigger issues that intersectionality can cause.

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In recent years, the term "intersectionality" has gained prominence in popular culture, news coverage, and in political organizing and activism. This newfound popularity is the legacy of feminists of color who, in the 1970s and 80s, aimed to empower silenced groups in advocacy organizations, academia, and social institutions. Due to the term's wide use and the complexity of the idea at its root, many are confused about its definition.

Broadly defined, intersectionality is the idea that disadvantage is conditioned by multiple interacting systems of oppression. When racism and sexism interact -in the experience of women of color, for instance- the disadvantages produced are different than the disadvantages produced by racism and sexism on their own. These distinct lived experiences have important policy implications that tend to be left unattended.

Social movements and civic groups can benefit if they understand and implement this understanding of overlapping systems of disadvantage into their organizing and advocacy work. These approaches build on the leadership and insight of groups that experience multiple forms of oppression, ensure their inclusion, and make movements more responsive to their various constituent groups, thereby increasing the group's legitimacy in the eyes of policymakers. To take a truly intersectional approach, however, organizations and movements must both recognize and represent groups that are affected by interconnected disadvantage in their leadership while prioritizing these groups' concerns in their agendas.

History of Intersectionality

Critical race theorist and constitutional law scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw coined the term in 1989, but the ideas behind it predate Crenshaw's work. Early formulations of intersectionality can be found in Maria Stewart's writings in the 1830s, Sojourner Truth's 1851 speech at the Women's Rights Convention in Akron, Ohio, and enacted by Savitribai Phule's advocacy in India. Early champions of this concept were careful to:

Reveal and address areas where policy is silent. They sought to confront the challenges experienced by disadvantaged groups - particularly those who experience multiple, interacting forms of disadvantage.

Break with simplistic views of social groups. They rejected the idea that there are universal experiences associated with each identity, such as universal womanhood or Blackness.

Avoid additive explanations of oppression. They argued that Black women's oppression does not equal the lived experiences of Black men plus the problems of white women.

The concept's intellectual and political importance grew significantly in the 1970s and 80s thanks to the work of Black, Mestiza, post-colonial, queer, and Indigenous feminists, including Audre Lorde, Patricia Hill Collins, and bell hooks, who pushed social movements and academia to recognize previously ignored perspectives and identities. Proponents, such as the Combahee River Collective, pointed to the obstacles that women of color faced in ascending to leadership roles within activist-oriented organizations - particularly within civil rights and women's movements. And while these advocates decried the lack of inclusion of Black women in particular in the leadership of women's and civil rights movements, they did not call for separating from these movements. Overcoming oppression in the many forms that Black women experienced it, they argued, was only to be achieved through coalition-building efforts.

Organizing That Creates Coalitions across Different Groups

Truly successful political organizing entails reassessing a movement's structure, political priorities, and practices to address overlapping forms of disadvantage and oppression. Adopting an intersectional approach to organizing consists of ongoing negotiations to create ties and coalitions across different social groups. Below are recommendations for organizations and movements that hope to better serve their constituents with these principles:

Foster awareness. Most people understand that social structures, policy, and others' lives are complex. Organizations should build on this awareness to help members understand how overlapping and intertwined systems of disadvantage and oppression affect various individuals and groups differently. Feminists of color have cautioned against debating which subgroup is more oppressed, as these discussions can be divisive and inconclusive; rather, advocacy groups should identify the experiences that shape their constituents' lives and build their political advocacy agendas accordingly.

Embrace diversity as a political resource. Rather than merely celebrating diversity, a truly effective approach creates systems that address power differences between groups. Advocates should consider building inclusive decision-making processes, and including overlappingly-disadvantaged groups in leadership while prioritizing their concerns. These systems of inclusion help organizations address internal divisions and sustain cooperation across different groups. When organizations comport themselves in this way, they are seen as more legitimate advocates of disadvantaged communities.

Look to other movements and civic groups for examples. Many organizations are already using this approach to great advantage. Innovative intersectional approaches take stock of their internal differences, identify conflicts, and address them proactively. Conversely, suppressing dissent and differences has led to further exclusion and fragmentation.

What Next?

Although mobilizing diverse groups presents challenges for civic organizations and social movements, identifying internal differences and taking proactive steps to address them helps sustain cooperation - and ultimately, that cooperation is a necessary ingredient in successful advocacy for policies that improve the lives of disadvantaged and oppressed groups. Intersectionality is a useful organizing model for movements and advocacy groups that can enhance their political influence and ability to persist over time.

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How Social Movements Build Power through Intersectionality

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In recent years, the term "intersectionality" has gained prominence in popular culture, news coverage, and in political organizing and activism. This newfound popularity is the legacy of feminists of color who, in the 1970s and 80s, aimed to empower silenced groups in advocacy organizations, academia, and social institutions.

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This is the trailer for a documentary about an African American Women who was an activist and was arrested for a traffic violation but was then found dead in her jail cell. This doc. focuses on the intersectionality for black women.

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Say Her Name: The Life and Death of Sandra Bland (2018) | Official Trailer | HBO

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MMIW is a coalition to help missing and murdered Indigenous  women. This image shows statistics about some of the harsh realities indigenous women face.

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Parents of children of color worry about encounters with police. They need to have serious conversations with their children to teach them safe approaches when being confronted by the police.

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Black Parents Explain How to Deal with the Police | Cut

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This is a commercial for Always. It demonstrates how saying "like a girl" doesn't have to mean doing something differently.

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This TEDx Talk is about intersectionality from a transgender point of view. "We all need to be allies to each other"

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Effective Allyship: A Transgender Take on Intersectionality | Ashlee Marie Preston | TEDxPasadena

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This image is representing a form a privilege that could be prevalent right now due to COVID-19. With learning for students completely online, some might have better opportunities than others.

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There is a mixed stigma about breasts being exposed in public while women are breast feeding.

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my take on motherhood (and life in general I guess): when you're doing what feels right in your soul, someone's gonna complain.

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92k Likes, 1,474 Comments - @bekah on Instagram: "my take on motherhood (and life in general I guess): when you're doing what feels right in your..."

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Katie Sowers is the first female to coach in the super bowl. She is breaking down barriers in male dominant sports.

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There was controversy over Shakira and J.Lo's super bowl halftime show due to their clothing and dancing being too sexual. However, the year prior Adam Levine was shirtless and there wasn't as much backlash.

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Shakira & J. Lo's FULL Pepsi Super Bowl LIV Halftime Show

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African Americans are at a disadvantage during this pandemic due to the disproportionality they fulfill in the workforce (i.e., grocery store clerks, warehouse, public transportation).

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COVID-19 is ravaging many parts of the United States, but nowhere more than in Black communities. Early data from the Midwest and the South reveal that Black people are contracting and dying from the virus at far higher rates than whites. Louisiana just released data which shows that African Americans account for 70 percent of all deaths in the state. In Milwaukee County, 81 percent of those that have died are Black. In Chicago, 70 percent of COVID-19-related deaths are Black. This disease threatens us all, but the Black community has seen the worst effects. These effects point to deeper discrimination throughout society.

There is still a lot more to learn about the virus, but the reason for this racial divide is rooted in governmental failings and bias at federal, state, and local levels. Before the first coronavirus case emerged in the U.S., Black people had higher rates of underlying chronic conditions like asthma, diabetes, and heart disease that reduce survival rates. As the coronavirus spreads and our economy comes to a virtual stand-still, many employees have shifted to remote work arrangements, but less than 1 in 5 African Americans have. The low-wage, no-benefit jobs deemed "essential," like grocery store clerks, warehouse employees, and home health aides are the jobs that Black and brown people disproportionately fill. Without health insurance, sick leave, or savings, these workers still show up, because the alternative - unemployment, eviction, and starvation for themselves and their families - is worse.

At the federal level, President Trump espouses racist talking points, blames the first Black president for lack of face masks, and champions policies that discriminate against Black and brown people. Since taking office, the Trump administration has overseen the repeal of numerous federal anti-discrimination and economic justice policies and regulations. The Department of Housing and Urban Development moved to roll back fair housing regulations resulting in greater segregation of Black communities and fewer housing options for those with old or minor convictions, and the Department of Labor stripped away minimum wage and overtime protections for low-wage workers, who now must risk their lives working longer hours to make ends meet.

Further, as the COVID-19 crisis has grown, President Trump has consistently failed to heed the advice of public health experts to make testing widely available, especially in communities with high rates of uninsured people, or provide sufficient medical supplies for already under-resourced health care systems. The recently-passed federal relief bills may also fail to provide benefits and aid based on prior convictions or even arrests.

At the state and local level, Black people are more segregated than any other racial or ethnic group in the U.S. This is well-documented in our largest cities, such as New York, Chicago, Detroit, and New Orleans, which report some of the fastest-growing rates of COVID-19 infection, particularly in low-income communities. Blacks also make up more than half the prison population in Michigan, Illinois, Louisiana, and Maryland - all states reporting higher rates of infection and disproportionate spikes in the number of Black people testing positive for COVID-19. Months ago, public health experts noted that overcrowding and lack of soap and cleaning products would lead to the rapid spread of COVID-19 in prisons and jails, while testing and quality health care would remain mostly inaccessible.

Low-income Black people more often face jail time or driver's license suspensions because they cannot pay fines and fees charged for minor violations such as traffic and parking tickets. These penalties leave thousands dependent on friends or public transportation, unable to practice the social distancing recommended by the CDC and the World Health Organization. The cumulative effect of these racial disparities makes the threat posed by COVID-19 particularly dangerous and urgent for Black and brown communities.

How do we meet these challenges? Consider the flu pandemic of 1918. A hundred years ago, Black people in the U.S were being lynched in the South, denied the right to vote, Jim Crow laws were at their strongest, and mortality rates for conditions like tuberculosis and pneumonia were two to three times higher than for whites. When the Spanish Flu hit this country, thousands of Black people had just arrived to Northern cities as part of the Great Migration, but found themselves redlined and relegated to substandard housing. Medical historian Dr. Vanessa Northington Gamble observed that Black physicians and nurses of the time not only fought for better health care, but for a range of political and social reforms to address the compounded vulnerabilities concentrated within Black communities. Among these reforms, Black health professionals fought for better sanitation management and improved housing conditions in the overcrowded urban tenements where Blacks lived to slow the spread of the Spanish Flu.

Today, the Black community, particularly low-income households, remains vulnerable. To provide meaningful protection and support for allmembers of the community, a COVID-19 response must address the pervasive racial injustices at the federal, state, and local levels.

In the short term, we start by taking several key steps:

1. Provide free testing and treatment for COVID-19 for all but especially in locations that are easily accessible to the most vulnerable, including Black communities.

2. Collect and report accurate demographic data (including race) on rates of infection and outcomes.

3. Release from jails and prisons vulnerable people.

4. Remove re-entry barriers by ending punitive criminal background screens for housing, employment, and public benefits. Those returning home from prison and jail need food, safe, stable housing, employment, and health care.

5. Provide equitable relief for renters. Less than half of all Black people own their own home compared to 73 percent of white households. Many governors have suspended mortgage payments. To ensure fairness and support for all communities, this must be coupled with a rent suspension.

6. Impose a moratorium on court fines and fees and related penalties, including driver's license suspensions.

7. Support workers organizing for better conditions and demand that any additional federal and state pandemic relief put people, not corporations, first. At a minimum, essential workers must receive hazard pay, free health care, paid family and medical leave and safety standards must be in place to protect them from COVID-19.

8. Protect the right to vote in this fall's presidential election and ensure that Black voters are able to cast their ballots and have them counted, even if social distancing measures are still in place.

As we try to stem the spread of the growing pandemic, we also have an opportunity to take ambitious steps toward a more racially just democracy and reimagine healthy, thriving communities for all of us. It is up to our lawmakers and other stakeholders to ensure that this happens.

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If COVID-19 Doesn't Discriminate, Then Why Are Black People Dying at Higher Rates?

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COVID-19 is ravaging many parts of the United States, but nowhere more than in Black communities. Early data from the Midwest and the South reveal that Black people are contracting and dying from the virus at far higher rates than whites.

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This is a movement for women to help them speak out about sexual harassment and sexual assault. This movement is still very much so alive and involved today after it exploded over a high profile case.

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When #MeToo exploded in the fall of 2017, its most optimistic promise was that it would become more than a hashtag, more than a brief interruption in America's regularly scheduled sexism, more than a reckoning for famous men who had abused wealthy, white women.

There were front-page headlines, explosions of long-stifled rage and examinations of collective complicity. There was hope those two small words signaled the beginning of meaningful change and, eventually, healing - a belief the silence was finally broken.

Has #MeToo delivered?

"People are paying more attention, but I'm not convinced that we're able or ready to behave differently about it as a nation," said Kristen Houser, chief public affairs officer at the National Sexual Violence Resource Center.

#MeToo's progress paints a murky picture.

Brett Kavanaugh, who was accused of sexual assault by Christine Blasey Ford, ascended to the Supreme Court. President Donald Trump, who has been accused by 19 women of sexual misconduct, was recently accused of rape by prominent writer E. Jean Carroll, and public reaction was muted. While Congress has overhauled the process for handling sexual harassment claims on Capitol Hill, it has not passed any legislation in the past two years to address sexual harassment in America's workplaces. Thousands of migrant children who crossed the southern border into the U.S. have reported they were sexually assaulted while in government custody.
MeToo: Why it hasn't taken off in the music industry
But Larry Nassar, the former USA Gymnastics doctor who sexually assaulted hundreds of girls and young women throughout his career, was given prison sentences in 2017 and 2018 that ensure he will die behind bars, and more than a hundred of his victims were permitted to address him directly in court. Bill Cosby, who for years dodged allegations that he had preyed on women since the 1960s, was incarcerated last year for sexual assault. After decades of the music industry turning a blind eye to allegations R. Kelly physically and sexually abused scores of girls and women, the singer and songwriter has been charged with federal sex crimes.
'Know My Name':Review: Survivor in Brock Turner rape case wants you to know more than her name Survivor in the Brock Turner rape case reveals her identity
In the past two years, state legislators introduced approximately 200 bills to address workplace harassment, according to an analysis from the National Women's Law Center. More than 5,000 people have requested help from the Time's Up Legal Defense Fund, and the Rape Abuse & Incest National Network says calls to its hotlines have increased more than 60%.

#MeToo has affirmed for survivors they are not alone, sexual violence experts say - that they are part of something bigger than their individual traumas. It's led to the downfall of some men and to sporadic pockets of progress in some states and industries.

But experts say widespread justice for victims and accountability for perpetrators is still far off. Notably, #MeToo's progress has lagged among working-class Americans and women of color.

What #MeToo has changed

Houser, of the National Sexual Violence Resource Center, said the biggest impact of #MeToo is decreased stigma and increased awareness.

"After 27 years of working in the sexual assault arena, things now just feel different," she said. "Neighbors, family, friends, not just colleagues, are interested in this and they have the ability to ask more educated questions. They are slightly better informed."

Nationwide, 81% of women and 43% of men reported experiencing some form of sexual harassment or assault in their lifetime, according to a 2019 study produced by the University of California, San Diego, and the nonprofit Stop Street Harassment.

Leontyne Evans, a survivor of childhood molestation, rape and domestic violence, says #MeToo has cleared the way for countless survivors like herself to speak openly about that trauma.

"It's the secrets that burden you. It's the hiding that burdens you," she said.
Why didn't you report? Survivors + shame
Abra Poindexter, a rape survivor and psychotherapist in Omaha, Nebraska, says after #MeToo she became more open about her own survivorship. But the bigger impact, she says, has been on her caseload. Poindexter says #MeToo has empowered many of her patients, who see news stories of victims holding their abusers accountable, to come forward after years of silence.

"I have three cases right now in which folks ... are directly confronting perpetrators in their families, and it's having a profound ripple effect," she said. "In one family, two other survivors came forward."

Crime data from a 2018 U.S. Department of Justice report indicates police reports of sexual assault nearly doubled from 2016 to 2017.

Who's been left out by #MeToo
When will MeToo become WeToo?:Some say voices of black women, working class left out Opinion: Will it help low-income women too?
When #MeToo entered the national consciousness, there were questions about whom the movement was really for. Headlines were largely dominated by stories of white, wealthy, straight, cisgender women, even though rates of sexual violence are disproportionally higher for poor women, women of color and LGBTQ people.

While actor Alyssa Milano is credited with helping #MeToo go viral, the hashtag was first used more than 10 years ago by activist Tarana Burke to help poor young women of color who have been sexually abused, assaulted, exploited or harassed.

Many of these women didn't see themselves in the 2017 movement. Several of the men brought down in the initial wave were high-powered players in Hollywood, media and politics. But an analysis of data from the left-leaning Center for American Progress shows more than a quarter of sexual harassment charges are filed in industries with large numbers of low-wage service-sector workers - industries dominated by women, particularly women of color.

More than two thirds of the women who have reached out to the Times Up Legal Defense Fund identify as low income and 36% are women of color.

In September 2018, just shy of #MeToo's one-year anniversary, McDonald's workers in 10 cities across the U.S. went on a strike to protest sexual harassment. In May, more than two dozen women, with the financial support of the Time's Up Legal Defense Fund, filed lawsuits against the company or filed complaints with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission saying they were sexually harassed while working for the fast-food chain.

The charges - 25 filings in all - involve alleged incidents at McDonald's restaurants and corporate offices in 20 cities across the U.S. in which workers as young as 16 faced harassing behavior that included groping, indecent exposure, propositions for sex and lewd comments by supervisors.

"It's unacceptable that as the second-largest employer in the world, McDonald's (doesn't keep) workers like me safe, " said Jamelia Fairley of Sanford, Florida, who says she dealt with a coworker's unwanted touching and sexually explicit comments. Fairley says her harassment included asking her how much it would cost to have sex with her then-1-year-old daughter.

If the #MeToo movement's ultimate demand is gender equality, activists agree,it must extend to industries not often in the spotlight, to communities where abuse often goes unchecked.

What hasn't changed

Experts say while victims feel more comfortable speaking openly about their experiences, not enough attention is paid to perpetrators - why they commit violence and why they continue to get away with it.

"You can increase your compassion for victims and survivorship, but paying attention to how perpetrators set things up and get away with it is a ledge we haven't yet crossed," Houser said.

#MeToo also hasn't done a good job connecting sexual assault to other toxic beliefs, Poindexter says.

"If you were in the middle of the country and you were sitting in on a batterers' treatment group working with perps, the first element of working with them is looking at how white supremacy and racism and how misogyny and homophobia and transphobia are the elements that support ongoing sexual assault," she said.

Too political?

Much to the dismay of sexual assault advocates, #MeToo has become politicized, and hyper-partisanship may explain why there hasn't been more progress.

Party divisions are extreme. Three-quarters of Republicans believe the movement has gone too far, while only a fifth of Democrats say the same, according to a 2018 Ipsos/NPR study.

"I would love somebody to tell me what that means," Houser said. "Is there a certain amount of sexual harassment and assault that we should tolerate?"

Democrats have championed the most comprehensive attempts to overhaul federal law post-#MeToo - but their minority status in the Senate and the Trump's Administration's prior work to roll back harassment victims' rights may doom its passage anytime soon (the White House slashed an Obama-era rule that prevented companies from forcing employees into arbitration when they're sexually harassed or assaulted at work).

The Be Heard in the Workplace Act does the most to "address that power imbalance" between employees and their bosses, according to Jennifer Klein, chief strategy and policy officer at Time's Up.
Kamala Harris: Rape kit backlog can be cleared for the cost of 'Trump's golf trips'
Be Heard would extend Civil Rights protections to millions more Americans by providing protections to those who don't fall under the category of "employee," including independent contractors, volunteers, interns, fellows, and trainees, regardless of the size of the business they work for. It would also provide LGBTQ workers with protection from employment discrimination, end mandatory arbitration and pre-employment nondisclosure agreements, give workers more time to report harassment and eliminate the tipped minimum wage.
If you are a survivor of sexual assault, you can call the National Sexual Assault Hotline at 800.656.HOPE (4673) or visit hotline.rainn.org/online and receive confidential support.
The bill was introduced by Rep. Ayanna Pressley, D-Mass., and four other Democrats, all of whom are women.

What's next?

When #MeToo exploded, Burke said it affirmed the power of those two words, though she wasn't sure where it would all lead.

"There's this moment that is happening that is wonderful and it's viral, but there's no discussion about what you do with this now," she said. "What do you do with those feelings?"

Houser says she hopes people will channel them into efforts to change the structures in society that perpetuate sexism - from police departments and courtrooms to workplaces and college campuses.

#MeToo began with a tweet. For advocates and survivors, it will end when we live in a nation where safety and equity are the norms - whoever you are, wherever you work, no matter where you live.

"I sure hope when we have this phone call in 10 years, that we have obvious, measurable change," Houser said. "I'm optimistic it will be a different conversation."

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It's been two years since the #MeToo movement exploded. Now what?

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When #MeToo exploded in the fall of 2017, its most optimistic promise was that it would become more than a hashtag, more than a brief interruption in America's regularly scheduled sexism, more than a reckoning for famous men who had abused wealthy, white women.

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Trump made an executive order that refugees could not be placed in a city without the consent of the mayor. Minneapolis mayor, Jacob Frey, gave that consent via Twitter.

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The Woman in Construction Conference is gearing up for their 15th event. The conference's main focus is to encourage woman to join an industry thats been predominantly men.

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This video describes the clear pay gap between male and female workers. The video really goes into the statistics behind the issues.

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Gender Pay Gap Wage Gap Debunked Ben Shapiro Wage Gap Gaps Wage Documeterary Wage Gap Freedomtoons Wage Gap Myth John Oliver Wage Gap Wage Gap Video Crying Close the Gender Wage Gap Wage Gap Statistics Wage Gap in America 2013 Wage Gap Monkey Grape Cucumber and Wage Gap Wage Gap Comedy Pay Gap Gender Wage Gap Statistics 2012 Wage Gap Race

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This video describes the double standards female candidates face. Typically whenever a male candidate is assertive they are viewed as being "bold" or "getting their point across". When a woman candidate is assertive society views them as being "angry" or "crabby".

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Double Standards Women Face Double Standards in Relationships Double Standards Examples Men's Double Standards Double Standard in a Sentence Double Standards Gender Roles In Double Standard Women Gender Double Standards in Society Double Standards Against Men Double Standards Dating Male Gender Stereotypes Gender Stereotypes

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This is an article that is about a woman mentioning her regret about hosting a gender reveal party. She reflects on how she's been further educated about the extinct difference between gender and biological sex.

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In 2015, when I was pregnant with my first child, I had a gender reveal party. It wasn't my idea - a friend in my book club wanted to try out a new baking trick: baking candy into cupcakes. At our next meeting, we broke into the cupcakes and saw that the candy was blue ( it's a boy!). Then we went back to not talking about the assigned book. All in all, it was a very sweet gesture and felt fairly harmless. There were no bowties or fishing rods, no grand pronouncements about my son's future interests or identity.

For a long time, whenever someone would gripe about gender reveal parties, I would hold up my own as an example that they didn't have to be a big deal. As I saw it, excess was the real problem - the flagrant stereotypes, the random sexualization of an unborn baby like it was some kind of bachelor party. If a party didn't have those elements, I was fine with it.

Besides, my husband and I wanted children very much. We asked to learn the sex of our baby as soon as it was clear to our medical team. For me, learning that I was having a boy was when it really sunk in that I was having a baby. It didn't feel so wrong to celebrate that.

But over the next two years, something shifted in our culture - and in my ability to go along with the idea of gender reveal parties. For one thing, people began to go overboard with their announcements. A guy in Louisiana wrestled a live alligator, who then chomped through a Jell-O-filled balloon to share the news. People in Australia are deliberately courting car fires in pursuit of colored smoke. Worst of all, one family started a forest fire that caused $8 million worth of damage.

From a biological perspective, it has become clearer that sex is determined by anatomy while gender is a more fluid concept - meaning that "gender" reveal party is a bit of a misnomer.

One of the best arguments for doing away with gender reveal parties is that they isolate and hurt people who don't conform to traditional gender roles. I've known trans and genderqueer folks since college and have long been aware that some people fall outside of the gender binary, a concept that there are only two options - male or female - based on a person's reproductive anatomy.

In 2017, I wrote an email to my friend Les, who identifies as non-binary and uses they/them pronouns. "There are some people who will make too big of a deal about anything," I wrote. "These are the people who throw elaborate and hypersexualized gender reveal parties, just like they throw elaborate and hypersexualized bachelor/ette parties. For those people, the parties are the least of their problems in my view."

Les, who transitioned in middle age and is an internationally known advocate for gender-free contra dancing, cautioned that there is a more sinister undertone to these events. "Gender reveals can also hurt," they wrote back. "It isn't just about what parents are imposing on their child, it's the information that this conveys [within the culture]: the idea that genitals equals gender and that gender is a tiny box that everyone is supposed to fit in." When they put it that way, I couldn't argue.

That year, I was pregnant again. My book club didn't offer to throw me another gender reveal party, probably out of apathy rather than politics, and I didn't miss it. My two little kids are boys, but if they change their identities - multiple times, even - I'll support them. One of the big lessons of parenting is loving the child you have, not the one you imagined.
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I Had a Gender Reveal Party, But Now I Think It Was a Big Mistake

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In 2015, when I was pregnant with my first child, I had a gender reveal party. It wasn't my idea - a friend in my book club wanted to try out a new baking trick: baking candy into cupcakes. At our next meeting, we broke into the cupcakes and saw that the candy was blue ( it's a boy!).

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This is a story about a transgender male who got boo'd off the mat after winning his first and second state title.

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Mack Beggs On Being A Transgender Wrestler & Documentary "Mack Wrestles"

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The former state champion wrestler discusses his new ESPN 30 for 30 documentary short "Mack Wrestles", what it means to be a transgender athletes, and his transition.