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Week 12- What role does dissent have in China?

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Week 12- What role does dissent have in China?

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Chen Yinkoh's last two decades was written by scholar Lu Jiandong. I think if we want to talk about Chinese dissent, Professor Chen Yinkoh is a  inevitable figure in Chinese modern history. And Lu's book focus on Chen's late life, and solved many puzzles for nowadays readers.

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陳寅恪的最後二十年 (豆瓣)

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图书陳寅恪的最後二十年 介绍、书评、论坛及推荐

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My country and My people is a book written by famous writer Lin Yutang, although Lin wrote it on 80 years ago, it is a significant work for people who want to understand nowadays' China. And as Lin's idea, Chinese people didn't have a religious  enthusiasm like western world, they paid more attention on the real use, a main question in their mind is "if I believe in this god, what are the benefits for me?"

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My Country And My People : Lin, Yutang, 1895-1976 : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive

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Week 10 what do Chinese people believe? 

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Week 10 what do Chinese people believe? 

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Since BBC reported a spring onion pancake maker   A Da, A Da became quite famous in China, but his stall was shut down recently. Here is a article from Cai Shengkun on A Da's story, who was a commentator.

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Since Yan Huang Chun Qiu was purged by Chinese authority, another famous website Gongshiwang (common view) was also shut down.

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步《炎黄春秋》后尘 "共识网"被关闭

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中国知名的思想文化网站"共识网"日前也被关闭。

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Many lawmakers was reported because of election fraud, and New York Time's article considered it is impossible because how can election fraud happened in a country without real election.

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Wang Wenliang, a billionaire businessman, was snared in a vote-buying scandal. Imaginechina, via Associated Press

HONG KONG - China 's legislature has expelled 45 of its members in a vote-buying scandal that has snared a prominent businessman who is active in donating to American universities, foundations and political campaigns.

Some of the lawmakers whose dismissals were announced on Tuesday, all from the economically struggling northeastern province of Liaoning, had bribed their way into the National People's Congress by buying votes, according to the official news agency Xinhua.

The nearly 3,000 members of the congress, which meets as a full body for less than two weeks each March, ratify laws and government programs, usually with little drama. Members are mostly voted in by lower-ranking organizations, including provincial congresses.

The businessman, Wang Wenliang, is a billionaire who made his fortune in the construction business and from operating a strategic port on the North Korean border. Mr. Wang has also been linked with entities holding hidden stakes in three condominiums in the Time Warner Center in New York.

Through his companies, Mr. Wang has donated to American universities, charities, research institutes and political campaigns, including New York University, the Clinton Foundation and the successful 2013 campaign for Virginia governor of Terry McAuliffe, a Democrat. Though Mr. Wang is a Chinese citizen, he is also a legal permanent resident of the United States, which entitles him to make campaign contributions.

A woman answering the phone at the China Rilin Construction Group, a company in Liaoning where Mr. Wang serves as chairman, said that he was on a business trip and unavailable to comment.

Sig Rogich, an adviser to Mr. Wang who is based in Las Vegas, said his client was a philanthropist, an environmentalist and "a man of great integrity."

Zhang Dejiang, the chairman of the National People's Congress, told lawmakers on Tuesday that the bribery scandal, which resulted in the expulsion of almost half of the province's delegation, was unprecedented in the history of the People's Republic of China, Xinhua reported. He vowed to show "no mercy."

Often derided as a rubber-stamp legislature, the congress and its companion advisory body have in recent years become a club for some of China's wealthiest executives, keen to rub elbows with government officials. Holding such high office also brings prestige and, much like peerage or knighthood in Britain, is seen as a marker of status in the Communist Party-dominated establishment. In China, it is sometimes known as "wearing the red hat."

"People within the system can trade interests," Zhang Ming, a political scientist at Renmin University in Beijing, said by telephone. "Whoever gets elected will have a pass to do so."

Serving as a lawmaker has become so attractive to the wealthy that last year, of the 1,271 richest Chinese people tracked by the Shanghai-based Hurun Report, a record 203, or more than one in seven, were delegates to the National People's Congress or its advisory body. The richest person that year among all three branches of the United States government, Representative Darrell Issa of California, would only rank as the 166th richest if he were a Chinese lawmaker.

"For reasons that don't make sense to outsiders given the 'rubber stamp' nature of the N.P.C., membership in any honorary body is coveted by people who see it as a mark of social status, something to add to their resumes," said Suzanne Pepper, a scholar based in Hong Kong who studies Chinese elections.

Many of the expelled delegates are executives of private businesses or leaders of state-owned companies, rather than career politicians and military officers - who are also well represented on the body.

The vote-buying scandal in Liaoning has been brewing for at least five years, with hundreds of officials and lawmakers in its provincial bodies accused of engaging in the bribery, according to a report in Caixin, a well-regarded Chinese newsmagazine. The report, posted online on Tuesday, has since been taken off the internet.

In 2013, in the southern province of Hunan, 56 provincial lawmakers in one city had offered more 110 million renminbi, or $16.5 million, in vote-related bribes to lower-ranking officials there, Xinhua reported at the time.

Delegates to the National People's Congress are elected for five-year terms. The current term began in 2013.

News that China faced new accusations of election fraud has drawn some tart comments on social media from people who are not accustomed to what for some in other countries can be an all-consuming obsession with following electoral politics. Usually, Chinese audiences read about elections in other countries.

"When I saw the news about the vote buying scandal in Liaoning, I was shocked," wrote one user on Weibo, a Chinese Twitter-like social media platform. "I didn't know there were elections in the motherland!"

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An Unlikely Crime in One-Party China: Election Fraud

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HONG KONG - China 's legislature has expelled 45 of its members in a vote-buying scandal that has snared a prominent businessman who is active in donating to American universities, foundations and political campaigns.

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week 7- What does Mao have to do with today's China? 

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week 7- What does Mao have to do with today's China? 

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This is book written by Dr. Li Zhisui on Mao's private life, he was Mao's private doctor.

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The Private Life of Chairman Mao - Wikipedia

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The Private Life of Chairman Mao: The Memoirs of Mao's Personal Physician is a memoir by Li Zhisui, one of the physicians to Mao Zedong, former Chairman of the Communist Party of China, which was first published in 1994. Li had emigrated to the United States in the years after Mao's death.

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week 6- What rights do Chinese people have?

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week 6- What rights do Chinese people have?

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This is an article written by Mu Rong Xue Cun, an Chinese writer, several friends of him  were convicted by the Tianjin Second Intermediate People’s Court of “subversion of state power,” and details from their private conversation were used as evidence against them.

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HUANGSHAN, China -In February 2015, a group of about 15 people met at a restaurant in the Chaoyang District of Beijing. This past August, four of the attendees were convicted by the Tianjin Second Intermediate People's Court of "subversion of state power," and details from their conversation were used as evidence against them.

In the last three decades, China has made the world marvel at an economic miracle that has brought hundreds of thousands of people out of poverty. The quality of life for millions of Chinese people has skyrocketed in just a generation.

All along, China's leaders have had an implicit pact with the people: We'll leave you alone if you leave us alone. Get as rich as you'd like, and you'll have a lot of personal freedom, but steer clear of politics. For many older Chinese who lived through the Mao years, the expansion of personal freedoms has felt revolutionary.

The convictions of the four men in the Tianjin court are another sign that the terms of the pact are changing. The government of President Xi Jinping is hypersensitive to criticism and will no longer stay out of our personal lives. Private conversations are fair game for punishment.

The four men - Zhou Shifeng, Hu Shigen, Gou Hongguo and Zhai Yanmin - were not apolitical. They were all rights activists; some were affiliated with "illegal" Christian churches. Their discussion at the restaurant in 2015 was apparently provocative.

Belinda Mason

The main piece of evidence used against them was a recording of their conversation. According to the trial transcripts, the men discussed how lawyers could get involved in sensitive political cases. Hu Shigen proposed three necessary elements for the transformation of the Chinese state: a strengthened citizenry, a break within the ruling elite and international intervention.

The prosecutors highlighted a damning quote from Mr. Hu, who reportedly said that the men's goal was to start protests leading to "even bigger clashes producing bloodshed, causing social turmoil that will give the international community an excuse to become involved."

The Chinese government has always monitored the personal communications of its perceived enemies, but rarely, if ever, has it used private conversations as evidence in court. Its preferred cudgels for critics have been trumped-up charges for crimes like prostitution and illegal business or tax practices.

The artist and vocal dissident Ai Weiwei was accused of tax fraud in 2011. Last year, the octogenarian writer Tie Liu, a critic of Mao and other party leaders, was found guilty of "illegal business" practices.

The use of private conversations in court was a disturbing turn, showing that the government feels so confident in its authoritarian ways that it admits publicly to spying on citizens. The activists may have discussed how to change the government, but the authorities crossed a line in obtaining their evidence.

Since Mr. Xi took power in 2012, the government's methods of punishing perceived enemies have become increasingly alarming. Government critics have been abducted and placed in solitary confinement and tortured. Their families and friends are often punished.

While Beijing likes to give the impression to the outside world that the legal system is being reformed, there is no respect for the legal process when it comes to government critics. In the past few years, the justice system has devolved into a form of street-gang justice. In one recent egregious example, five employees of a Hong Kong-based bookseller known for selling books that needle the Beijing leadership disappeared, only to resurface later in the mainland, where they faced harsh interrogations and public humiliation.

What distresses us is the feeling that Mr. Xi is resurrecting totalitarianism - and bringing us back to the Mao era. In Mao's time, people lacked the freedom to publicly express themselves, and even private talk, or sentences written in a diary, could bring harsh punishment.

The political climate is unlikely to change soon - even government officials are being more closely directed on what they can say.

Earlier this year, the city of Ningbo in Zhejiang Province published a list of the 44 things that Communist Party officials should not say. The banned topics included complaints about personal treatment and the government's anticorruption campaign.

If a few remarks in private, even by a party official, can be a crime, then all of society lives in dread.

Murong Xuecun is an author whose latest novel published in English is "Dancing Through Red Dust." This article was translated by The New York Times from the Chinese.

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Beijing's Disturbing Turn Against Personal Freedoms

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HUANGSHAN, China -In February 2015, a group of about 15 people met at a restaurant in the Chaoyang District of Beijing. This past August, four of the attendees were convicted by the Tianjin Second Intermediate People's Court of "subversion of state power," and details from their conversation were used as evidence against them.

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Week 5 -What kinds of legal system that China have?

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Week 5 -What kinds of legal system that China have?

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After purging old Yan Huang Chun Qiu, Chinese authority organized a new writing group for Yan Huang. And the new one was full of hostility to the former one. If there is a term can be used to describe their attitude accurately , I think that is "食肉寝皮 .”
Here is a report from New York Time.

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BEIJING - For most of its 25 years, the Chinese history magazine Yanhuang Chunqiu has been loved by moderate liberals and detested with equal passion by devotees of Mao Zedong, who reviled it as a refuge for heretical criticisms of the Chinese leader and the Communist Party.

But in a sign of how sharply ideological winds have turned under President Xi Jinping, officials who recently took control of the magazine have wooed Maoist and nationalist writers who long scorned the magazine. Several well-known hard-line polemicists attended a meeting with the new managers on Monday.

The new masters of Yanhuang Chunqiu, which had been one of the few remaining outlets for liberal political opinion in China, appear likely to remake it into an avidly loyal defender of party orthodoxy, said Wu Wei, who has remained in place as executive editor of the magazine but is among those fighting to save its independence.

"The meeting showed that they want to bring in contributors who have been completely opposed to what Yanhuang Chunqiu stood for," Mr. Wu said in an interview. "They want Yanhuang Chunqiu to turn into a publication that only sings praise, discusses the positive and doesn't touch the negative."

Chinese magazines must have a government-approved sponsor, and the journal is overseen by the state-run Chinese National Academy of Arts, which took over in 2014 from an association more sympathetic to the liberal aims of the publication. In July, the academy announced that it would install a new editorial lineup, a move the journal's editors said violated a contract that left personnel decisions in the control of the editorial staff.

One of the hard-line writers invited to the meeting on Monday, Guo Songmin, celebrated the change of ideological guard at the magazine by referring to Mao.

"Attending this writers' round table feels a little extraordinary, and I suddenly thought of a line from Chairman Mao, 'Today the autumn wind still sighs, but the world has changed!' " Mr. Guo wrote on Weibo, a popular microblog site, quoting a poem that Mao wrote in 1954.

Sima Nan, another well-known defender of Mao and Communist Party rule, said he was invited to the meeting but did not attend because he assumed the offer was a joke.

"I received the notice very late and didn't know the person who contacted me," Mr. Sima said in an interview. "I thought it was a joke. I've never written for Yanhuang Chunqiu. How could they invite me? Impossible."

Other writers at the meeting included Dai Xu, a former People's Liberation Army air force officer who has urged China to be willing to resort to war to assert its territorial claims in the South China Sea and elsewhere. Another, Li Beifang, said retired officials who have protected the magazine should be punished, including the recently ousted founding publisher, Du Daozheng, and Mao's former secretary, Li Rui, who became an advocate of democratization.

"Political problems require a political solution," Mr. Li wrote on Weibo. "Expel those who violated discipline, like Du Daozheng and Li Rui, from the party and cancel their retirement benefits."

"Yanhuang Chunqiu" is a poetic phrase that roughly means "China Annals," and the monthly magazine has often tested censorship by publishing memoirs and studies of misdeeds under Mao and by urging political liberalization.

But the meeting between the new editors and the hard-liners signified that Yanhuang Chunqiu may become a platform for a fiery mix of nationalism and Maoist speech that has won new popularity and influence under Mr. Xi, said Hong Zhenkuai, a former editor at the magazine.

"That's a real possibility," Mr. Hong said in an interview. On Monday, a court in Beijing upheld a ruling ordering Mr. Hong to issue a public apology for questioning the veracity of a celebrated story of heroism during China's war against Japanese occupation.

"Inviting these people to a meeting would be to ask them to contribute," Mr. Hong said. "Their attitude is clear."

Whether the new editors of Yanhuang Chunqiu go that far ideologically remains to be seen. They are still locked in a battle with the liberal editors and publishers, who have either been removed or who have disassociated themselves from the new lineup, which they say took over illegally.

These liberal editors have tried to have their complaints heard by a court, but so far no judge has agreed to formally hear their claims. They tried to file a new complaint on Tuesday, but court officials said they would have to wait a week before learning whether the court would accept it, Mr. Wu said.

Censorship in China can be dizzyingly swift and absolute. But it can sometimes be steady and inexorable, like the step-by-step subjugation of Yanhuang Chunqiu, which could set an example for other publications that question the party's official line.

In 2002, Perry Link, a professor of Chinese now at the University of California, Riverside, likened Chinese censorship to an " anaconda in the chandelier," which works through implicit threats that encourage self-censorship.

Professor Link said by email that it seemed that "the principles are the same as in 2002 and that the biggest difference is only that self-censorship is more entrenched and now viewed as 'normal.' "

He added, "In that sense I think things are worse than in 2002. Now a whole younger generation accepts that forbidden zones are normal."

Yanhuang Chunqiu had long served as a journal for retired Communist Party officials who hoped that China would edge toward political liberalization.

But this month, the August issue of Yanhuang Chunqiu appeared, the first under the control of the new editors. It was a tepid product, shorn of the pointed arguments that previously drew readers.

"They don't want to shut it down, but instead they want to transform its nature," said Mr. Wu, the embattled executive editor. "We can only appeal to the law to defend our rights, but you know that in China the chances of us prevailing through the courts are very low. But we will try."

Although the Chinese government has not publicly commented on the strife over control of Yanhuang Chunqiu, Mr. Dai, the former military officer, had no doubt that the changes were proceeding under official orders.

"The relevant departments have purged this magazine root and branch," Mr. Dai wrote approvingly on Weibo. "Although this has come a bit late, it's still worth applauding."

Follow Chris Buckley on Twitter @ChuBailiang.

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Revamped Chinese History Journal Welcomes Hard-Line Writers

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BEIJING - For most of its 25 years, the Chinese history magazine Yanhuang Chunqiu has been loved by moderate liberals and detested with equal passion by devotees of Mao Zedong, who reviled it as a refuge for heretical criticisms of the Chinese leader and the Communist Party.

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According to the national security reason, the Australian treasurer, Scott Morrison, on Thursday rejected the bids for 50.4 percent of Ausgrid, an electricity provider with a 99-year lease to distribute power in the southeastern state of New South Wales.
Here is a report from New York Time.

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HONG KONG - Citing national security concerns, the Australian government on Thursday rejected competing bids from Hong Kong and mainland Chinese groups for control of a company that supplies electricity to Sydney and neighboring areas.

Key sectors of Australia's economy, like mining and agriculture, rely heavily on Chinese demand. But local wariness toward China's growing economic influence has risen in recent years amid a wave of Chinese takeovers of Australian businesses.

At the same time, an influx of wealthy buyers from China has helped push up real estate prices in urban centers like Sydney and Melbourne, pricing local residents out of the market.

In response, the Australian government, in accordance with its foreign investment review legislation, has been carefully vetting the sale of key assets to Chinese interests and has blocked several high-profile transactions. Officials have also ordered Chinese buyers to sell homes acquired in violation of Australia's restrictions on foreign investment in real estate.

In the latest such action, the Australian treasurer, Scott Morrison, on Thursday rejected the bids for 50.4 percent of Ausgrid, an electricity provider with a 99-year lease to distribute power in the southeastern state of New South Wales.

Mr. Morrison did not name the bidders, but news reports in Australia last month widely identified them as Cheung Kong Infrastructure, controlled by the family of the Hong Kong billionaire Li Ka-shing; and the State Grid Corporation of China, a government-owned electricity transmission and distribution company that is China's biggest.

"My preliminary view is that the foreign investment proposals put to me for this transaction are contrary to the national interest," Mr. Morrison said in a news release. "National security issues were identified in critical power and communications services that Ausgrid provides to businesses and governments."

Mr. Morrison also emphasized the importance of foreign investment to Australia's economy and, in separate comments to reporters on Thursday, said that the nationality of the bidders was not a factor in his decision, which focused more on the specifics of the proposed deals.

"The national security concerns were not country-specific and relate to the transaction structure and the nature of the assets," he said.

He said the bidders have until next Thursday to argue their cases before he makes a final ruling on the matter.

Representatives of State Grid did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Cheung Kong Infrastructure noted that it had been operating power, water and gas networks in the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand for 25 years.

"We believe that the Australian government must have reasons beyond the obvious which led them to make today's announcement," the company said in a news release. "The issue is unrelated to CKI."

Ausgrid's coverage area includes Sydney, Australia's biggest city, and covers more than 22,000 square kilometers, or about 8,500 square miles - an area roughly the size of New Jersey.

Australian news reports had estimated a sale of the Ausgrid stake could have brought in more than 10 billion Australian dollars, or $7.7 billion, to the state government of New South Wales.

Both of the bidders are already significant investors in the Australian electricity market. State Grid has stakes in three local power companies, while Cheung Kong Infrastructure owns electricity and gas distribution networks in several Australian states.

Local business groups in Australia had lobbied for a more welcoming approach to the bids from China. They pointed out that the United States remains the country's biggest foreign investor, with Chinese investment in Australia to date amounting to only one tenth of what America has spent.

Australia has blocked several high-profile deals involving buyers from China in recent years.

Last year, Australia's treasurer at the time, Joe Hockey, ordered the head of Evergrande Real Estate Group, a Chinese developer, to sell a mansion he had acquired illegally in 2014 for 39 million dollars.

In April, Mr. Morrison signaled his opposition to the acquisition of a cattle ranching company by a Chinese-led group. He cited the significant size of the firm's sprawling ranchland, which covered 1 percent of Australia's total area and 2 percent of its agricultural land.

Even some Chinese investments that went through have stirred up controversy. Concerns arose in October that an agreement by a Chinese company to acquire the port of Darwin, in Australia's Northern Territory, could open the door to spying on United States Marines, who train there several months of the year.

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Australia Rejects Bids From Chinese Investors for Electricity Provider

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HONG KONG - Citing national security concerns, the Australian government on Thursday rejected competing bids from Hong Kong and mainland Chinese groups for control of a company that supplies electricity to Sydney and neighboring areas. Key sectors of Australia's economy, like mining and agriculture, rely heavily on Chinese demand.

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This is an article written by Dr.  Qin Hui about China's  crony capitalism and its features.

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This is a video about a conflict between Hu Deping （major editor of Yan Huang）  and an unidentified man （he blocked the door of journal office ）

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纽约时间： 2016-07-26 12:49 PM

【新唐人2016年07月27日讯】（新唐人记者张松风报导）大陆《 炎黄春秋》被迫 停刊事件目前仍在持续发酵，且事态有日渐扩大之势。日前，《炎黄春秋》副社长 胡德华从国外回到北京后，被杂志社一致推举领衔 维权事宜，而胡本人也前往杂志社要求外来人员离开。

据《美国之音》日前报导，《 炎黄春秋》遭遇强行裁撤管理层，以至被迫 停刊 的事件目前已在海内外舆论上引发强烈关注。据最新统计，已有352名《炎黄春秋》杂志的长期订户和读者签署呼吁书，要求尊重宪法规定的言论和出版自由。

报导说，为了维护杂志社正当运行的权益，炎黄春秋杂志社的社委会一致推举《炎黄春秋》副社长、胡耀邦之子 胡德华挂帅，与中国艺术研究院再打产权战。目前胡德华已经回国，并将代表炎黄春秋杂志社 维权 。

因7月26日是企业交税最后一天，胡德华当日陪同财务人员到杂志社做财务报表，被强占一方堵住大门，他就在大门口接受多家外媒采访。

进入杂志社办公楼后，又有多人堵住财务室门。胡德华对强占者抗议说：〝我们每一分的财产都是靠我们辛勤劳动挣来的，我们给国家纳税，是遵纪守法的企业，办公室是我们的，你们有什么权利进来？拿出证件给我们看！〞双方爆发激烈争执，胡德华更一度激动 爆粗 驱赶外来人员，后来有警方人员到场维持秩序。

相关视频：

胡德华为胡耀邦三子，1948年生人，曾担任中共科学院软体中心副主任，2012年加入《炎黄春秋》编委会，被视为该杂志与高层重要交集的一部分。

此前，《炎黄春秋》曾经就中国艺术研究院单方面终止协议问题向朝阳区法院提起起诉。朝阳法院一度不予立案，该院立案庭庭长原定于7月25日对《炎黄春秋》聘请的律师说明为何不予立案的原因。但当莫少平和丁锡奎两位律师前往法院时，得到的答覆是法院还要再延长一个星期再进行立案答覆。《炎黄春秋》杂志社老社长杜导正认为这是好消息，是舆论发酵的结果。

《炎黄春秋》的支持者、《血色黄昏》作者老鬼在接受美国之音记者的采访时说：〝法院在7月22日对律师表态不予受理，但是又不出具书面裁定，也不说明理由，这就很不讲理了。现在的态度有所松动，说一个星期以后再说。〞

他并表示，《炎黄春秋》是国内唯一敢言杂志，在读者群中广受好评。杂志并没有一分钱的政府拨款，全靠独立经营以及敢言风格发展到超过20万的订户。这样的刊物遭到突然封杀，〝实在让人想不通〞，他对此感到悲观，因为〝（杂志）长期以来一直受打压。〞

7月中旬，《炎黄春秋》杂志社管理层突然遭主管单位撤换、杂志社被派人占领、网站后台密码被更改，引起外界广泛关注。社长杜导正随后宣布杂志停刊，以示不愿妥协的态度。同时，该杂志社向北京市朝阳区法院提起诉讼，指主管单位中国艺术研究院单方面撕毁协议，法院拖延，至今未受理立案。

责任编辑：唐睿

相关链接： 炎黄春秋起诉中国艺术研究院 要求停止鸠占鹊巢

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炎黄春秋事态升级 胡德华维权激动驱赶强占者（视频）

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纽约时间： 2016-07-26 12:49 PM 【新唐人2016年07月27日讯】（新唐人记者张松风报导）大陆《 炎黄春秋》被迫 停刊事件目前仍在持续发酵，且事态有日渐扩大之势。日前，《炎黄春秋》副社长 胡德华从国外回到北京后，被杂志社一致推举领衔 维权事宜，而胡本人也前往杂志社要求外来人员离开。 据《美国之音》日前报导，《 炎黄春秋》遭遇强行裁撤管理层，以至被迫 停刊 ...

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Yan Huang Chun Qiu， which is a pro-reform historical  journal， was prohibited by Chinese authority， and this is a report from New York Time

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BEIJING - A scholarly journal backed by liberal-minded retired Communist cadres has ceased publication after 25 years, according to a statement by its ousted publisher and senior editors.

"From now on, if any periodical comes out with the name Yanhuang Chunqiu, it has nothing to do with us," reads the statement, released on Sunday.

The announcement comes after the dismissal last week of Yanhuang Chunqiu's founding publisher, Du Daozheng, and the demotion of its chief editor by its sponsoring institution, the Chinese National Academy of Arts, which is affiliated with the Ministry of Culture. The academy also assigned four of its own staff members to important editorial positions.

Employees at Yanhuang Chunqiu said the move violated a contract under which the academy had agreed not to interfere with the journal's editorial or personnel affairs. They also said the academy had sent in several of its own employees to occupy the journal's offices and had changed the passwords of the publication's website and internet accounts, making it impossible to continue working.

The academy did not respond to an email requesting comment, and telephone calls went unanswered.

"I protest," Mr. Du said by phone on Tuesday from his home in Beijing. "I'm angry."

The journal's printers had also stopped accepting copy, he said. "So we're paralyzed," he said.

"As a cadre, a Communist Party member, I absolutely can't understand this. It resembles methods used in the Cultural Revolution," said Mr. Du, who once oversaw the General Administration of Press and Publication, a state regulatory agency. "Does this mean that we, the Communist Party, want another Cultural Revolution?"

Yanhuang Chunqiu, whose name roughly means Chinese Annals, was founded in 1991 and has carried articles advocating political change and examining delicate issues in Chinese Communist history. Its departures from the official party narrative have landed it in trouble before.

In 2008, it published a series of articles extolling the achievements of Zhao Ziyang, the Communist Party general secretary who fell from power in 1989 because he opposed the use of military force to crush the pro-democracy demonstrations in Tiananmen Square and spent the rest of his life under house arrest. Jiang Zemin, who succeeded Mr. Zhao as party chief, pressed for Mr. Du's removal from the journal, but he was able to retain the position with the support of other retired party officials who favored a more liberal political system.

In an interview in 2009, Mr. Du said, "I am old enough and tough enough that if there is any pressure from the government, I can hold on here."

But this time is different, he said on Tuesday.

"The situation is more serious now," he said. "I can only think of the Cultural Revolution."

During that tumultuous political movement initiated by Mao Zedong in 1966, Mr. Du lost his job as editor of a Communist Party newspaper.

"I was in my office, and the rebels came," he said. "They declared that I was a capitalist roader and a counterrevolutionary. They said, now we've seized power. You should leave."

"Now that the journal's office has been occupied, I am feeling this again," he said.

Mr. Du, 93, said he suspected the academy might have moved against the journal when it did because he was hospitalized for high blood pressure after the death of his wife of 68 years last month. He returned home from the hospital on Tuesday morning.

"This is so low,'' he said. "To some extent, this is inhumane and is taking advantage of my misfortune."

"These old cadres don't surrender," said Qiao Mu, an associate professor of journalism at Beijing Foreign Studies University. "Yanchuang Chunqiu has been a relatively moderate voice within the party system. It's about restoring truth to the party's history."

Mr. Qiao said that when Mr. Jiang and his successor as party chief, Hu Jintao, were in power, there was greater tolerance for a publication like Yanhuang Chunqiu.

"For years, there have been controversies about the magazine, but the people who founded it had ties to senior leaders," Mr. Qiao said. "Now, the old cadres and former party officials don't have that sort of influence anymore."

Mr. Du expressed a similar thought. He said that he had contacted several people he hoped could intervene on behalf of the journal but that those efforts had been unsuccessful so far. "Ministerial-level officials I asked - I don't know why they're not willing to say something," he said. "They're shying away."

Last Friday, Yanhuang Chunqiu's lawyers filed a complaint with the Chaoyang District People's Court in Beijing accusing the academy of violating its contract with the journal. Ding Xikui, one of the lawyers, said the court would decide this week whether to accept the case.

Mr. Du said that, given China's current political climate, he was not optimistic that Yanhuang Chunqiu would be able to resume publication with its original editorial staff. But he would not exclude that possibility should the lawsuit against the academy succeed.

"Right now I'm feeling helpless," he said. "We appeal to heaven, but it doesn't respond. We appeal to earth, and that doesn't work. We can only pursue the legal channel now. It's difficult to say whether we'll win. We're hoping for victory but are prepared for defeat."

Follow Kiki Zhao on Twitter @kikizhao.

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Liberal Chinese Journal's Purged Editors Declare Publication Dissolved

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BEIJING - A scholarly journal backed by liberal-minded retired Communist cadres has ceased publication after 25 years, according to a statement by its ousted publisher and senior editors. "From now on, if any periodical comes out with the name Yanhuang Chunqiu, it has nothing to do with us," reads the statement, released on Sunday.