# data[].attributes.headline
Bolivia's known for it's multitude of mountains-Realism  

# data[].attributes.subject
Bolivia's known for it's multitude of mountains-Realism  

# data[].attributes.body
Talks i little about Bolivia and it's history, also talks about they gained their independence

# data[].attributes.headline
Germany is known for it's Sport and  entertainment-Impressionism

# data[].attributes.subject
Germany is known for it's Sport and  entertainment-Impressionism

# data[].attributes.body
A very long history of Germany, their wars, conflict's and independence

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Animated History of Germany | Part 1

# data[].attributes.headline
Cuba is best known for it's rum and cigar's -Realism

# data[].attributes.subject
Cuba is best known for it's rum and cigar's -Realism

# data[].attributes.body
Cuban wars on how they fought for 30 years, and gained independence from the united states

# data[].attributes.headline
Brazil is known for it's vast festivals and architecture -Romanticism

# data[].attributes.subject
Brazil is known for it's vast festivals and architecture -Romanticism

# data[].attributes.body
How brazil was given their independence and the long history of wars that followed after that.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Brazilian Independence | 3 Minute History

# data[].attributes.body
A full article on how Bolivia gained their independence and the war's that followed

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The Bolivian war of independence began in 1809 with the establishment of government juntas in Sucre and La Paz, after the Chuquisaca Revolution and La Paz revolution. These Juntas were defeated shortly after, and the cities fell again under Spanish control. The May Revolution of 1810 ousted the viceroy in Buenos Aires, which established its own junta. Buenos Aires sent three large military expeditions to Upper Peru, headed by Juan José Castelli, Manuel Belgrano and José Rondeau, but the royalists ultimately prevailed over each one. However, the conflict grew into a guerrilla war, the War of the Republiquetas, preventing the royalists from strengthening their presence. After Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre defeated the royalists in northern South America, Sucre led a campaign that was to defeat the royalists in Charcas for good when the last royalist general, Pedro Antonio Olañeta, suffered death and defeat at the hands of his own defected forces at the Battle of Tumusla. Bolivian independence was proclaimed on 6 August 1825.

Charcas (modern day Bolivia) is also sometimes referred to as the Upper Peru. This region fell under the authority of Spanish colonial rule in the sixteenth century. It was originally placed directly under the rule of the Viceroyalty of Peru, however this location proved to be too distant for effective ruling so Phillip II established the Audiencia of Charcas, which was an autonomous governing body under the purview of the viceroy of Peru. This governing was composed of or judges and a governor with the title of president of the Audiencia. The Audiencia was given authority to make final decisions when a viceroy was unavailable or absent. The Audiencia was centered in Chuquisaca, which started out as an indigenous community and later became known by its post-independence name, Sucre. This was the center of administration as well as cultural activities for Charcas. The Archbishop of Charcas lived there and one of the prominent universities in Bolivia, was founded there. The Audiencia was a great honor for the Charcas. Oidores mostly came directly from Spain and tended to be very proud, often making everyone bow to them. They were also incredibly ignorant about the peoples' needs and problems. As Spanish settlements expanded to the south, the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Charcas grew to include not only present day Bolivia, but also Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and even parts of Peru. In 1776, the Audiencia of Charcas was placed under the authority of the viceroy of Buenos Aires in the newly created Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata and most trade was redirected to Buenos Aires. This change was against Peruvian desires because they had wanted to keep Charcas for its enormous wealth in the mines of Potosí. For the next few decades, the question of the political and economic ties with Charcas was constantly fought over by Peru and Río de la Plata. On 25 May 1809, the citizens of Sucre participated in the first outbreak that was part of the initiation of the war of independence in Bolivia.

In 1784 the Spanish rulers created the intendancy system. Four main intendancies were constructed in La Paz, Cochabamba, Potosí, and Chuquisaca. This system gave authority to a few, skillful and educated men who were directly responsible to the King of Spain. This system was implemented to increase revenue as well as to stop specific problems that had resulted from other authorities misusing their power. The system consequently limited the power of the Audiencia.

The Bolivian people were divided into three main categories: Criollos, Mestizos, and the indigenous population. In authority over all of these people were the Peninsulares, who were influential people who had come from Spain to assume a leadership position in the church or government, in one of the Spanish colonies. All the rest of the Bolivian people had a social status beneath this elite class. The Criollos were people of pure Spanish descent who had been born in Latin America. The Criollos were envious of the power the Peninsulares held, and this attitude formed part of the basis for the War of Independence. Beneath the Criollos on the social hierarchy were the Mestizos, who were a mix of Spanish and Indigenous descent. The main reason these two people mixed was because of the lack of Spanish women in the region. Finally, at the bottom of the hierarchy was the biggest social class, the indigenous people, who primarily spoke Aymara and Quechua. These people often did not know what was going on politically in the country. However they offered a large force of fighting men for both the patriots and the royalists in the war. Nevertheless, in the War of Independence they proved to be very unpredictable and would, at times, turn on the army at any provocation. These people would generally fight for whoever controlled that area, whether loyalists, patriots, or royalists. The majority of the time it was the Republiquetas who controlled the rural areas where the Natives lived. Although they would fight for whomever, these people favored the patriots because they were part native, whereas the other armies were of pure Spanish descent. The real intention of the Indigenous people was to reestablish the Incan empire and so they wanted a form of government different from all three of the other groups. These groups all contended for the Natives' assistance in order to win the war; however not one army ever thought of liberating these people.

Independence was not a new idea in the minds of the people of the Charcas. This concept had begun to take root long before and already signs of discontent with the current form of government were beginning to show. The individuals in every class of the Bolivian population had become dissatisfied - the Criollos, the Mestizos, as well as the Indigenous people. They were all feeling the effects of increased Spanish taxes and trade restrictions. Indigenous rebellions started in 1730 in Cochabamba and others followed in the decades to come. Although most of the people were unhappy, the different social classes were not unified in their solution to the dilemma. The indigenous people wanted to do away with all the Spanish people and set up an Andean Utopia, whereas the Criollos simply desired more freedom from Spain. Because the Criollos bore racial prejudice against the Native population, those two groups of people did not unite against Spain.

Many revolutionary ideas spread from the university in Chuquisaca. In the early 1780s different students in the university distributed pamphlets in Charcas. These were written against Spanish authority and in them public officials were even called thieves. The ideas of independence really stemmed from Aquinas, a church father, who wrote about politics. He taught that if a ruler is cruel and tyrannical the people have a right to rebel and fight against their own government. The ruler should be under the Pope, thus the people can rebel against the King but not against God. There was not one main leader of the Revolutionaries or Radicals. Nevertheless, three main men were influential in this circle: Jaime Zudañez, Manuel Zudañez, and Bernardo Monteagudo. Jaime Zudañez was part of the Audiencia in the department of the defense of the poor. He would try to influence the decisions the Audiencia made and no one suspected his treasonous behavior. Manuel Zudeñez, his brother, was in the government as well and held an important position in the university in Chuquisaca. Finally Bernardo Monteagudo was a writer from a poor family but had an impact on the people through his whispering campaigns. All three of these men were in favor of doing away with the president, Ramón García León de Pizarro.

During the Peninsular War which took place in Spain, Charcas (today Bolivia) closely followed the reports that arrived describing the rapidly evolving political situation in Spain, which led the Peninsula to near anarchy. The sense of uncertainty was heightened by the fact that news of 17 March Mutiny of Aranjuez and 6 May 1808 abdication of Ferdinand VII in favor of Joseph Bonaparte arrived within a month of each other, on 21 August and 17 September, respectively. In the confusion that followed, various juntas in Spain and Portuguese Princess Carlotta, sister of Ferdinand VII, in Brazil claimed authority over the Americas.

On 11 November, the representative of the Junta of Seville, José Manuel de Goyeneche, arrived in Chuquisaca, after stopping in Buenos Aires, with instructions to secure Charcas' recognition of authority of the Seville Junta. He also brought with him a letter from Princess Carlotta requesting the recognition of her right to rule in her brother's absence. The President-Intendant Ramón García León de Pizarro, backed by the Archbishop of Chuquisaca Benito María de Moxó y Francolí, was inclined to recognize the Seville Junta, but the mostly Peninsular Audiencia of Charcas, in its function as a privy council for the President (the real acuerdo), felt it would be hasty to recognize either one. A fist fight almost broke between the senior oidor and Goyeneche over the issue, but the oidores' opinion prevailed. The Radicals or Revolutionaries supported the Audiencia's decision because it put the power more into the hands of the people in Latin America as well as because it was a "temporary" split with Spain during this time of tribulation in the land of Spain. Over the next few weeks García León and Moxó became convinced that recognizing Carlotta might be the best way to preserve the unity of the empire, but this was unpopular with the majority of Charcasvians and the Audiencia. The President and the Archbishop grew very unpopular with the oidores because the archbishop informed the people of all the news that arrived from Spain. The Audiencia wanted to conceal the information in order to not acknowledge their own weaknesses. During this time the Catholic Church in Charcas split from the "Audiencia" because of the tension between Moxó and the Oidores.

On 26 May 1809, the Audiencia oidores received rumors that García León de Pizarro planned to arrest them in order to recognize Carlotta. The Audiencia decided that the situation had become so anarchic both in Charcas and in the Peninsula, that Charcas needed to take the government into its own hands. It removed García León de Pizarro from office and transformed itself into a junta, which ruled in Fernando's name, just as cities and provinces had done in Spain a year earlier. A second junta was established in La Paz on 16 July by Criollos who took over the local barracks and deposed both the intendant and bishop of La Paz. The La Paz junta clearly broke with any authority in Spain and with the authorities in Buenos Aires. José de la Serna, the Spanish Viceroy in Lima dispatched five thousand soldiers led by none other than Goyeneche, who had become the president of Audiencia in Cuzco. The rebels were defeated and the leaders of the movement were hanged or sentenced to imprisonment for life. The Audiencia had to beg for mercy as well as make an agreement with the Royalists so that the city of Chuquisaca would not be left in ruin by the army. This rebellion was stopped, however the yearning for freedom was far from extinguished. After Buenos Aires successfully established a junta in May 1810, Charcas came under the control of the Viceroyalty of Peru and managed to fight off several attempts to take over it militarily.

The Peninsulares had very divided opinions regarding which form of government was that best and what claims from Spain were actually true, thus they unconsciously left room for other groups to take the initiative for the future of Charcas. The Criollos were excited about this break between the President and the Audiencia because they took it as an excellent opportunity to gain the power they had always craved but never obtained because of the Spanish government. These upper class Criollos were divided into three main sections. The first one was very influenced by the Peninsulares and so did not desire anything to change. The second sector longed for an independent government. The final group was made up of the Radicals who wanted an independent government, not to solely accomplish that end, but to bring about deeper social reforms. The middle class Criollos as well as the Mestizos did not actively participate in expressing their opinions because they lacked leadership but were very attentive to all that was happening during the war.

From 1810 to 1824, the idea of independence was kept alive by six guerrilla bands that formed in the backcountry of Charcas. The areas they controlled are called republiquetas ("petty republics") in the historiography of Bolivia. The republiquetas were located in the Lake Titicaca region, Mizque, Vallegrande, Ayopaya, the countryside around Sucre, the southern region near today's Argentina and Santa Cruz de la Sierra. The republiquetas were led by caudillos whose power was based on their personality and ability to win military engagements. This allowed them to create quasi-states which attracted varied followers, ranging from political exiles of the main urban centers to cattle rustlers and other fringe members of Criollo and Mestizo society. These Criollo and Mestizo republiquetas often allied themselves with the local Indian communities, although it was not always possible to keep the Natives' loyalty, since their own material and political interests often eclipsed the idea of regional independence. Ultimately the republiquetas never had the size nor organization to actually bring about the independence of Charcas, but instead maintained a fifteen-year stalemate with royalist regions, while holding off attempts by Buenos Aires to control the area. Most of these quasi states were so isolated that they had no knowledge that the others even existed.

During the time of the Republiquetas the radicals in Argentina had succeeded in winning the independence of the country on 25 May 1810. Since Charcas was included in the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata the radicals were interested in freeing Charcas as well. The citizens of Charcas showed their support of this through an uprising against the Royalists. Three armies were sent over from Argentina from 1810 to 1817. The first army sent was led by Juan José Castelli. After his victory at Suipacha, he arrested the president of the Audiencia, the intendant of Potosí, as well as a Royalist general. The people protested against this act because these people were respected in the community although they were on the opposing side. Castelli did not heed their plead but executed them anyway because they would not submit to Argentina. The Argentinian army looted, stole, killed, and misused the citizens of Potosí. They not only disrespected the women there, they also killed those who attempted to stop this behavior. Eventually they left to go conquer Chuquisaca. Castelli went from city to city in Charcas freeing the people from Royalist forces, but destroying the cities and mistreating its citizens in the process. Despite all of this, he did try to make reforms to free the indigenous and improve their quality of life. He finally arrived at the border of Viceroyalty of Lima and stopped and made a treaty with Goyeneche, yet he did not respect the treaty and kept expanding. Therefore, on 20 June 1811, Goyeneche attacked Castelli's army in Huaqui, south of Titicaca lake, causing them to flee back toward Argentina. They were forced to bypass Oruro and other cities because the people there wanted revenge for the trouble they had caused. Goyeneche did not continue pursuing Castelli's army, but instead paused and cared for all the wounded. Castelli nonetheless, was eventually run out of the country and the Royalists took control. Two more auxiliary armies from Argentina followed but both were eventually defeated.

The areas of Charcas which remained under royalist control elected a representative to the Cortes of Cádiz, Mariano Rodríguez Olmedo, who served from 4 May 1813, to 5 May 1814. Rodríguez Olmedo was a conservative representative, signing the 1814 request, known as the "Manifesto of the Persians" ("Manifiesto de los Persas"), by seventy Cortes delegates to Ferdinand VII to repeal the Spanish Constitution of 1812.}

Meanwhile, Simón Bolívar, who is considered by some to be the Napoleon of South America, and José de San Martín were endeavoring to free the surrounding territories in Latin America. San Martín, who was originally from Argentina, had liberated Chile and then moved on to Peru. San Martín believed that to eliminate Spanish rule in Latin America they had to defeat the Royalists in Peru. Charcas was then under the Viceroyalty of Lima and thus liberating Peru would lead to the liberation of Charcas as well. Therefore, because of this strong conviction that as long as Spain controlled the seas they would have a foothold on the continent, he created a fleet led by Lord Cochrane, who had joined the Chilean service in 1819. San Martín took over Lima in July 1821 and declared Peruvian independence. There San Martín encountered much resistance from the Royalists who remained. During that time, his army began to crumple because of disease as well as soldiers abandoning the army. san Martín was left with no choice but to beg Bolívar for his help. Although Bolívar and san Martín met in Guayaquil, they could not agree on the form of government that should be established for the liberated countries and so both went on their separate ways for the time being. San Martín returned to Peru, only to face a revolution in Lima that had started because the men left behind were incapable of governing the country. He resigned from his position as Protector of Peru, discouraged. Bolívar was convinced that it was his duty to rid the continent of the Spanish, and so journeyed to Lima. When he arrived on 1 September 1823, he immediately took command.

The fight for independence gained new impetus after the 9 December 1824 Battle of Ayacucho, in which a combined army of 5,700 Gran Colombian and Peruvian troops under the command of Antonio José de Sucre defeated the royalist army of 6,500 and captured its leader, the Viceroy José de la Serna.

However, Royalist armies still remained, which were the stronghold at El Callao and the army of General Olañeta in Charcas. The army at El Callao was easily defeated but Olañeta's army proved to be more difficult. Olañeta was rumored to have planned to surrender Charcas to Brazil in 1824 in order to keep the country under Spanish control. He had asked for Brazil to send over an army; however, the governor of Brazil refused to become involved. Bolívar and San Martín both desired to make an agreement with Olañeta because he had helped them in the battle of Ayacucho. Sucre, Bolívar's most successful general, did not trust Olañeta and so despite his plan to make peace, he started to occupy Charcas. Sucre prepared to persuade this Royalist general, either with works or by force. Bolívar assumed that Olañeta would take a long time deciding what to do and planned to travel to Charcas during that time. However, Olañeta had planned one more sudden attack. Sucre invited the men of Charcas to join him and in January 1825, a large number of men from Olañeta's army deserted him and joined Sucre. On 9 March, Sucre had succeeded in capturing every Royalist general there except for Olañeta. Yet this fierce general refused to surrender. Finally on 13 April, part Olañeta's forces joined the patriots and mutinied. Olañeta was fatally wounded in the ensuing battle. At last, Spain had relinquished its grip on South America, the final battles being fought in Charcas.

The Marshal Sucre called this city "the cradle] of American Independence." The reason for this statement was that La Paz was the first place people were murdered for the desire for independence and now, decades later, the last Royalist forces had been defeated. What remained of the royalist forces dissolved because of mutiny and desertion. On 25 April 1825, Sucre arrived in Chuquisaca, which had been the hub of Spanish dominion. The citizens of the city rejoiced, gathering along the road. The town council, clergy, and the university students all congregated at the edge of Chuquisaca to greet Sucre. The people even went as far as preparing a Roman chariot pulled by twelve maidens dressed in blue and white to pull Sucre into the heart of the city.

Sucre called a meeting on 10 July in Chuquisaca to decide the fate of the country of Charcas. There were three options that the committee could decide from. Charcas could unite with Argentina, unite with Peru, or become independent. Bolívar's desire was for Charcas to unite with Peru; however, the council was in favor of becoming an independent nation. Although they did not all vote for this, all signed the declaration of independence on 6 August 1825. Although no one disputes that Bolivia was named after Bolívar, there are differences in opinion over why that actually happened. Some historians say that it is because the people were afraid Bolívar would be against the vote because Bolívar wanted Charcas to join Peru. Because of this, they proceeded to name the newly formed country after him to appease him. The Bolivian population still celebrates Bolívar's birthday as a national holiday to honor him. Bolívar was president for five months, during which time he reduced taxes, and reformed the land organization to aid the indigenous population. He left Sucre as president when he returned to govern the North. Sucre attempted to reduce the taxes that the indigenous were forced to pay. However, this plan failed because without it, he was not able to support the Gran Colombian Army which stopped the Argentinians from invading Bolivia again. Thus the system remained in place.

From then on, local elites dominated the congress and although they supported Sucre's efforts, they chafed under the idea that a Gran Colombian army remained in the nation. After an attempt on his life, Sucre resigned the presidency of Bolivia in April 1828 and returned to Venezuela. The Bolivian Congress elected La Paz native Andrés de Santa Cruz as the new president. Santa Cruz had been a former royalist officer, served under José de San Martín after 1821 and then under Sucre in Ecuador, and had a short term as president of Peru from 1826 to 1827. Santa Cruz arrived in Bolivia in May 1829 and assumed office. Independence did not provide solidarity to the nation. For six decades afterward, the country had feeble and short governing institutions.

Spain, which betrayed Portugal in 1807 (its ally until then) to ally with France, saw himself betrayed by Napoleon, whom imprisoned the Spanish royal family and nominated his brother, José Bonaparte, as King of Spain, title unrecognized by the population which resisted the French occupation. Thus, with the political vacuum created by the absence of its King, that is, by the absence of a central government, the Spanish Empire started to dismantle itself.

Independence movements started to surge in all Hispanic America, spreading war and chaos. In face of this sensation of unsafety and fearing the chaos, in June 1822, the three governors of the Spanish departments of Alto Peru (which had already being threatened by the troops of General Antonio Jose de Sucre and Simon Bolivar), reunited in Cuiaba (Capital of the Captaincy of Mato Grosso / Brazil) and solicited the governor that he interceded along with the Prince Regent Dom Pedro (that soon would be crowned as Dom Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil), in order that the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves annexed these territories, seeking to spare its population from the massacre and the chaos.

Immediately, the governor of Mato Grosso sent troops that were by his captaincy to the Alto Peru, blocking the advance of Bolivar and Sucre, and sent a letter to Dom Pedro, communicating him about the sending of troops and the solicitation of the authorities of Alto Peru (that later on would become Bolivia). Letter which was only received by Dom Pedro I in November 1822, when Brazil was already an independent nation. Besides, Bolivar and Sucre were quicker and sent representatives to the City of Rio de Janeiro, which came before the governor's letter. In this way, when the Prince Regent received the letter he had already decided not to annex Alto Peru, rejecting the solicitation from the governors of the region and ordering that the troops were removed from there.

With this, Dom Pedro I left the region of Alto Peru (modern Bolivia) up to its own luck, what culminated with the invasion of the Bolivar and Sucre troops and the Bolivian independence from Spain.

Clearly at that moment, Dom Pedro I was more worried in defeating the resistance of the liberal Portuguese troops on Brazilian soil, guaranteeing Brazilian unity. However without this decision being made Bolivian territory may have been integrated into Brazil.

Bibliography

Arnade, Charles W. (1970) [1957]. The Emergence of the Republic of Bolivia. New York: Russell and Russell.

Briggs, Ronald (2010). "A Napoleonic Bolívar: historical analogy, desengano, and the Spanish/Creole consciousness". Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies. 11 (3/4): 337-352. doi:10.1080/14636204.2010.538251. S2CID 170595641.

Dupuy, Richard Ernest, ed. (1993). "Latin America 1800-1850". The Harper Encyclopedia of Military History (4th ed.). HarperCollins. ISBN 9780062700568.

Earle, Rebecca (2002). "'Padres de la Patria' and the ancestral past: commemorations of independence in nineteenth-century Spanish America" (PDF). Journal of Latin American Studies. 34 (4): 775-805. doi:10.1017/S0022216X02006557. JSTOR 3875723. S2CID 146190575.

Gade, Daniel W. (1970). "Spatial displacement of Latin American seats of government: from Sucre to La Paz as the national capital of Bolivia". Revista Geográfica. 73 (73): 43-57. JSTOR 40992086.

Gascoigne, Bamber (2013). "History of Latin America". History World.

Helguera, J. Leon (1989). "[Review of] La presidencia de Sucre en Bolivia". Hispanic American Historical Review. 69 (2): 357-358. doi:10.2307/2515857. JSTOR 2515857.

Hudson, Rex A.; Hanratty, Dennis M. (1989). "State, church, and society". Bolivia: a Country Study. Library of Congress.

Klein, Herbert S. (1992). Bolivia: The Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society (2nd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505735-X.

Lofstrom, William Lee (1972). The promise and problem of reform: attempted social and economical change in the first years of Bolivian independence (Ph.D. thesis). Cornell University.

Lynch, John (1986). The Spanish American Revolutions, 1808-1826 (2nd ed.). New York: W. W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-393-95537-0.

Lynch, John (1992). Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800-1850. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-821135-X.

Masur, Gerhard (1969). Simon Bolivar: Bolivia. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press.

McFarlane, Anthony (1995). "Rebellions in Late Colonial Spanish America: a comparative perspective". Bulletin of Latin American Research. 14 (3): 313-338. doi:10.1016/0261-3050(94)00041-e. JSTOR 3512651.

Morales, Walraud Q. (2010). A Brief History of Bolivia (second ed.). Lexington Associates. ISBN 9780816078776.

North American Review (1830). "Reviewed Works: Observaciones sobre las Reformas Políticas de Colombia by J. M. Salazar; Ensayo sobre la Conducta del General Bolivar; Proyecto de Constitucion para la República de Bolivia y Discurso del Libertador; Ojeada al Proyecto de Constitucion que el Libertador ha presentado á la República Bolivar by Antonio Leocadio Guzman; Exposicion de los Sentimientos de los Funcionarios Públicos, asi Nacionales como Departamentales y Municipales, y demas Habitantes de la Ciudad de Bogotá, hecha para ser presentada al Libertador Presidente de la República". The North American Review. 30 (66): 26-61. JSTOR 25102817.

Rieu-Millan, Marie Laure (1990). Los diputados americanos en las Cortes de Cádiz: Igualdad o independencia. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. ISBN 978-84-00-07091-5.

Rodríguez O., Jaime E. (1998). The Independence of Spanish America. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-62673-0.

Seckinger, Ron L. (1974). "The Chiquitos Affair: an aborted crisis in Brazilian-Bolivian relations". Luso-Brazilian Review. 11 (1): 19-40. JSTOR 3339329.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Bolivian War of Independence - Wikipedia

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The Bolivian war of independence began in 1809 with the establishment of government juntas in Sucre and La Paz, after the Chuquisaca Revolution and La Paz revolution. These Juntas were defeated shortly after, and the cities fell again under Spanish control. The May Revolution of 1810 ousted the viceroy in Buenos Aires, which established its own junta.

# data[].attributes.body
History of Germany, their war's and how they got divided into multiple country's

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
Die Unabhängigkeitserklärung

On July 5, 1776, the Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote" was the country's first paper to announce that the Declaration of Independence had been adopted. The text reads as follows:

Philadelphia, den 5 July.
Gestern hat der Achtbare Cong-
ress dieses Vesten Landes die
Vereinigten Colonien Freye
und Unabhaengige Staaten erklaeret.
Die Declaration in Englisch ist jetzt in der
Presse: sie ist datiert, den 4ten July, 1776, und
wird heut oder morgen im druck erscheinen.

Before Miller was able to print a German version in the next issue of his semi-weekly paper, a one-page broadside print was published by his friends, Steiner and Cist, probably on July 5 or 6. Miller used Cist's translation with a few improvements worked in.

Karl J. R. Arndt, "First German Broadside and Newspaper Printing of the Declaration of Independence," Pennsylvania Folklife 35 (1986); 98-107

Question: I've always thought that German was the first language the Declaration was printed in (the Steiner printing), I've just noticed that other pages say that the first printing was on the evening of July 4th by John Dunlap, which is a bit of a disappointment! Have you got any further details?

Answer: The Dunlap boradsides was an inhouse document. It was distributed to the legislatures. On July 5, copies were dispatched by members of Congress to the various assemblies. Also on July 5, a copy of of the printed version was inserted into the "rough journal" of the Continental Congress. On July 6 it was first published in English in the Pennsylvania Evening Post. On July 5 the Declaration was announed in the Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote in German and the full text was published either July 5 or 6 as a one page broadside by Steiner and Cist and appeared prior to the "Evening Post." (The Post was an evening paper).

Ruth Reichmann, Ph.D.
Max Kade German-American Center
Indiana Univ.-Purdue Univ. Indianapolis
https://liberalarts.iupui.edu/maxkade/ /

THE TEXT AND FURTHER RESOURCES

The German version (faksimile) of the Declaration, "Eine Erklaerung durch die Repraesentanten der Vereinigten Staaten von America, im General-Congress versammelt," is available from Das Deutsche Historische Museum, in poster format from the AATG materials center (price is $8.00 for one and $11.00 for two), or you can get a good copy of the text as it appeared in Henrich Miller's "Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote" on July 9, 1776 from:

Juergen Eichhoff, Director, Max Kade German-American Research
Institute, Pennsylvania State University
305 Burrows Building, University Park, PA 16802

Return to German-American page.

Last updated August 1, 1999 and Feb 2017.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE IN GERMAN

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCEDie Unabhängigkeitserklärung On July 5, 1776, the Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote" was the country's first paper to announce that the Declaration of Independence had been adopted. The text reads as follows: Philadelphia, den 5 July. Gestern hat der Achtbare Cong- ress dieses Vesten Landes die Vereinigten Colonien Freye und Unabhaengige Staaten erklaeret.

# data[].attributes.body
A article about Cuban leaders, Slave's, War's, and independence

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Cuban Independence Movement, nationalist uprising in Cuba against Spanish rule. It began with the unsuccessful Ten Years' War (Guerra de los Diez Años; 1868-78) and culminated in the U.S. intervention that ended the Spanish colonial presence in the Americas ( see Spanish-American War).

Dissatisfied with the corrupt and inefficient Spanish administration, lack of political representation, and high taxes, Cubans in the eastern provinces united under the wealthy planter Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, whose declaration of independence in October 1868, the Grito de Yara ("Cry of Yara"), signaled the beginning of the Ten Years' War, in which 200,000 lives were lost. Céspedes had the support of some landowners, whose main interest was economic and political independence from Spain, whereas the farmers and labourers were more concerned with the immediate abolition of slavery and greater political power for the common man.

In 1876 Spain sent Gen. Arsenio Martínez Campos to crush the revolution. Lacking organization and significant outside support, the rebels agreed to an armistice in February 1878 (Pact of Zanjón), the terms of which promised amnesty and political reform. A second uprising, La Guerra Chiquita ("The Little War"), engineered by Calixto García, began in August 1879 but was quelled by superior Spanish forces in autumn 1880. Spain gave Cuba representation in the Cortes (parliament) and abolished slavery in 1886. Other promised reforms, however, never materialized.

In 1894 Spain canceled a trade pact between Cuba and the United States. The imposition of more taxes and trade restrictions prodded the economically distressed Cubans in 1895 to launch the Cuban War of Independence, a resumption of the earlier struggle. Poet and journalist José Julián Martí, the ideological spokesman of the revolution, drew up plans for an invasion of Cuba while living in exile in New York City. Máximo Gómez y Báez, who had commanded the rebel troops during the Ten Years' War, was among those who joined Martí's invasion force. Although Martí was killed (and martyred) in battle about one month after initiation of the invasion on April 11, 1895, Gómez and Antonio Maceo employed sophisticated guerrilla tactics in leading the revolutionary army to take control of the eastern region. In September 1895 they declared the Republic of Cuba and sent Maceo's forces to invade the western provinces.

By January 1896 rebel forces controlled most of the island, and the Spanish government replaced Martínez Campos with Gen. Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, who soon became known as El Carnicero ("The Butcher"). In order to deprive the revolutionaries of the rural support on which they depended, Weyler instituted a brutal program of "reconcentration," forcing hundreds of thousands of Cubans into camps in the towns and cities, where they died of starvation and disease by the tens of thousands.

In 1897 Spain recalled Weyler and offered home rule to Cuba, and the next year it ordered the end of reconcentration. In the meantime, the rebels continued to control most of the countryside. Perhaps more important, they had won the sympathy of the vast majority of the Cuban people to their cause. Moreover, news of Spanish atrocities and tales of rebel bravery were splashed in the yellow journalism headlines of William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal, which beat the drums of war.

When the USS Maine sank in Havana's harbour in February 1898 after a mysterious explosion, the United States had pretext for going to war, and the Spanish-American War ensued. By the time of the American intervention in Cuba in April 1898, Maceo had been killed, but the war proved to be brief and one-sided. It was over by August 12, when the United States and Spain signed a preliminary peace treaty. By the Treaty of Paris of December 10, 1898, Spain withdrew from Cuba. A U.S. occupation force remained for more than three years, leaving only after the constitution of the new Republic of Cuba had incorporated the provisions of the Platt Amendment (1901), a rider to a U.S. appropriations bill, which specified the conditions for American withdrawal. Among those conditions were (1) the guarantee that Cuba would not transfer any of its land to any foreign power but the United States, (2) limitations on Cuba's negotiations with other countries, (3) the establishment of a U.S. naval base in Cuba, and (4) the U.S. right to intervene in Cuba to preserve Cuban independence. Thus, the creation of the Republic of Cuba was effected on May 20, 1902.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Cuban Independence Movement | History & Ten Years' War

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Cuban Independence Movement, nationalist uprising in Cuba against Spanish rule. It began with the unsuccessful Ten Years' War (1868-78), continued with the Cuban War of Independence (begun in 1895), and culminated in the U.S. intervention (the Spanish-American War) that ended the Spanish colonial presence.

# data[].attributes.body
Brazil never had to fight for independence, but had their fair share of War's, This article talks about the hard ship they faced.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The independence of Brazil comprised a series of political and military events that led to the independence of the Kingdom of Brazil from the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves as the Brazilian Empire. It is celebrated on 7 September, the date when prince regent Pedro of Braganza declared the country's independence from the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves on the banks of the Ipiranga brook in 1822 on what became known as the Cry of Ipiranga. Formal recognition by Portugal came with the Treaty of Rio de Janeiro, signed in 1825.

In 1807, the French army invaded Portugal, which had refused to participate in the continental blockade against the United Kingdom. Unable to resist the invasion, the Portuguese royal family and government fled to Brazil, which was then the richest and most developed of the Portuguese colonies. The installation of the House of Appeals and other public bodies of the Portuguese government in Rio de Janeiro represented a series of political, economic and social transformations that led to then prince regent John of Braganza (later king John VI of Portugal), to elevate the State of Brazil to the status of a kingdom on 16 December 1815, united with its former metropolis.

In 1820, the liberal revolution broke out in Portugal and the royal family was forced to return to Lisbon. Before leaving Brazil, however, the now king John VI named his eldest son, Pedro of Braganza, as prince regent of Brazil. Although Pedro was faithful to his father, the desire of the Portuguese courts to repatriate him (including demoting him from prince regent to governor-of-arms, that is, a mere military commander of the Portuguese Army, no longer holding any political position) and returning Brazil to its former colonial status led him to rebel.

During the war of independence that ensued - which began with the expulsion of the Portuguese troops from Pernambuco in 1821 - the Brazilian Army was formed by hiring mercenaries, enlisting civilians and some Portuguese colonial troops. The army immediately opposed the Portuguese forces, which controlled some parts of the country, namely, in the then provinces of Cisplatina (currently Uruguay), Bahia, Piauí, Maranhão and Grão-Pará. At the same time that the conflict was taking place, a revolutionary movement broke out in Pernambuco and other neighboring provinces, which intended to form their own country, the Confederation of the Equator, with a republican government, but it was harshly repressed.

After four years of conflict, Portugal finally recognized Brazil's independence, and on 29 August 1825, the Treaty of Friendship and Alliance was signed between Brazil and Portugal. In exchange for recognition as a sovereign state, Brazil committed to paying a substantial compensation to Portugal and signing a trade treaty with the United Kingdom as compensation for its mediation.

Officially, the date celebrated for Brazil's independence is 7 September 1822, when the event known as the Cry of Ipiranga took place on the banks of the Ipiranga brook in the city of São Paulo. Pedro of Braganza was acclaimed Emperor of Brazil on 12 October 1822, being crowned and consecrated on 1 December 1822, and the country became known as the Empire of Brazil.

Landing of Pedro Álvares Cabral in Brazil, South America, 1500.

The land now called Brazil was claimed by the Kingdom of Portugal in April 1500, on the arrival of the Portuguese naval fleet commanded by Pedro Álvares Cabral. The Portuguese encountered Indigenous peoples divided into several tribes, most of whom shared the same Tupi-Guarani language family, and shared and disputed territory. But the Portuguese, like the Spanish in their North American territories, had brought diseases with them against which many Indians were helpless due to lack of immunity. Measles, smallpox, tuberculosis, and influenza killed tens of thousands.

Though the first settlement was founded in 1532, colonization only effectively started in 1534 when king John III divided the territory into fifteen hereditary captaincies. This arrangement proved problematic, however, and in 1549 the king assigned a governor-general to administer the entire colony. The Portuguese assimilated some of the native tribes while others slowly disappeared in long wars or by European diseases to which they had no immunity.

By the mid-16th century, sugar had become Brazil's main export due to the increasing international demand. To profit from the situation, by 1700 over 963,000 African slaves had been brought across the Atlantic Ocean to work in the plantations of Brazil. More Africans were brought to Brazil up until that date than to all the other places in the Americas (and the entire Western Hemisphere) combined.

Through wars against the French, the Portuguese slowly expanded their territory to the southeast, taking Rio de Janeiro in 1567, and to the northwest, taking São Luís in 1615. They sent military expeditions to the northwest of the South American continent to the Amazon River basin rainforest and conquered competing English and Dutch strongholds, founding villages and forts from 1669. In 1680 they reached the far southeast and founded Colônia do Sacramento on the bank of the Río de la Plata, in the Banda Oriental region (present-day Uruguay).

At the end of the 17th century, sugar exports started to decline, but beginning in the 1690s, the discovery of gold by explorers in the region that would later be called Minas Gerais, current Mato Grosso and Goiás saved the colony from imminent collapse. From all over Brazil, as well as from Portugal, thousands of immigrants came to the mines in an early gold rush.

The Spanish tried to prevent Portuguese expansion northwest, west, southwest and southeast into the territory that belonged to them according to the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas division of the New World by the Bishop and Pope of Rome, Alexander VI (1431-1503, reigned 1492-1503) and succeeded in conquering the Banda Oriental region in 1777. However, this was in vain as the Treaty of San Ildefonso, signed in the same year, confirmed Portuguese sovereignty over all lands proceeding from its territorial expansion, thus creating most of the current Brazilian southeastern border.

During the French invasion of Portugal by Emperor Napoleon I in 1807, the Portuguese royal family ( House of Braganza) fled across the Atlantic Ocean with the help of the British Royal Navy to Brazil, establishing Rio de Janeiro as the de facto capital of the Portuguese Empire during the ensuing worldwide Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815). This had the side effect of soon creating within Brazil many of the institutions required to exist as an independent state; most importantly, it freed Brazil to trade with other nations at will.

After Napoleon's Imperial French army was finally defeated at Waterloo in June 1815, in order to maintain the capital in Brazil and allay Brazilian fears of being returned to colonial status, King John VI of Portugal raised the de jure status of Brazil to an equal kingdom and integral part of the new United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves, rather than a mere colony, a status which it enjoyed for the next seven years, sending his son, Dom Pedro, as prince regent.

The Portuguese Cortes

In 1820 the Constitutionalist Revolution erupted in Portugal. The movement initiated by the liberal constitutionalists resulted in the meeting of the (or Constituent Assembly), that would have to create the kingdom's first constitution. The Cortes at the same time demanded the return of King Dom John VI, who had been living in Brazil since 1808, who elevated Brazil to a kingdom as part of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves in 1815 and who nominated his son and heir prince Dom Pedro as regent, to govern Brazil in his place on 7 March 1821. The king left for Europe on 26 April, while Dom Pedro remained in Brazil governing it with the aid of the ministers of the Kingdom (Interior) and Foreign Affairs, of War, of Navy and of Finance.

The Portuguese military officers headquartered in Brazil were completely sympathetic to the Constitutionalist movement in Portugal. The main leader of the Portuguese officers, General Jorge de Avilez Zuzarte de Sousa Tavares, forced the prince to dismiss and banish from the country the ministers of Kingdom and Finance. Both were loyal allies of Pedro, who had become a pawn in the hands of the military. The humiliation suffered by the prince, who swore he would never yield to the pressure of the military again, would have a decisive influence on his abdication ten years later. Meanwhile, on 30 September 1821, the Cortes approved a decree that subordinated the governments of the Brazilian provinces directly to Portugal. Prince Pedro became for all purposes only the governor of Rio de Janeiro Province. Other decrees that came after ordered his return to Europe and also extinguished the judicial courts created by João VI in 1808.

Dissatisfaction over the Cortes measures among most residents in Brazil (both Brazilian-born and Portuguese-born) rose to a point that it soon became publicly known. Two groups that opposed the Cortes' actions to gradually undermine Brazilian sovereignty appeared: Liberals, led by Joaquim Gonçalves Ledo (with the support of the Freemasons), and the Bonifacians, led by José Bonifácio de Andrada. The factions, with quite different views of what Brazil could and should be, agreed only on their desire to keep Brazil co-equal with Portugal, united in a sovereign monarchy, rather than Brazil being merely provinces controlled from Lisbon.

Prince Pedro (right) orders Portuguese officer Jorge de Avilez (left) to return to Portugal after his failed rebellion, 8 February 1822. José Bonifácio (in civilian clothes) can be seen next to the prince.

The Portuguese members of the Cortes showed no respect towards Prince Pedro and openly mocked him. And so the loyalty that Pedro had shown towards the Cortes gradually shifted to the Brazilian cause. His wife, princess Maria Leopoldina of Austria, favoured the Brazilian side and encouraged him to remain in the country which the Liberals and Bonifacians openly called for. Pedro's reply to the Cortes came on 9 January 1822, when, according to newspapers, he said: "As it is for the good of all and for the nation's general happiness, I am ready: Tell the people that I will stay".

After Pedro's decision to defy the Cortes and remain in Brazil, around 2,000 men led by Jorge Avilez rioted before concentrating on mount Castelo, which was soon surrounded by 10,000 armed Brazilians, led by the Royal Police Guard. Dom Pedro then "dismissed" the Portuguese commanding general and ordered him to remove his soldiers across the bay to Niterói, where they would await transport to Portugal.

Jose Bonifácio was nominated minister of Kingdom and Foreign Affairs on 18 January 1822. Bonifácio soon established a fatherlike relationship with Pedro, who began to consider the experienced statesman his greatest ally. Gonçalves Ledo and the Liberals tried to minimize the close relationship between Bonifácio and Pedro, offering to the prince the title of Perpetual Defender of Brazil. For the Liberals, the creation of a Constituent Assembly to prepare a Brazilian constitution was necessary, while the Bonifacians preferred that Pedro create the constitution himself, to avoid the possibility of anarchy similar to the first years of the French Revolution.

The prince acquiesced to the Liberals' desires, and signed a decree on 3 June 1822 calling for the election of deputies that would gather in a Constituent and Legislative General Assembly in Brazil.

Prince Pedro is surrounded by a cheering crowd in São Paulo after giving the news of the Brazilian independence on 7 September 1822.

Pedro departed to São Paulo Province to secure the province's loyalty to the Brazilian cause. He reached its capital on 25 August and remained there until 5 September. While on his way back to Rio de Janeiro on 7 September he received at Ipiranga mail from José Bonifácio and his wife, Leopoldina. The letter told him that the Cortes had annulled all acts of the Bonifácio cabinet, removed Pedro's remaining powers, and ordered him to return to Portugal. It was clear that independence was the only option left, which his wife supported. Pedro turned to his companions, that included his Guard of Honor, and said: "Friends, the Portuguese Cortes want to enslave and pursue us. From today on our relations are broken. No ties can unite us anymore". He removed his blue-white armband that symbolized Portugal: "Armbands off, soldiers. Hail to the independence, to freedom and to the separation of Brazil from Portugal!" He unsheathed his sword affirming that "For my blood, my honor, my God, I swear to give Brazil freedom," and later cried out: "Brazilians, Independence or death!". This event is known as the " Cry of Ipiranga", the declaration of Brazil's independence,

Returning to the city of São Paulo on the night of 7 September 1822, Pedro and his companions announced the news of Brazilian independence from Portugal. The Prince was received with great popular celebration and was called not only "King of Brazil", but also "Emperor of Brazil".

Pedro returned to Rio de Janeiro on 14 September and in the following days the Liberals had distributed pamphlets (written by Joaquim Gonçalves Ledo) that suggested that the Prince should be named Constitutional Emperor. On 17 September the President of the Municipal Chamber of Rio de Janeiro, José Clemente Pereira, sent to the other Chambers of the country the news that the Acclamation would occur on Pedro's birthday, 12 October.

Coronation ceremony of Emperor Pedro I in the Imperial Chapel, 1 December 1822.

The official separation would only occur on 22 September 1822 in a letter written by Pedro to João VI. In it, Pedro still calls himself Prince Regent and his father is considered the King of the independent Brazil. On 12 October 1822, in the Field of Santana (later known as Field of the Acclamation) Prince Pedro was acclaimed Dom Pedro I, Constitutional Emperor and Perpetual Defender of Brazil. It was at the same time the beginning of Pedro's reign and also of the Empire of Brazil. However, the Emperor made it clear that although he accepted the emperorship, if João VI returned to Brazil he would step down from the throne in favor of his father.

The reason for the imperial title was that the title of king would symbolically mean a continuation of the Portuguese dynastic tradition and perhaps of the feared absolutism, while the title of emperor derived from popular acclamation as in Ancient Rome or at least reigning through popular sanction as in the case of Napoleon. On 1 December 1822, Pedro I was crowned and consecrated.

According to the Brazilian government and researcher Rodrigo Wiese Randig, the first country to recognize Brazil was the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (today's Argentina), in June 1823, followed by the United States in May 1824, and the Kingdom of Benin in July 1824. However, according to historian Toby Green, the African states of Dahomey and Onim were the first two to recognize the new empire in 1822 and 1823 respectively. These states had traditionally maintained close diplomatic and economic contacts with South America.

Triumphal entry of the Imperial Army into Salvador after the surrender of the Portuguese forces in 1823.

Upon the declaration of the independence, the authority of the new regime only extended to Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and the adjacent provinces. The rest of Brazil remained firmly under the control of Portuguese juntas and garrisons. It would take a war to put the whole of Brazil under Pedro's control. The fighting began with skirmishes between rival militias in 1822 and lasted until January 1824, when the last Portuguese garrisons and naval units surrendered or left the country.

Meanwhile, the Imperial government had to create a regular Army and Navy. Forced enlistment was widespread, extending to foreign immigrants, and Brazil made use of slaves in militias, as well as freeing slaves to enlist them in army and navy. The campaigns on land and sea covered the vast territories of Bahia, Cisplatina, Grão-Pará, Maranhão, Pernambuco, Ceará and Piauí.

By 1822, Brazilian forces were firmly in control of Rio de Janeiro and the central area of Brazil. Loyal militias began insurrections in the aforementioned territories, but strong, and regularly reinforced Portuguese garrisons in the port cities of Salvador, Montevideo, São Luís and Belém continued to dominate the adjacent areas and to pose the threat of a reconquest that the irregular Brazilian militias and guerrilla forces, which were loosely besieging them by land supported by newly created units of the Brazilian army, would be unable to prevent.

For the Brazilians, the answer to this stalemate was to seize control of the sea. Eleven former Portuguese warships, great and small, had fallen into Brazilian hands in Rio de Janeiro and these formed the basis of a new navy. The problem was manpower: the crews of these ships were largely Portuguese who were openly mutinous, and although many Portuguese naval officers had declared allegiance to Brazil their loyalty could not be relied on. The Brazilian Government solved the problem by recruiting 50 officers and 500 seamen in secret in London and Liverpool, many of them veterans of the Napoleonic Wars, and appointed Thomas Cochrane as commander-in-chief. On 1 April 1823, a Brazilian squadron of 6 ships sailed for Bahia. After an initial disappointing engagement with a superior Portuguese fleet, Cochrane blockaded Salvador. Deprived now of supplies and reinforcements by sea and besieged by the Brazilian army on land, on 2 July the Portuguese forces abandoned Bahia in a convoy of 90 ships. Leaving the frigate 'Niteroi' under Captain John Taylor to harry them to the coasts of Europe, Cochrane then sailed north to São Luís (Maranhão). There he tricked the Portuguese garrison into evacuating Maranhão by pretending that a huge Brazilian fleet and army were over the horizon. He then sent Captain John Pascoe Grenfell to play the same trick on the Portuguese in Belém do Pará at the mouth of the Amazon. By November 1823, the whole of the north of Brazil was under Brazilian control, and the following month, the demoralized Portuguese also evacuated Montevideo and the Cisplatine Province. By 1824, Brazil was free of all enemy troops and was de facto independent.

There are still today no reliable statistics related to the numbers of, for example, the total of the war casualties. However, based upon historical registration and contemporary reports of some battles of this war as well as upon the admitted numbers in similar fights that happened in these times around the globe, and considering how long the Brazilian independence war lasted (22 months), estimates of all killed in action on both sides are placed from around 5,700 to 6,200.

In Piauí and Maranhão

In Grão-Pará

The last Portuguese soldiers left Brazil in 1824. The Treaty of Rio de Janeiro recognizing Brazil's independence was signed by Brazil and Portugal on 29 August 1825.

The Brazilian aristocracy had its wish: Brazil made a transition to independence with comparatively little disruption and bloodshed. But this meant that independent Brazil retained its colonial social structure: monarchy, slavery, large landed estates, monoculture, an inefficient agricultural system, a highly stratified society, and a free population that was 90 percent illiterate.

1. ^ Benton, William (11 November 2009). The New Encyclopaedia Britannica: : Macropaedia: knowledge in depth Volume 19. Encyclopaedia Britannica, Incorporated. ISBN 978-0852293157.

2. (in Portuguese) ^ pt:João Paulo Pimenta BRAZILIAN WARS OF INDEPENDENCE: NOTES ON THEIR HISTORY AND HIS- TORIOGRAPHY Guarulhos, Brasil 2022 [1], p. 13

3. ^ Keen, Benjamin; Haynes, Keith A. (2009). A History of Latin America (8th ed.). Boston: Cengage Learning. p. 221. ISBN 9780618783182. The Brazilian aristocracy had its wish: Brazil made a transition to independence with comparatively little disruption and bloodshed. But this meant that independent Brazil retained its colonial social structure: monarchy, slavery, large landed estates, monoculture, an inefficient agricultural system, a highly stratified society, and a free population that was 90 percent illiterate.

Armitage, John. História do Brasil. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1981. (in Portuguese)

Barman, Roderick J. Citizen Emperor: Pedro II and the Making of Brazil, 1825-1891. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999. (in English)

Diégues, Fernando. A revolução brasílica. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2004. (in Portuguese)

Dolhnikoff, Miriam. Pacto imperial: origens do federalismo no Brasil do século XIX. São Paulo: Globo, 2005. (in Portuguese)

Green, Toby (2020). A Fistful of Shells: West Africa from the Rise of the Slave Trade to the Age of Revolution. New York City: Penguin Random House. ISBN 978-0-141-97766-9.

Gomes, Laurentino. 1822. Nova Fronteira, 2010. ISBN 85-209-2409-3 (in Portuguese)

Holanda, Sérgio Buarque de. O Brasil Monárquico: o processo de emancipação. 4. ed. São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro, 1976. (in Portuguese)

Lima, Manuel de Oliveira. O movimento da independência. 6. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 1997. (in Portuguese)

Lustosa, Isabel. D. Pedro I. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2007. (in Portuguese)

Vainfas, Ronaldo. Dicionário do Brasil Imperial. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2002. (in Portuguese)

Vianna, Hélio. História do Brasil: período colonial, monarquia e república. 15. ed. São Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1994. (in Portuguese)

Wiese Randig, Rodrigo (2017). "Argentina, primeiro país a reconhecer a independência do Brasil" (PDF). Cadernos do CHDD. Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão. 16 (31): 501-524.

Media related to Independence of Brazil at Wikimedia Commons

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The independence of Brazil comprised a series of political and military events that led to the independence of the Kingdom of Brazil from the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves as the Brazilian Empire.