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De dónde vino la idea de las reparaciones económicas y cómo se presentaría hoy. El artículo que los estudiantes leyeron antes de responder. 

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De dónde vino la idea de las reparaciones económicas y cómo se presentaría hoy. El artículo que los estudiantes leyeron antes de responder. 

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What Reparations for Slavery Might Look Like in 2019 (Published 2019)

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The idea of economic amends for past injustices and persistent disparities is getting renewed attention. Here are some formulas for achieving the aim.

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Estudiantes de secundaria opinan sobre reparaciones. 

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Estudiantes de secundaria opinan sobre reparaciones. 

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current events conversation

Teenage comments in response to our recent writing prompts, and an invitation to join the ongoing conversation.

Related Article Credit... Illustration by Shawn Theodore for The New York Times

In this week's roundup of student comments on our writing prompts, we asked young people to weigh in on whether the United States owes reparations to the descendants of slaves, tell us what they wished they could learn in school, and reflect on their identities.

We loved the creative course ideas students came up with in response to our question " What Topics Do You Wish You Could Learn About in School?", like compassion, athletic development and history of the sci-fi novel. They're all great fodder for our Connections Contest, which runs from Dec. 5 until Jan. 21.

And we were impressed by the constructive and respectful debates that the reparations question inspired, especially an exchange between Sophie from J.R Masterman and Zena A. from Northbrook, Ill., highlighted below.

Read on to see what else teenagers had to say this week.
Please note: Student comments have been lightly edited for length, but otherwise appear exactly as they were originally submitted.

Credit... Illustrations by Shawn Theodore for The New York Times

The idea of economic amends to African-Americans for past injustices and persistent disparities is getting renewed attention. We invited students to read an article that explores some formulas for achieving that aim and then asked them what they thought.

Most students agreed that at the very least an apology should be made for the horrors and legacy of slavery. However, they were divided on whether it is simply too late to pay reparations and, if not too late, how to appropriately compensate people.

I do strongly believe that descendants of slaves, such as myself and my parents, should get reparations for slavery. The Japanese-Americans and Holocaust survivors got reparations for their hardships but for some odd reason African-Americans have not ...

Possible reparations could be money and statues, but I think appropriate reparations would be free services. Many African-Americans are struggling and live in poverty because their families could not recover from slavery. I believe that free healthcare/ medical care and free higher education because it would be very beneficial. It would provide African-Americans with free doctors visits and medication and free college and university could provide poor children with opportunities to get a good job to support their families. They could become doctors, and lawyers, and presidents. There is nothing the United States could appropriately do to make up for this, but they can make an effort.

Slavery did not just effect those alive during that era; its effects have created a cycle of oppression that still impacts the ancestors of slaves today. Our society favors those who are wealthy and well-educated, two qualities which are passed from parent to child. Money and class distinction are for the most part hereditary, and it is extremely hard to succeed in school without the help of an educated parent. This means that the children of slaves were at a significant disadvantage compared to wealthy white children. This continues all the way down the line to the modern era. Not only do black people face far more economic and academic obstacles, but also this phenomenon contributes to the overall perception of black people.

The United States owes an apology to the descendants of slaves for creating a cycle of racial oppression which, to this day, still affects black communities. It is not enough for nice words, though. The only way to truly make up for past actions, and to bridge the gap created by racism, is for the government to offer financial compensation, academic support, and other social services to victims of racism.

- Jillian Steeves, Danvers, MA

I'm black, and it is undeniable that the effects of racism, enslavement, and centuries of oppression have a negative impact on the lives of black people to this very day. I know that the inability of black people to hold high paying jobs, receive a proper education, or hold any political positions of substance has prevented the growth of the black community as a whole. With that being said, reparations do not need to be paid.

Rather than throwing money at your problems, why not invest in us? Invest in black business. Invest in black communities. Invest in black education. Action needs to be taken. Not to repay us for ruining our people and our culture, but to remedy the lasting effects of the sins of white Americans throughout history.

By investing in black businesses, you would increase wealth in black communities. By investing in black education, you make life better for generations of black people to come. By investing in black communities, you fix the living conditions imposed on us since 1619.

- Jacob Jarrett, Hoggard High School in Wilmington, NC

Although slavery has been abolished for years, there are still lingering effects that sprout from race. Descendants still are affected by slavery from police brutality to redlining and these problems are most likely not going to change.

Does the African-American community deserve an apology? Yes and it's much overdue but how exactly can the United States do that? Saying "I am sorry for slavery" simply isn't enough. Words won't erase the years of brutality and unjust treatment. African-Americans built America with no pay and to just think a statement is enough is outrageous. It's the equivalent of putting a band aid on a bullet hole. Building statues to commemorate the excellence of African-Americans is a step up but still not enough.

A way to apologize is by taking away the censorship of black history and letting future generations receive the knowledge of how America was really built. America is a country where money is more important than people and the first way the American government thinks to fix any problem is by slapping money on it. It's never too late to make a change but will these changes be made?

- Jahnia Chen, New York

I don't really know what to think about this one. Did it happen a long time ago? Yes. Should people feel some guilt for it? Yes.

I don't think there has ever been a real, genuine effort to show some sort of real remorse. I am a quarter black and I am not able to know much about that part of me due to slavery. This affects me and upsets me more than people would think. Whenever I have a school project I am able to do this grand masterpiece about my father's side because he is Italian. But when it comes to my mother's side, we are both completely lost. My ancestors were abused and killed for doing nothing. Slavery was, and is something completely mad and insane.

So, in conclusion, yes. The United States needs to apologize to people like my mother and my grandmother, and the other descendants of slaves for this horrid crime committed. They should not give money. Money will not pay for this horrible stamp made in history. A tribute should be made to all the lives lost and generations that now know nothing about their history because of slavery.

- Gianna Sticco, J. R. Masterman

I am divided on this. I definitely think that the descendants do deserve some money as an apology since it would just be nice. On the other hand, it would have been much better to give the children or grandchildren of the slave's money, because that might have actually helped them. Giving money now I think its too late.

I think a proper apology would be where the leaders of the United States apologize at an assembly to the whole nation, and they give speeches. I do think that things like monuments or statues would be an apology. A statue could be of someone like Harriet Tubman, where it is commemorating her for the great things she did for slaves. Giving the descendants of slaves reparation is a good gesture, but I honestly just think it is too late and that the time has passed.

- Ian P, Philadelphia, PA

I think that it has been too long, and it would be too hard to give every descendant of slaves. After so many years, there are too many people too pay. So many things have been mixed up, there are millions of people who are related to slaves. The government can ́t possibly pay that much to everyone. Statues and memorials are the only way I see to repay the descendants. And while I agree that statues aren´t enough for so many years of discrimination, I don´t think there could ever be enough.

- Isa Kennedy, J.R. Masterman

Slavery is a part of history that all Americans should be ashamed of. However, I do not believe that the ancestors of people who were enslaved over 150 years ago should be provided with reparations.

This is a slippery slope that would set an example for people to exploit historical hardship of ancestors. Where would we stop? There are so many Americans today who have ancestors who were denied freedoms, had rights impaired, had land taken. The current generation, taxpayers, and government should not be held accountable for mistakes made hundreds of years ago.

The article compares slave reparations with reparations made to Japanese citizens interned during WWII. This comparison is flawed for two reasons. The Japanese who were aid reparations were the actual victims harmed and the government who made the payments committed the harm. This differs from the slavery reparation proposal, which would pay the great great great grandchildren of enslaved people (not people actually harmed) and payment would be made by people not directly responsible for the terrible sin of slavery.

- William Hudson, Hoggard High School in Wilmington, NC

While I fully believe slavery in America is reprehensible and is a dark part of our history, I do not believe the government today is responsible for the actions taken over 250 years. Ultimately, I should not be responsible for the actions of my ancestors.

If we start giving out reparations, I see a multitude of problems arising. For example, what will the burden of proof be, or will there need to be any? How will we determine how much money someone is owed? Where will this money come from? Oh, you say the government. So, what you really mean is the American people, because that's where the government gets their money. So every single American who pays taxes is responsible for the actions of their fore-fathers, the actions that their own ancestors might not have even been a part of. I see reparations as an excuse to get a free handout and to take a shortcut around hard work.

- Ryan Boaz, Hoggard High School in Wilmington, NC

I think America should not pay descendants of slaves money. Slavery was such a horrible thing that happened. It has been so long ago since slavery happened and I don't think it's reasonable to give money to people who didn't have to go through being a slave. No one today is a slave so why should they get money because they are a descendant of someone who was a slave. I don't think slavery defined how much money people have today. I think the amount of money you have is dependent on other things like how hard you are determined and are willing to work. Anyone with anyone race can be successful if they work hard enough. I don't think money is the right way to go. Statues and monuments may be more appropriate that money.

- Sophie, J.R Masterman

@Sophie I understand your point of view but I would like to respectfully disagree. Although your success is based off of how hard you work, not everyone is given the same opportunities regarding education, pay and rights. Since whites are historically wealthier than blacks their descendants can afford a better education or even a private education. Since blacks were stripped of their rights from the beginning, their descendants lives are affected by this.

In a statement from the Market Watch, "When they were able to accumulate land and enterprise it was often stolen, destroyed, or seized by government complicit theft, fraud and terror." Their ability to gain wealth was made impossible. They haven't inherited nearly as much money as whites and typically do not have the same education opportunities. It is common for predominantly white high schools to have over 90% of their graduates attend colleges, which is not the case for some high schools with majority black students. Some of the reasons being they cannot afford college or they have to work to support their families. Additionally blacks may not get hired at certain places because of their race or may not get equal pay, no matter how hard they work this is something out of their control. I think reparations would benefit the African-American community greatly because they will be able to become more financially stable and live their lives having the same equal opportunities and rights as whites and other races in America.

The Hand of Man, a robotic sculpture controlled by a glove, appeared at Maker Faire in Queens in 2018. It is able to lift and crush cars. Credit... Nathan Bajar for The New York Times

Schools at all levels regularly tinker with their curriculums to make learning more relevant and interesting to students.

We asked students to tell us what they would like to learn about if they could learn anything. Many expressed an interest in courses that teach practical "life skills" like changing a tire or balancing a checkbook, and others had ideas for more specific subjects.

Financial literacy would be an extremely helpful and useful class, teaching young adults all about credit, bills and many other important factors in being an adult.

- Austin Alberto, Middletown, NJ

I would love to learn valuable life skills in school such as how to do bills, the mortgage, change a tire, and more. I feel that this would be a very helpful elective because a lot of students are in the dark with these things. If us students were able to take a course where we learn such valuable life skills, we would be successful in the start of our independent lives.

- Gwyneth Finn, Middletown New Jersey

Writing a resume is a difficult thing to do, so having a course on it could help high schoolers who have jobs, and also kids who can keep the knowledge for later use in applying for jobs.

- Isadora Monteith, J.R. Masterman

People should also know basic laws, for when you get pulled over, or when you get arrested. You should know federal laws that would affect you, and state laws too.

- Kira Y, NJ

I wish my school offered a course on black literature and history. I've been a student for over 10 years now, and not once have I had a teacher assign a book written by a black person for the class to read. Not once have I had a teacher invite us to analyze poetry by Maya Angelou or Nikki Giovanni. Not once have I had a teacher give us speeches delivered in the 60s by prominent black leaders for rhetorical device analysis. I've been reading books by Black authors a lot this year. I've learned more about my culture and tradition and history reading in my free time than a classroom has ever attempted to teach me.

- Jacob Jarrett, Hoggard High School in Wilmington, NC

One course I wish my school would have would definitely be computer programming. I feel like it would not only help me but many other people as well. Programming has become a widely popular job option. The course could teach you how to program basic games or tools. I feel like this course would be a very viable option and one that would not waste money either. My school lacks education in this certain subject.

- Jack Zhou, J.R. Masterman, Philadelphia, PA

I wish that my school provided mandatory courses that helped us develop compassion. I believe that offering these classes would actively create a better future by teaching people how to respect people of all backgrounds. The class could incorporate sensitivity training with education on different cultures. I think that this would not only be helpful, but also a fun and stress-relieving outlet for students.

- Calliope Beatty, J.R. Masterman

If I had a choice to enroll in any course, it would be woodworking due to its application of making things from scratch and using your imagination. Woodworking offers another creative outlet for students in addition to other standard courses such as art and music. The course would leave you with a set of power tools and you imagination, with an outcome of a finished product that was once only a vision in your mind. I personally have a keen imagination so I think that woodworking would be the right course for me.

- Maddox Rosser, J.R. Masterman, Philadelphia, PA

I think public speaking should be taught not for me but for others as I know some people have trouble with it and need someone to teach them to calm their nerves. Public speaking I think has been looked over and really many kids struggle with it. There needs to be specific teachers teaching these students how to speak in public, it will take time but hopefully they will be able to speak their emotions in situations.

- Izel, J.R. Masterman

... I believe that having courses on other cultures' history, like Africa and Asia, would engage students into learning something new that they didn't know, get students to become more culturally fluent, and reduce stigmas and stereotypes that many countries today are still battling with. In the United States, we are a very diverse country with different cultures and knowing that many of these cultures' rich history is not being taught in this day and age is odd and these courses should be offered.

- Lola Adebayo, Providence, RI

I would love if my school offered classes such as a pottery class. The class would experiment in different kinds of pottery, making bowls and cups or even sculptures or whatever comes to the students' minds.

- Rachael D, New Jersey

I think that schools can always offer more relevant classes would be important to the students attending. When being asked about what courses they should add there is one that sticks out in my mind and that's ASL or sign language. A whole group of people in the United States have no ability to communicate verbally and I feel it's a missed opportunity to teach people how to communicate in other ways.

- Keith, Kent

If student athletes could spend a class period a day studying films, learning proper technique, and practicing skills the athletic teams would be stronger. By studying films from previous games you can help determine what teams would do. I could also study my personal films and help discover what went wrong in certain situations. I would love to study more about proper technique because it would help with skill development.

- Mark Wilbur, Ohio

Recently, there has been a lot of discussion about the impeachment inquiry of President Donald Trump. The New York Times has had topics about this as far as I know. I think it would be nice if we had a class about current events. Many of us don't watch or can't watch the news at home, so it would be nice if we could learn about it in school

- Phebe Truong, J.R Masterman

Coming from a grade obsessed school, many students face stress throughout the school day which I think is a major problem. The level of stress students face can eventually impact a student's daily education & health, which makes me believe that this issue should be acknowledged and solved in my school district. Addressing stress could be achieved through a course, a club after school or perhaps short between-class meditation periods. I believe that schools should invest in not only the knowledge of students but their mental health as well to provide a full education.

- Amelia H., J.R. Masterman

I would take something like History of the Sci-Fi Novel. This class would talk about the normal stuff that we do in English, but apply it to what some may say is a more entertaining subject. We would learn how to write a persuasive essay about topics that apply to the novel we were reading, which would be a classic sci-fi novel that helped shape the entertainment industry. We would talk about the cultural impacts of the sci-fi world that we all grew up with. Taking regular classes and stretching their horizons could make school more fun for many students who usually have trouble paying attention.

- Emily Vogt, Hoggard High School in Wilmington, NC

I think that a class about video games would not just be fun, but also potentially beneficial. As stated in the article, certain students can receive college scholarships for esports, and so learning how to get better at games in school could benefit your future. Video games can also help relieve stress coming from other school subjects, and help people to get better at teamwork, as most esports games require working with a team. Having a place to play video games in school could also allow people without a game system at home to play video games.

- Miles Ottinger, J.R. Masterman, Philadelphia, PA

One thing I wish we learned in school was how to create a board game. Playing board games with my family is so much fun, and I really want to make one of my own. It would be a really interesting course as you could first learn the history of board games, from chess and checkers to Catan and Scythe. Then you could learn the different mechanics of fun games as you play them and learn strategic thinking. Then you could learn the probability of games. Then finally you would make you own board game. This covers a bunch of educational and creative topics in a fun way.

- Ray, J.R. Masterman

As a musician, music theory is not only interesting to me but also something I will need in college, so having more knowledge now will help me then. I've talked to my orchestra teacher about it, and he shared the same sentiment I have, that it is unlikely. None of the music teachers have another block they could use to teach, and they aren't going to give up others for a course not many people would take. So, I have to accept the fact that anything I learn I will have to teach myself.

- Finnian L, Hoggard High School, Wilmington, NC

I really wish that my school offered a full year advanced placement class for forensic science. I really wish to pursue this as a career choice, and I feel that since it was only a half year standard division class, my teacher was not able to really teach me all that I wished to learn. While my teacher was excellent, and actually inspired me to pursue this career choice, she was not able to teach me all the things I am sure she would like to teach me in the short amount of time we had. I would love to have more hands on experiences, and to really explore all the fields of forensics for more time than just a couple of days, barely scraping the surface. I find it extremely interesting, and I feel that other people would enjoy it as well.

In school, I would love to learn about Greek Mythology. It is like an amazing book series, only it isn't a book and it is a story told by people thousands of years ago. There are many characters and places; many events and objects. There'd be so much to learn about. It would be very fun to act out different moments as a play, in my opinion. I wish my school had more diverse subjects instead of the basic math, science, literacy and social studies.

- Leonardo Gagliardi, J.R. Masterman

We asked students to tell us what they believed the above image from our Picture Prompt " You" was saying. They told us about the importance of individuality and originality and the dangers of conformity, seeking others' approval, and not being yourself.

You. Not everyone, but still not no one. Just you. You can't always count on other people to do everything, but you also can't count on no one. You have to do something. You have to make a change. You have to take initiative to do the task at hand.

I believe this image is trying to say that we should focus on ourselves. We are the only ones who matter. We should not be worried about what everyone else is doing or what everyone else thinks. Your biggest priority should be yourself above anyone else. You should still be there for people, but you still need to find a way to put yourself first at times.

To me this picture embodies something I feel very strongly about. The top two words, 'EVERYONE' and 'NO ONE', are crossed out leaving the bottom word, 'YOU', circled. Thinking solely about the needs of others isn't healthy for a person. People who seek to please every possible person will come across every possible conflict of interest. The greatest being their own, if they ever find the courage to seek what they want instead of what others do.

This image shows individuality. Finding yourself in the midst of millions following the crowd. There are two black lines marking out "Everyone" and "No one."From my interpretation, this means you shouldn't strive to be like everyone else nor should you go out of your way to be like no one else. For example, don't dye your hair a certain color just because everyone else is, but also don't dye your hair an unpopular color you don't even like just so you can be seen as different or "opposing the system."Just be you. Do what you like without influence from anyone else or pressure to do the opposite from everyone.

- Eliana D, Hoggard High School in Wilmington, NC

This photo is very intriguing to me. The fact that it's written in what looks like Sharpie makes me think of how you can't change who you truly are. It's written on a napkin, which makes me wonder if it means that you are allowed to make mistakes, since napkins are what clean up people's mistakes and messes.

I see this photo and I think of acting for yourself, and not caring about other people's opinions. I truly believe this is something that my generation needs to focus on more. In this day and age, it is hard to think for ourselves. Social media is constantly influencing us to do things that we most likely would not do without. I'm guilty of this also. When I go out, I take photos with my friends for the specific reason of posting them on Instagram for other people to see. If I didn't have social media, I know that I wouldn't care if I looked good in a photo or even taking photos, but I do, because that's what technology has "trained" me to do.

After reading the article I saw that it was referring to this generations desire to be like everyone else and conform to the "trends." Everyone falls into this trap of invalidation where we base our self worth on the number of likes our post gets or how many compliments we get on our outfit in a day. The thing is most of the time, the version of ourself we dress for or post for is a subcategory of trends that we put ourselves into the "e-boys/girls" the "VSCO girls" "Horse girls" "preppy kids" etc etc and we call this our personality. But our true style and true self can't be locked down into one category of style, personality, or aura.

I used to care so much about what others thought about me to the point where I would change myself around so many different people that when I was alone, I couldn't even remember who I really was anymore. I lost my outgoing, loud, creative, and goofy self that made me who I was. I became a girl that would curse to fit in or wear clothes that I didn't even like. I became lost in the crowd of "everyone."

When I moved across the country two years ago I was stripped away from the girl I had become. I decided I was going to be myself no matter what and if people didn't like me for me, then they wouldn't have to surround themselves near me. Now, I am able to be openly bisexual, wear the clothes I want, fight for what's right in the world, and have my true morals and personality back.

I think this image is saying to think for yourself. In middle school, there can be a lot of peer pressure to do things. This image reminds me to do what I think is right. Sometimes, if you yourself don't step up, no one will.

It makes me think about how in class, sometimes a student will be afraid to ask a question. But sometimes, once the student gathers enough courage to ask the question, the class will erupt into "Ohhhs" and "I get it now." The one person who asked the question helped everybody.

In psychology, there is a concept known as Maslow's hierarchy of needs. This concept states that before you can achieve Self-actualization, you need to have your other needs fulfilled such as safety, love and belonging, and self esteem. The trouble is that many people try to figure out who they are meant to be before achieving their other needs, especially in the case of self esteem. This is why not many people grasp the full ideology of this image. They are forced by peer pressure to be compared to everyone else, leaving no time for them to develop a sense of love an belonging.

I find it hard to branch out and do things now on my own because I am scared I will be looked at a certain way. Even when it comes to wearing things to school that I don't usually wear, I always feel uncomfortable in what I am in. Even when it comes to the small things, like reading something aloud for the class, I still tend to get anxious about. I think that it is important to care about what others think about you, so you can set boundaries, but I also think it is important to take time to do the things that you want to do.

For example, I have always wanted to just spontaneously dye my hair but am afraid of what my friends might think of me the next day at school. I know that I would end up hating myself later on for it, but it would be something that would be different for the time being.

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What Students Are Saying About Reparations, What They Want to Learn in School, and Individuality (Published 2019)

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current events conversation Teenage comments in response to our recent writing prompts, and an invitation to join the ongoing conversation. In this week's roundup of student comments on our writing prompts, we asked young people to weigh in on whether the United States owes reparations to the descendants of slaves, tell us what they wished they could learn in school, and reflect on their identities.

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El académico indígeno, Nick Estes, habla sobre el cambio climático y la liberación indígena. 

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El académico indígeno, Nick Estes, habla sobre el cambio climático y la liberación indígena. 

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No necesariamente reparaciones, pero es pertinente en el sentido de que se trata de la justicia restaurativa.

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2016 was the hottest year on record - so far. It also marked historic Indigenous-led protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline at Standing Rock.

But Indigenous resistance didn' t begin or end there. What did begin there was Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's successful bid for Congress, and an Indigenous-led movement that galvanized the popular forces behind the Green New Deal, legislation that she introduced with Senator Ed Markey earlier this year. Ocasio-Cortez is herself a Water Protector, having visited the prayer camps, and Standing Rock was part of a recent constellation of Indigenous uprisings across North America and the US-occupied Pacific: Unist'ot'en Camp (2010), Keystone XL (2011), Idle No More (2012), Trans Mountain (2013), Enbridge Line 3 (2014), Save Oak Flat (2015), Protect Mauna Kea (2015), Nihígaal Bee Iiná (2015), and Bayou Bridge (2017), among many others.

Each movement rises against colonial and corporate extractive projects. But what's often downplayed is the revolutionary potency of what Indigenous resistance stands for: caretaking and creating just relations between human and nonhuman worlds on a planet thoroughly devastated by capitalism.

After all, the image of the Water Protector and the slogan "water is life," which were popularized at Standing Rock, are icons of this generation's climate justice movement. And both are political positions not exclusively Indigenous, but grounded in decolonization. If Indigenous movements are foundational to climate justice, then why isn't decolonization as well?

The Green New Deal (GND), which looks and sounds like eco-socialism, offers a real chance at galvanizing popular support for both. While anti-capitalist in spirit and paying lip service to decolonization, it must go further - and so too must the movements that support it.

That's why the Red Nation, a Native resistance organization I helped cofound in 2014, recently drafted a skeleton outline of what we're calling the Red Deal, focusing on Indigenous treaty rights, land restoration, sovereignty, self-determination, decolonization, and liberation. We don't envision it as a counter program to the GND but rather going beyond it - "'Red' because it prioritizes Indigenous liberation, on one hand, and a revolutionary left position on the other."

The GND has the potential to connect every social justice struggle - free housing, free health care, free education, green jobs - to climate change. Likewise, the Red Deal places anti-capitalism and decolonization as central to each social justice struggle as well as climate change. The necessity of such a program is grounded in both the history and future of this land, and it entails the radical transformation of all social relations between humans and the earth.

Indigenous history provides a useful guide on the pitfalls of "new deals." The first New Deal - or the Indian New Deal, as it was known - had mixed results. It brought jobs to reservations that never had them, improved infrastructure or built it where it was absent, and, in some instances, partially restored buffalo herds that had been annihilated by the military and hunters a generation ago.

The 1934 Indian Reorganization Act ended allotment and repealed a ban on dancing and spiritual practices. It also provided the means to create federally recognized tribal councils, which, in some cases, replaced customary governments.

"The Sioux had climbed from absolute deprivation to mere poverty," Standing Rock intellectual Vine Deloria Jr said, describing the changes for his people, "and it was the best time the reservation ever had."

Elsewhere it was an engineered nightmare. In the Navajo Nation, Indian agents slaughtered more than half the reservation's livestock. This included about half a million sheep that provided not only income and food but had also been integrated as a central facet of Diné culture and worldview. It was a top-down environmental conservation plan that came directly from Washington, with the logic that settlers can manage Native lands and lives better than Native people.

In 1933, Franklin Delano Roosevelt authorized the National Industrial Recovery Act, and with it an Army Corps of Engineers project to construct the Fort Peck Dam on the Missouri River, providing employment for ten thousand white workers to pull Montana's economy out of the gutter. Hailed as a beacon of progress and a savior of the region, hydroelectricity was the era's shimmering "renewable energy." The largest dam on earth at the time of its completion, Fort Peck removed 350 Dakota, Nakota, and Assiniboine families from the Fort Peck Indian Reservation. LIFE magazine's first ever cover story featured a photo spread of the dam's transient work camp, capturing the rugged ethos of the time. One photo depicted a well-dressed white woman taking a shot of liquor at a bar. Above her hung a portrait of FDR captioned "A GALLANT LEADER" next to a sign that read "NO BEER SOLD TO INDIANS."

Fort Peck's success galvanized widespread support for the 1944 Pick-Sloan Plan, which aimed to provide postwar employment by authorizing the Army Corps of Engineers to construct five earthen-rolled hydroelectric dams on the Missouri River. To make way for the dams, an entire river ecosystem was destroyed, and more than a thousand Native families were removed. In the Fort Berthold reservation, four-fifths of the tribe was removed, and 94 percent of their agricultural lands were flooded. In Lakota and Dakota communities, 75 percent of the indigenous plant and wildlife was destroyed; 90 percent of commercial timber was lost; and one-third of the reservation-based populations were removed - all for hydroelectric power for far-off cities, irrigation for settler farmers, and flood control for downriver states. It was a convergence of the military-industrial complex, a recolonization of Native lands and waters by a branch of the military through near-wartime levels of economic and political mobilization.

But Pick-Sloan didn't happen in a vacuum; it was part of a broader national energy infrastructure development plan. In the 1930s, the Bonneville, John Day, and Dalles dams on the Columbia River flooded Nez Perce, Umatilla, Yakama, and Warm Springs tribes. In 1965, the Kinzua Dam in New York forcibly dislocated more than 600 Senecas. And an "energy sacrifice zone," the Nixon-era term coined by the National Academy of Sciences, described the Shoshone and Paiute lands taken for nuclear testing at the Nevada Test Site, a 1,360-square-mile "reservation" that was bombed 928 times - nearly half the world's nuclear explosions. The spirit of these times frequently gets forgotten: freedom for some is unfreedom for others.

Why is it easier for some to imagine the end of fossil fuels but not settler colonialism? To imagine green economies and carbon-free, wind turbine, solar power, and electric bullet train utopias but not the return of Indigenous lands? It's not an either/or scenario. Both are possible - and necessary.

The question of restoring Indigenous land to Indigenous people is thoroughly political, which means the theft of it was - and is - not inevitable or beyond our current capacities to resolve. The same goes for reparations, ending the hardening of the US border, US imperialism, and the continued exploitation of resources and labor in the Global South by countries in the North. "The issue is that accumulation-based societies don't like the answers we come up with because they are not quick technological fixes, they are not easy," Anishnaabeg intellectual Leanne Betasamosake Simpson said in a recent interview.

Fifty years ago, decolonization - nations freeing themselves from colonial rule - and land reform inspired global visions for a socialist future, advancing the class struggle further than it has ever gone by raising the living standards of billions in the Global South. Some Western socialists seem to have abandoned that future in favor of mining asteroids. We need a revolution of values that re-centers relationships to one another and the earth over profits.

Some advocates of the GND propose implementing a 70 percent tax hike on the wealthiest. Others argue that seizing the assets of fossil fuel companies and reallocating money and resources away from state institutions directly contributing to climate change and social inequality must also be part of the agenda. Inspired by the appeals to divest from the financial institutions funding oil pipelines during the Standing Rock uprising and the Movement for Black Lives' divest-invest strategy, the Red Deal also targets the institutions of the military, police, and prisons for divestment. Imagine divesting from these institutions and opening up $1 trillion to accomplish the task of saving this earth for everyone.

Last December, White Earth activist Winona LaDuke pushed for an Indigenous-led GND. The former Green Party vice presidential candidate inspired us to think about how divesting from fossil-fuel infrastructure - such as billion-dollar oil pipelines - could be reinvested into building wind and solar farms and sustainable agriculture reservations. The most radical appraisals of the GND come from Indigenous people. According to the Indigenous Environmental Network (IEN), the GND, as is, "will leave incentives by industries and governments to continue causing harms to Indigenous communities." Before endorsing, IEN calls for a clear commitment to keep fossil fuels in the ground; rejecting carbon pricing schemes; strengthening the language on Indigenous peoples; and stopping, not prolonging, our current exploitative and abusive economic and political systems.

A complete moratorium on all new fossil fuel extraction - a long-standing demand by Indigenous environmental organizations to "keep it in the ground"-would cause a ruling-class rebellion. The recent slurry of anti-protest laws from state to state suggests it already has. This is familiar: Indigenous peoples pose a radical threat to the fossil-fuel industry - at the site of extraction and transportation - yet their demands seem to be marginalized within the mainstream environmental movement.

Prison abolition and an end to border imperialism are key aspects of the Red Deal, for good reason. The GND calls for the creation of millions of "green" jobs. In the United States today, however, about 70 million people - nearly one-third of adults - have some kind of criminal conviction, whether or not they've served time, that prevents them from holding certain kinds of jobs. If we add this number of people to the approximately 8 million undocumented migrants, the sum is about half the US workforce, two-thirds of whom are not white. Half of the workforce faces employment discrimination because of mass criminalization and incarceration.

The terrorization of black, Indigenous, Latino, migrant, and poor communities by border enforcement agencies and the police drives down wages and disciplines poor people, whether or not they are working, by keeping them in a state of perpetual uncertainty and precariousness. As extreme weather and imperialist interventions continue to fuel migration, especially from Central America, the policies of punishment - such as walls, detention camps, and increased border security - continue to feed capital with cheap, throwaway lives. The question of citizenship - what right does a colonizing settler nation have to say who does and doesn't belong? - is something that will have to be thoroughly challenged as a "legal" privilege to life chances. Equitable access to employment and social care must break down imperial borders, not reproduce them.

The only reference to national security in the current GND calls climate change "a threat multiplier." The Pentagon used the same language in a 2015 congressional report detailing how all strategic commands are, as a matter of necessity, integrating climate change into their global counterinsurgency operations. The Intelligence Community's 2019 "Worldwide Threat Assessment" warns environmental degradation and climate change "are likely to fuel competition for resources, economic distress, and social discontent" in the present and near future by "threatening infrastructure, health, and water and food security."

And, according to a June 2019 intelligence briefing that Trump tried to suppress, the State Department cautions that, because of climate change, "local problems" in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and Central and Southeast Asia make these regions especially vulnerable for unrest that "could spill over with global consequences." The goal, then, is containment. The "threat multiplier" is 22 million potential climate refugees. The military - which has long produced reports about climate impacts - is already "going green" by focusing on national security, which means protecting the welfare of wealthy countries (specifically US citizens) and their economic interests while portraying those in poor countries, who suffer the worst effects of warming temperatures, as security threats.

The militarization of first-world "humanitarianism" has to end. Internationalism, the making of just and peaceful relations with the nations of this world, must be based on solidarity that transcends borders and decenters the imperial core. The Green Party's 2012 version of the GND platform envisioned cutting the bloated US military budget in half - which would still make US military spending the highest in the world and nearly twice as much as China's. The US military, with nearly 800 bases worldwide in more than seventy countries and territories, plays no positive role in the world, even at half its capacity. The US militarization of the globe has to end. We can start by defunding the US military and reallocating its resources to the parts of the world and the people the United States has destroyed, destabilized, or dispossessed.

A new, green economy - one that will be, if Indigenous peoples have anything to say about it, a "caretaking economy" - is the antithesis to a militarized extractive economy, what we Lakotas call "owasicu owe," the fat-taker, the colonizer, the capitalist economy; or what White Earth activist Winona LaDuke calls the "Weitiko" - a cannibal economy. If prisons, police, and the military are the caretakers of violence, then educators, health-care workers, counselors, Water Protectors, and Land Defenders are caretakers of human and non-human relations. Compare the pay gaps between carceral and military workers (mostly men) to that of care workers (mostly women), and you'll see the values of this current society.

This caretaking economy is already in place. Three-quarters of land-based environments and two-thirds of marine environments have been affected by capitalist development, but environmental degradation has been less severe in places managed by Indigenous peoples and local communities, a UN report recently found. While making up only 5 percent of the world's population, Indigenous peoples also protect 80 percent of the planet's biodiversity. Indigenous peoples and local communities who have distinct cultural and social ties to ancestral homelands and bioregions still caretake at least a quarter of the world's land area. This includes places that are the lungs of the world, such as the Amazon rainforest, and its veins, like the Missouri River Basin - areas facing existential threats of deforestation, damming, water contamination, oil and gas development, and mining. Indigenous people protect the land, air, and water we all need to live. This is why Indigenous environmental activists are so severely criminalized and targeted for assassination in response to our organizing throughout the world - we are always in the way.

In the United States, Indigenous caretakers have been the most confrontational arm of the environmental movement by blocking the construction of oil pipelines. The flurry of new federal and state laws specifically targets this tactic. Following the Standing Rock protests, eight states have passed American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)-inspired "critical infrastructure" laws criminalizing the protesting of oil pipelines. New legislation proposed by Trump would make "inhibiting the operation" of an oil pipeline, such as simply standing in the way of construction, an offense punishable with twenty years in prison.

South Dakota's "Next Generation Model" legislation, which was drafted by Republican governor Kristi Noem in collaboration with the Keystone XL parent company TC Energy, goes beyond the ALEC model. It creates new civil penalties for "riot boosting," which include anyone who "directs, advises, encourages, or solicits other persons participating in the riot." The goal is simple: chill resistance by criminalizing Lakota Water Protectors fighting an oil pipeline trespassing through their treaty territory.

The decriminalization of Indigenous caretakers is a fundamental priority, if we're going to have a chance at defeating the fossil-fuel industry and preserving what keeps us alive, the earth itself.

The best forms of environmental policy come from the bottom up. In North America, it begins with the land, a major source of wealth and inequality. As Dina Gilio-Whitaker from the Colville Confederated Tribes argues in her book As Long as the Grass Grows, settler state conservation policies stem from "protecting" slivers of nature by killing and removing Indigenous peoples from the land to create nature reserves, national and state parks, and "public lands." Under Trump's administration, millions of acres of this land have been opened for oil and gas extraction, threatening Indigenous sacred sites and surrounding communities.

But private landownership has been equally devastating. The Homestead Act of 1862 carved up 270 million acres of Indigenous territory for white settlers. The invaders pulverized buffalo skulls into fertilizer for their plots - the sacred animals slaughtered by the millions to near extinction to starve Indigenous peoples off the land. Once cleared and settled, homesteading produced wealth for generations of white settlers, while black, Native, and non-white people were categorically excluded. Where there weren't crops, industrial feedlots and grazing pastures for cattle replaced open-range buffalo herds. Large-scale industrial farming raises ethical questions not about how these animals die but about how they live, and how customary agriculture and indigenous animals are sacrificed for meat and dairy consumption.

Today, white settlers own 96 percent of all agricultural lands and 98 percent of privately owned land in the United States.

In 1970, Vine Deloria Jr candidly spelled out the problem, and even suggested a solution to North American settlers. "It just seems to a lot of Indians that this continent was a lot better off when we were running it," he wrote in the New York Times. Perhaps liberal-minded readers of that era thought it was clever word play, the posturing of a Red Power militant - attention-grabbing sloganeering, but not a serious political demand. To the original people of this land, it was truth and prophecy: no society can ever have an ethical relationship to a place it stole. And today, Deloria's words sound more like rational environmental policy when compared to what's been on offer: a "drive it like you stole it" mentality or, more accurately, a "live on it like you stole it" attitude.

Under current US laws, Indigenous sovereignty provides limited recourse. Tribes themselves represent a third sovereignty next to states and federal authority. The imperialist foundation of federal Indian law, however, severely limits the exercise of self-government. Racist and colonial legal doctrines - such as doctrine of discovery, the domestic dependent nation status, and plenary power - and oversight by the Bureau of Indian Affairs reveal that Indigenous-US relations are colonial to the core and centered on the acquisition of the land. The successive stages of Indian policy - allotment, citizenship, tribal enrollment, termination, and "self-determination" (our current era) - have also, in various ways, presented colonial domination as a form of empowerment, to enable Indigenous consent for their own dispossession. In the 1970s, for example, the Nixon administration reversed the trend of terminating the federal status and introduced a new direction of "Indian self-determination." Despite the name change, Indigenous peoples and lands today, however, are no more "self-determined," but remain under federal control. The complexities of Indian law and policy are due for a complete overhaul and the abandonment of colonial principles. In other words, it would require the reestablishment of Indigenous laws and governance.

This isn't just an Indian problem. If every struggle were made into a climate struggle, then every struggle in North America must be made into a struggle for decolonization. The solutions offered in the Red Deal must entail a social revolution that turns back the forces of destruction. It must penetrate the economic and cultural realms with equal urgency and force. Indigenous peoples should be empowered to develop and implement restorative practices according to their own customs and traditions. This is the vision of the Red Deal, uniting Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in common struggle.

The energies and passions of Indigenous peoples at the forefront of resisting extractive capitalism should inspire everyone, as the Water Protectors inspired a generation of climate justice revolutionaries. But Indigenous demands for the restoration of land, air, and water are not only a signal for the return of land, but also the return of justice. Until then, it is all talk.

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2016 was the hottest year on record - so far. It also marked historic Indigenous-led protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline at Standing Rock. But Indigenous resistance didn' t begin or end there.

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Recuerda Julián Casanova, uno de los historiadores de referencia del siglo XX en España, que la generación de investigadores de la transición llegó a obsesionarse con la II República y la Guerra Civil después de 40 años de silencio académico impuesto por la dictadura. La república, el golpe, la guerra, el exilio... Y fue el hispanista Paul Preston el que le advirtió del error que estaban cometiendo los jóvenes historiadores españoles en democracia: "El verdadero desconocido, lo que realmente está por investigar, es el franquismo". Cuatro décadas después de que casi medio Madrid abarrotara el Palacio Real para llorar, curiosear o atestiguar el ataúd de Francisco Franco, la siguiente generación de historiadores, la que nació después de aquel primer 20 N, ha dado un paso más y se pregunta si la gran desconocida no fue la transición a una democracia que ascendió a todos los poderosos con Franco.

Un replanteamiento histórico de la transición que llevó al politólogo y periodista Lluc Salellas (Girona 1984) a publicar El franquisme que no marxa (Edicions Saldonar) (El franquismo que no marcha). El libro investiga cómo le fue a los que mandaban durante la dictadura. "Investigué las vidas de los últimos 50 ministros de Franco y encontré que ninguno fue degradado por la democracia. Al revés, la mitad fueron a parar a los consejos de administración de las grandes empresas, la otra mitad a la política", explica.

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Los altos cargos del franquismo que acabaron mandando también en democracia

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Recuerda Julián Casanova, uno de los historiadores de referencia del siglo XX en España, que la generación de investigadores de la transición llegó a obsesionarse con la II República y la Guerra Civil después de 40 años de silencio académico impuesto por la dictadura. La república, el golpe, la guerra, el exilio...

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El Comité de Derechos Humanos de Naciones Unidas solicitó este jueves a España que derogue o enmiende la Ley de Amnistía de 1977 para que se puedan investigar todas las violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidas en el pasado.

España se sometió el pasado 6 de julio al escrutinio del Comité, que vela por el cumplimiento del Pacto Internacional de Derechos Civiles y Políticos, y hoy el organismo ha presentado sus conclusiones.

El Comité muestra su "preocupación por la posición del Estado parte de mantener en vigor la Ley de Amnistía de 1977, que impide la investigación de las violaciones de los derechos humanos del pasado, en particular los delitos de tortura, desapariciones forzadas y ejecuciones sumarias".

Es por ello que el organismo "reitera su recomendación en el sentido de que se derogue la Ley de Amnistía o se la enmiende para hacerla plenamente compatible con las disposiciones del pacto".

Asimismo, los expertos del Comité se dicen "preocupados por las lagunas y deficiencias en la regulación de los procedimientos de búsqueda, exhumación e identificación de personas desaparecidas".

En particular, por el hecho de que la localización e identificación de personas desaparecidas "se dejan a cargo de la iniciativa de los familiares, y por las desigualdades que de ello resulta para las víctimas dependiendo de la región de que se trate".

Además, los expertos critican que haya dificultades para el acceso a los archivos, especialmente los militares.

Ante esta situación, el Comité pide a España que impulse activamente las investigaciones respecto de todas las violaciones a los derechos humanos del pasado.

"El Estado parte debe velar por que en estas investigaciones se identifique a los responsables, se los enjuicie y se les impongan sanciones apropiadas, proporcionales a la gravedad de los crímenes y se repare a las víctimas".

Otro de los temas que más preocupa al Comité es el de las llamadas "devoluciones en caliente de inmigrantes" en las fronteras de Ceuta y Melilla.

"Al Comité le preocupa que dichas expulsiones sumarias se realizan sin las garantías suficientes para que se respete el principio de no devolución, cuando corresponda. El Comité también está preocupado por informes que dan cuenta de casos de solicitantes de asilo no sirios en que se les niega el acceso a las oficinas de asilo en Ceuta y Melilla".

Ante esta situación, los expertos instan a España a que "revise" la Ley de Seguridad Ciudadana para "que garantice que todas las personas que solicitan protección internacional tengan acceso a procedimientos de evaluación justos e individualizados".

En el mismo contexto, los expertos mostraron su preocupación respecto a "frecuentes informes que dan cuenta de denuncias de malos tratos durante las operaciones de expulsión de inmigrantes, incluyendo solicitantes de asilo en Ceuta y Melilla, tanto por las autoridades españolas como por las autoridades marroquíes que actúan en territorio español".

El informe también se refiere a la privación de libertad de inmigrantes en situación irregular y pide "evitar la detención de los solicitantes de asilo, y garantizar que la detención de los extranjeros sea siempre razonable, necesaria y proporcionada en vista de sus circunstancias individuales".

Con respecto al régimen de incomunicación de los detenidos, el Comité "recomienda nuevamente que se tomen las medidas legislativas necesarias para eliminarlo".

Por otra parte, el Comité "observa con preocupación las denuncias de uso excesivo de la fuerza, incluyendo tortura y malos tratos, por parte de agentes del Estado, en particular en el marco de protestas ciudadanas".

Especialmente, los expertos critican "las debilidades en las investigaciones de denuncias y sanciones", y expresa preocupación por la concesión de indultos a policías condenados por el delito de tortura, "lo cual contribuye a una sensación de impunidad por parte de los agentes del Estado".

Es por ello que el Comité insta a España a "prohibir en su ordenamiento jurídico la concesión de indultos a las personas declaradas culpables por el delito de tortura".

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La ONU insta a España a derogar la Ley de Amnistía e investigar los crímenes del franquismo

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Lo ha solicitado el Comité de Derechos Humanos, que se muestra preocupado por que no se hayan aclarado ejecuciones y desapariciones del pasadoDestaca que la localización e identificación de personas desaparecidas "se dejan a cargo de la iniciativa de los familiares"

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Reparaciones para los pueblos indígenas de América

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Reparaciones para los pueblos indígenas de América

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Desde que los europeos han robado la tierra a los nativos americanos, desde entonces no se ha otorgado ninguna compensación a los nativos. Durante años, han luchado por la tierra y se les ha dejado vivir en paz. A medida que el mundo se ha vuelto más progresivo, más personas están escuchando sus necesidades. Seattle ahora está dando dinero a una tribu nativo. Darle dinero a estas personas es el primer paso para mejorar los errores que Estados Unidos ha hecho.
-ayla

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SEATTLE (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - Every month, business coach Maggie Karshner makes three rent payments: one for her apartment, another for her office and the third to the Duwamish tribe.

The Duwamish are an indigenous group of about 700 people whose ancestral lands include what is now present-day Seattle, a city named after their former chief.

They gave up 54,000 acres (21,800 hectares) of land to the U.S. government under the terms of an 1855 treaty but were never resettled onto a reservation, according to Jolene Haas, head of Duwamish Tribal Services.

Not legally recognised as a Native American group by the government, the Duwamish have been rendered a so-called "landless tribe" that does not benefit from federal assistance to indigenous people, she added.

In an effort to fill that gap, Karshner is one of more than 2,700 people in greater Seattle who choose to make a monthly contribution through a grassroots initiative called Real Rent Duwamish.

The project is part of a growing movement of individuals, groups and businesses across the country who are voluntarily making up for unpaid reparations.

For Karshner, whose ancestors settled in Washington state in the 19th century, the $12 she pays every month is a small but symbolic gesture to atone for the role her family had in expropriating indigenous land.

"My family history is one of taking Native people's land repeatedly," she said. "Even though I didn't do that, I know that some of what my family used to send me to college came from the benefits my family got from that."

Real Rent Duwamish celebrates its second anniversary on Oct. 14, the federal Columbus Day holiday.

Some local jurisdictions, including Seattle, have redesignated it as Indigenous Peoples' Day to reflect that Native Americans were living on the continent before Christopher Columbus' 15th century arrival.

'OUR DUTY'

In September, about 50 "real renters" gathered for a thank-you ceremony inside the Duwamish tribe's longhouse, a graceful cedar building located near a former traditional Duwamish village turned industrial site.

Tribal members sang, played drums and lifted their hands, a traditional gesture of gratitude.

They served salmon and frybread to their guests, whose donations have so far helped pay for upgrades to the tribe's headquarters, the development of materials to teach their history in schools and the hiring of extra staff, said Haas.

"The contributions that Real Rent has given to the Duwamish tribe have been significant," she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation, declining to reveal how much in total has been donated so far.

"It's given us a level of stability that the tribe hasn't seen in a very long time and really elevated our tribe's presence here in Seattle."

The ongoing struggle to secure federal recognition for the tribe was a major motivator for Patrick Tefft, one of the original organisers of the Real Rent campaign.

"Since the federal government refuses to do the right thing and live by its own words of the Treaty of Point Elliott (of 1855) ... this is an opportunity for myself and others to play a local role and impact on a grassroots level," said Tefft.

He said he pays $18.55 monthly in honour of the treaty.

Working with the Duwamish has changed the very notion of land ownership for Tefft, who owns a house in Seattle with his husband. The couple, who have no children, are considering leaving their property to the tribe in their will.

"Is it our duty - or certainly our option - to potentially turn land that is currently privately owned back to the collective, back to the local indigenous (people)?" Tefft asked at the celebratory luncheon.

The U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs did not respond to several requests for comment.

In July, it announced that it would not reconsider its 2015 decision to deny recognition to the Duwamish, when it said there was a "lack of evidence concerning the continuous existence of a 'distinct American-Indian community' and 'tribal political influence or authority'".

TIP OF THE ICEBERG

The idea of people reaching into their own pockets to pay reparations is slowly gaining steam across the continent.

The organisers of some small-scale events like concerts in New York and Oregon have asked white patrons to pay extra to help cover the costs for people of colour who were attending.

In April, students at the prestigious Georgetown University in Washington, D.C. voted to increase tuition fees to pay reparations to the descendants of enslaved Africans who were sold by the school's Jesuit administrators in 1838.

In Canada, the government has taken responsibility for reparations, announcing in 2017 that it will pay up to C$750 million ($560 million) to thousands of aboriginals who were forcibly removed as children from their families decades ago.

In 1971, the U.S. government paid $64 each to about 1,000 Duwamish descendants.

Several decades later, Real Rent Duwamish hopes to start making up the difference.

And its efforts have attracted widespread attention, fielding inquiries from like-minded groups in California, Massachusetts and Canada, according to Chandra Farlow, one of the Real Rent organisers.

"Something like Real Rent, where people ... are paying some kind of symbolic rent to indigenous people who are not federally acknowledged is just a tiny, tiny tip of an iceberg when we're talking about colonial genocide," she said.

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judicial process / court cases / court decisions

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'Symbolic rent': Seattle residents pay reparations to Native American tribe

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SEATTLE (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - Every month, business coach Maggie Karshner makes three rent payments: one for her apartment, another for her office and the third to the Duwamish tribe. The Duwamish are an indigenous group of about 700 people whose ancestral lands include what is now present-day Seattle, a city named after their former chief.

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Monumento a las víctimas del campo del Mauthausen (Almería)

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Monumento a las víctimas del campo del Mauthausen (Almería)

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Cerca de 1.500 andaluces pasaron por el campo de concentración nazi de Mauthausen. Solo un tercio logró salir con vida. Sin saber muy bien el destino que elegir y en medio de dos guerras en las que se jugaron la vida de igual manera, muchos republicanos andaluces marcharían para cruzar la frontera.

A su llegada encontrarían pésimas condiciones de vida en los campos de concentración de las playas del Rosellón. En otoño de 1939, finalizó el calvario para empezar un drama mayor como prisioneros de guerra de Hitler a partir de su triunfo en la Francia de 1940.
by Ester Alías C1.2

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Cerca de 1.500 andaluces pasaron por el campo de concentración nazi de Mauthausen. Solo un tercio logró salir con vida. Sin saber muy bien el destino que elegir y en medio de dos guerras en las que se jugaron la vida de igual manera, muchos republicanos andaluces marcharían para cruzar la frontera.

A su llegada encontrarían pésimas condiciones de vida en los campos de concentración de las playas del Rosellón. En otoño de 1939, finalizó el calvario para empezar un drama mayor como prisioneros de guerra de Hitler a partir de su triunfo en la Francia de 1940.

Ni los supervivientes se explican cómo lograron resistir con vida en aquel lugar al que llegaron después de pasar todo tipo de calamidades. Los montaron en un tren de ganado, casi sin oxígeno, que rodó durante días. Nadie sabía si los estaban trasladando a España o a otro país. Tras ser hechos prisioneros por los alemanes en el sur de Francia, las SS se marcaron el objetivo de exterminar a todos los republicanos en aquellos campos de la muerte.

Antonio Muñoz Zamora fue el último superviviente almeriense del campo de Mauthausen, y uno de los principales impulsores de la construcción del monumento que da hoy homenaje a las víctimas de este campo en el Parque de las Almadrabillas, junto al antiguo carguero de mineral de la capital almeriense.

Zamora logró salir con vida del campo de concentración de Mauthausen, con tan solo 29 kilos de peso. "Chupamos hasta las piedras los últimos días para resistir y que llegara la liberación", decía. Regresó a España en 1963.

Fuentes y Bibliografía

DEL RÍO, Ángel, CHECA, Sandra y MARTÍN, Ricardo. Andaluces en los campos de Mauthausen. Fundación Centro de Estudios Andaluces, 2006.

Documental "Memoria de las cenizas".

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Junta de Andalucía - Monumento a las víctimas del campo del Mauthausen (Almería)

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Cerca de 1.500 andaluces pasaron por el campo de concentración nazi de Mauthausen. Solo un tercio logró salir con vida. Sin saber muy bien el destino que elegir y en medio de dos guerras en las que se jugaron la vida de igual manera, muchos republicanos andaluces marcharían para cruzar la frontera.

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Leyendo los artículos sobre los intentos de reparación a los descendientes de los esclavos afroamericanos en EUA, me ha venido a la memoria la expulsión de los sefardíes de la Península Ibérica durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos hace ya más de 5 siglos. ¿Se debería reparar de alguna forma más allá del derecho a la nacionalidad española?

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¿Y qué hay de la memoria histórica en Latinoamérica?

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¿Y qué hay de la memoria histórica en Latinoamérica?

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Foto: Anyone's Child.
Durante las décadas de 1970 y 1980, mientras la región se encontraba sumida en numerosas dictaduras militares, y los conflictos entre grupos guerrilleros y fuerzas paramilitares se abrían paso en su desaforada historia política, comenzaron a germinar en ella múltiples iniciativas de memoria y olvido. Estas primeras iniciativas de la sociedad civil, posteriormente institucionalizadas dentro de los poderes ejecutivo, legislativo y judicial de los Estados, jugaron un papel central en la tematización de las experiencias de descomunal violencia y terror vividas en la región.

Para responder a la necesidad urgente de reunir pruebas sobre las violaciones de derechos humanos, llegaron a complementar, e incluso a reemplazar las funciones del Estado en tiempos de regímenes autoritarios, vislumbrando, a su vez, la posibilidad de alcanzar la paz. La resistencia de la sociedad latinoamericana-cuyo ímpetu ha sido ampliamente documentado y ha consistido en todo tipo de acciones institucionales y extra-institucionales dirigidas a la rendición de cuentas y a fortalecer el Estado de derecho-dejó huellas que continúan, hasta el día de hoy, configurando el debate político y el papel de la sociedad civil en tiempos de represión estatal y terrorismo.

Las movilizaciones ocurrieron en circunstancias de impunidad flagrante, y fueron desencadenadas por numerosos miembros de la sociedad civil, incluyendo periodistas, activistas, estudiantes, artistas, asociaciones de víctimas y sus familias, quienes actuaron en conjunto con ONGs, líderes religiosos e instituciones internacionales. Lo hicieron con el propósito de denunciar, tanto a nivel nacional como internacional, los abusos y crímenes cometidos por aquellos que ejercían el poder absoluto en sus países de origen. Al exigir el reconocimiento y la protección activa de los derechos humanos, estos grupos promovieron la comprensión de realidades complejas, a menudo inefables; reunieron los testimonios de los sobrevivientes, generando y preservando la memoria social; y años más tarde, se convirtieron en la piedra angular de las instituciones de transición, permitiendo su formación e institucionalización.

Durante ese período, alrededor de 30.000 ciudadanos fueron sometidos a tortura; forzados al exilio o desaparecidos; ejecutados de forma anónima u obligados a presenciar el secuestro de sus hijos.

El proceso conocido como la "tercera ola de democratización" dio la oportunidad de cambiar radicalmente el papel de la participación ciudadana organizada. A medida que se construyeron los cimientos de los museos de la memoria, comenzaron a surgir cada vez más innovaciones democráticas que apuntaban a la creación de entornos institucionales con el objetivo de documentar el pasado y preservar la memoria social.

Las comisiones de la verdad son el primer y más extendido modelo de colaboración entre el Estado y la sociedad civil, destinadas a la investigación, documentación y en algunos casos incluso participación en los procedimientos judiciales. El primer intento de establecer una Comisión de la Verdad ocurrió en Bolivia con la Comisión Nacional para la Investigación de Desapariciones Forzadas, pero el caso más emblemático fue seguramente el de CONADEP en Argentina, el cual comenzó a desarrollarse un año después, en 1983. La Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas se estableció después del fin del régimen militar y de la denominada "Guerra Sucia".

Durante ese período, alrededor de 30.000 ciudadanos fueron sometidos a tortura; forzados al exilio o desaparecidos; ejecutados de forma anónima u obligados a presenciar el secuestro de sus hijos como parte de las políticas antisubversivas y la represión de la disidencia del gobierno de facto. En aquella época, las prácticas que eliminaban las libertades políticas y descaradamente hacían caso omiso de los derechos humanos se extendían a lo largo de la región; sin embargo, a su vez aumentaban las valientes y decididas reivindicaciones por la justicia de la sociedad civil. Su lucha por la democracia y su deseo de cambios políticos radicales condujeron finalmente a la implementación de comisiones de investigación también en países como Chile, Guatemala, Perú, Brasil y Colombia.

Es de notar que el llamado "boom de la memoria" tuvo lugar de forma bastante irregular.

Es de notar que el llamado "boom de la memoria" tuvo lugar de forma bastante irregular: respondiendo no sólo a los contextos políticos e históricos de cada país; sino también a la fuerza de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, al alcance de sus demandas y al entorno institucional cambiante que hizo eco de ellas. Las narrativas creadas por estas iniciativas-especialmente por las comisiones de verdad-eran, al mismo tiempo, polémicas entre los distintos sectores de la sociedad latinoamericana. Estas verdades irreconciliables afectaron no sólo a las generaciones de la Guerra Fría sino que se abrieron paso a través del tiempo y continuaron a perjudicar las políticas de la memoria de las generaciones del posconflicto.

Sin embargo, hoy, a pesar de vivir en sociedades predominantemente polarizadas y fragmentadas, el papel de la participación ciudadana organizada continúa a crecer y a evolucionarse; y con ello la memoria histórica, que comenzó a transformarse, sobre todo a través de la narrativa multimedia. Nuevos espacios colaborativos han asumido el papel de reflexionar no sólo sobre los fantasmas no resueltos del pasado de la región, sino también sobre el número devastador de muertes, desapariciones y violencia de Estado; recuperando la memoria, la verdad y la justicia a través de la experimentación política.

El Proyecto Quipu, por ejemplo, -que lleva el nombre del sistema inca de nudos que solía preservar registros y narrativas-es un proyecto transmedial de memoria colectiva desarrollado por un equipo de investigadores, defensores de derechos humanos y productores de cine, junto con organizaciones de la sociedad civil y diferentes ONGs en Perú. El objetivo de esta innovación es dar voz y buscar justicia para las mujeres y los hombres que fueron víctimas de una campaña de esterilización forzada llevada a cabo durante el gobierno de Alberto Fujimori; en la que miles de personas, principalmente indígenas residentes en zonas rurales del país, fueron esterilizadas sin su consentimiento previo.

En México, el proyecto Anyone's Child recoge las voces de las familias en duelo a causa de la guerra contra las drogas, con el propósito de abogar por la legislación y la regulación de las mismas.

La particularidad de este espacio participativo es que, además de tener una plataforma en línea, también se lleva a cabo a través de diferentes tecnologías, ya que cuenta con una línea telefónica gratuita y radios locales. Estas tecnologías permiten al proyecto denunciar las violaciones de los derechos humanos perpetradas en zonas remotas del país, ya que permite que las personas que no tienen acceso a Internet compartan y escuchen los testimonios de lucha y resiliencia recopilados.

Siguiendo la misma línea, en México, el proyecto Anyone's Child recoge las voces de las familias en duelo a causa de la guerra contra las drogas, con el propósito de abogar por la legislación y la regulación de las mismas. Esta iniciativa permite a los familiares de las víctimas compartir anónimamente sus testimonios a través de una línea gratuita y escuchar las historias de los hombres y mujeres que han perdido la vida o desaparecido debido a los fuegos cruzados de la guerra.

Estas dos innovaciones abordan crímenes cometidos en diferentes momentos históricos, pero como pilar de ambos proyectos, se puede ver cómo la historia reconoce un propósito bien definido que va más allá de una concatenación de eventos. Al involucrar a los ciudadanos directamente en la defensa y denuncia de los crímenes cometidos, estas iniciativas permiten a los sobrevivientes, a sus familiares y a los activistas políticos entender los abusos pasados y presentes no como una realidad dada para ser pasivamente aceptada, sino como el reflejo de políticas fallidas y gobiernos abusivos.

Repensar las formas de participación digital y de representación ciudadana en iniciativas de conmemoración colectiva se ha hecho en América Latina desde el nivel local hasta el nacional.

La posibilidad de dar voz a un gran número de historias silenciadas y sectores históricamente marginados de la sociedad podría arrojar luz y ayudar tanto a los políticos como a los gobiernos a entender y afrontar la fuerte relación de la historia con los desafíos de hoy, así como a aumentar la calidad de la rendición de cuentas y a fortalecer el estado de derecho.

Repensar las formas de participación digital y de representación ciudadana en iniciativas de conmemoración colectiva se ha hecho en América Latina desde el nivel local hasta el nacional. En México, por ejemplo, se han creado iniciativas que buscan descubrir el número real de personas desaparecidas a nivel regional y nacional. El Registro de Ciudadanos de los Desaparecidos en Coahuila, por ejemplo, es un espacio en línea desarrollado por la organización de la sociedad civil Fuerzas Unidas por Nuestros Desaparecidos, con el objetivo de crear una base de datos de personas desaparecidas que no han adquirido el status "oficial" de desaparecido.

A nivel nacional, por otro lado, la iniciativa Ciencias Forenses Ciudadanas creó una base de datos en línea generada con la información proporcionada por los familiares de las víctimas de desapariciones forzadas. El proyecto ofrece a los miembros de la familia la posibilidad de contribuir a la construcción de un banco de ADN: el Biobanco Ciudadano Nacional de Familiares de Personas Desaparecidas. Una experiencia exitosa similar en la identificación de ADN ocurrió en Argentina en 1987, gracias al compromiso activo de las Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo en la redacción de la ley. El Banco Nacional de Datos Genéticos recoge el ADN de todos los parientes sobrevivientes de los desaparecidos y lo hace coincidir con las posibles víctimas de secuestro durante la dictadura. Esta herramienta ha demostrado ser esencial durante los procedimientos judiciales contra los perpetradores de estos crímenes. Por otro lado, toda persona que dude de su identidad y sospeche haber sido víctima de una adopción clandestina durante la dictadura puede contrastar su ADN con los archivos, con la esperanza de encontrar la identidad de sus padres desaparecidos y reunirse con sus abuelos.

Muchos de estos espacios de colaboración forman parte de una nueva ola que desafía la política representativa de la región.

Otra iniciativa interesante concebida en México es Memoria y Verdad, una plataforma y espacio virtual creado para difundir y promover el uso de la información pública existente sobre casos de presuntas violaciones de derechos humanos y crímenes de lesa humanidad. El objetivo de esta iniciativa es promover la transparencia, el derecho de acceso a la información, la garantía de no repetición, al mismo tiempo que se recuerdan aquellos que fueron víctimas de la negligencia del Estado y de la violencia generalizada.

Muchos de estos espacios de colaboración forman parte de una nueva ola que desafía la política representativa de la región; desde el desierto de Chihuahua hasta el extremo sur de la Patagonia, se han implementado más de 2.400 innovaciones políticas con el objetivo de reforzar la democracia a través de la participación ciudadana. Estas innovaciones pueden ser consultadas en l atinno.net, un proyecto que hace que la experimentación política participativa sea mensurable y comparable. Los fracasos y las victorias de los proyectos de memoria colectiva necesitan ser evaluados urgentemente y no deben separarse de la actual política latinoamericana.

Para que el recuerdo colectivo vaya más allá de la narración y de la indignación momentánea, la historia necesita seguir abrazando su propósito y convertirse en una herramienta para la creación participativa de políticas públicas, en las que los ciudadanos sean parte de la proyección, creación y difusión de la memoria.

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Verdad, memoria y democracia en Latinoamérica

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Foto: Anyone's Child. Durante las décadas de 1970 y 1980, mientras la región se encontraba sumida en numerosas dictaduras militares, y los conflictos entre grupos guerrilleros y fuerzas paramilitares se abrían paso en su desaforada historia política, comenzaron a germinar en ella múltiples iniciativas de memoria y olvido.

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Este museo forma parte de la Red de Espacios de Memoria Democrática de Catalunya.

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Víctimas y querellantes del franquismo amplían su denuncia ante la Justicia argentina

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Víctimas y querellantes del franquismo amplían su denuncia ante la Justicia argentina

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La jueza federal argentina María Servini de Cubría, responsable de la única causa en el mundo que investiga los crímenes de lesa humanidad del franquismo, recibió este miércoles en Buenos Aires junto al fiscal del caso, Ramiro González, a una comitiva que viajó desde España 12.000 kilómetros para incorporar nuevas declaraciones testimoniales a la querella y pedir la imputación de diez responsables de la dictadura.

"Le he agradecido que nos reciba, le he contado mis sentimientos: que en 41 años no me he podido sentar ante un juez a declarar, y que la impunidad en mi país es una maleta muy pesada que se acumula al dolor por la muerte de un familiar". Así se expresa Fermín Rodríguez al pedir justicia por su hermano Germán, que tenía 23 años cuando fue asesinado por la policía de un tiro en la cabeza en 1978, durante las fiestas de los Sanfermines en Pamplona. Este jueves, por fin, declara como testigo ante la magistrada argentina en los tribunales federales de Buenos Aires.

"Es un peso más en la mochila cada vez que en España cierran casos y no me dejan reabrirlos, y no encuentro más que trabas, en una actitud judicial que sólo está destinada a proteger a los responsables", continúa en diálogo con Público este hombre de 61 años, que presenció cómo una a una se archivaron todas las instrucciones judiciales en torno al asesinato de su hermano, la última en 1982. "Ésta es una página que no he podido pasar del todo, tengo que convivir con ella. Para ello necesito conocer la verdad y que se haga justicia".

Por primera vez se incorpora en la causa una querella que da cuenta la represión policial durante los Sanfermines de 1978

Por primera vez se incorpora en la causa una querella que da cuenta de la represión policial que tuvo lugar durante los Sanfermines de 1978 en la plaza de toros de Pamplona, donde había 20.000 personas. Fueron heridas 300, once de las cuales recibieron impactos de bala. La denuncia cuenta con el testimonio de siete víctimas y de dos asociaciones. Aitor Garjón, como parte de la Federación de Peñas sanfermineras de Pamplona-Iruñea, y Sabino Cuadra, perteneciente al colectivo San Fermin 1978 gogoan!, se presentan también este jueves ante la jueza.

Por la represión en Pamplona la querella pide que la magistrada curse órdenes internacionales de detención y extradición contra dos funcionarios y ocho agentes policiales. Público accedió al nombre de todos ellos.

Se trata de Ignacio Llanos Cifuentes, gobernador civil de Navarra; Vicente Javier Murillo Fernández, secretario general del Gobierno Civil; Miguel Rubio Rubio, comisario de policía; Benito Pérez Vázquez y Francisco Abellán Vicente, ambos tenientes de policía; Vicente Lafuente Ramírez, teniente coronel de la Compañía de la Reserva General con sede en Logroño; Fernando Ávila García, comandante de las fuerzas policiales de Pamplona; los capitales César Jiménez Cacho y Cardosa Blesa; y Lino Bailo Campo, teniente coronel de la 532 comandancia de la Guardia Civil.

Manuel Ruiz es otro de los querellantes españoles que se sentará ante Servini de Cubría para brindar su declaración testimonial en relación a su hermano Arturo, asesinado por fuerzas parapoliciales en Madrid en 1977, cuando tenía 19 años, mientras participaba en una manifestación para reclamar libertades y más democracia. Su familia se enteró de su fallecimiento por televisión, mientras almorzaba.

El hermano de Arturo tiene hoy dos nombres clavados en la memoria. Uno es el de José Ignacio Fernández Guaza, el policía que asesinó a Arturo Ruiz antes de huir ayudado por sus compañeros. Sólo se sabe que pasó del País Vasco a Francia y de ahí a Sudamérica, donde se le pierde el rastro. El otro es el de Jorge Cesarsky Goldenstein, cómplice del primero al prestarle el arma. El confidente policial, de nacionalidad argentina, llegó a entregarse a la Dirección General de Seguridad, y "aunque fue condenado, la Ley de Amnistía por la que mataron a mi hermano lo sacó a la calle", acota Ruiz.

El testimonio del querellante, de 63 años, permitirá reforzar las acusaciones que pesan sobre el exministro del Interior Rodolfo Martín Villa, que el próximo 9 de septiembre se presentará ante Servini de Cubría para declarar en calidad de imputado por los crímenes de lesa humanidad de la dictadura franquista.

500 querellas y miles de testigos

Ésta será la primera declaración indagatoria que recabará la jueza en los nueve años de investigación que tiene el caso. Gracias a las 500 querellas individuales y colectivas que se han incorporado a la causa, en base al testimonio de miles de personas, el Juzgado Nacional en lo Criminal y Correccional Federal nº1 de Buenos Aires ha podido reconstruir los crímenes silenciados del franquismo bajo la tutela del principio de justicia universal, que permite indagar en los delitos imprescriptibles cometidos en otro país.

El fiscal Ramiro González, que impulsa también la investigación del caso, "dice que puede haber indicios de un delito planificado de genocidio, de que se intentó eliminar toda la disidencia", revela a Público Ana Miranda, eurodiputada de BNG e integrante del Grupo de Memoria Histórica del Parlamento Europeo. "Hay un clamor social en el Estado español por que haya justicia y se conozca la verdad. El hecho de que Servini haya recibido a víctimas y familiares es muy emocionante, porque de hecho estaban conmovidos y agradecidos. Ella se mostró muy cercana. Su equipo además es muy cualificado y se lo están tomando muy en serio".

"Que el PSOE que va a presidir el Gobierno haga honor a su propia historia"

Mientras tanto, la magistrada argentina continúa con la instrucción de la causa "pero quiere que haya un desbloqueo de la Justicia española, que está negando todos los exhortos", recuerda Miranda.

"La jueza nos ha transmitido las dificultades que sigue teniendo para que los tribunales españoles cumplimenten las comisiones rogatorios y los exhortos que han enviado", coincide Jacinto Lara, abogado de las víctimas. "Cuando se tramita un procedimiento judicial en virtud de la justicia universal, el objetivo es imprimir un desgaste al Estado donde se han cometido crímenes que lo obligue a asumir la responsabilidad y enjuiciamiento de esos crímenes ".

En su decisión de paralizar esta semana la exhumación de Francisco Franco, hasta el propio Tribunal Supremo trató al dictador como jefe de Estado "desde el 1 de octubre de 1936, sin más connotaciones, ignorando que fue rebelde al Gobierno democrático de la II República", objetó a su vez la jueza y diputada María Victoria Rosell, integrante de la comitiva española que viajó hasta la capital argentina.

"No hace sino avergonzarme que un país que fue cabeza en la jurisdicción universal y que tanto hizo por la justicia en Argentina y Chile ahora esté a la cola mostrando la impunidad de todos estos crímenes cuyas víctimas no han podido declarar ante una jueza o juez español", recriminó durante una rueda de prensa convocada por la delegación. Ya es hora "de que el PSOE que va a presidir el Gobierno haga honor a su propia historia, a sus propios represaliados y a propios muertos y desaparecidos", conminó.

Las pruebas acumuladas en la causa llevaron a Servini de Cubría en 2014 a ordenar la detención internacional y extradición de 20 responsables franquistas, entre ellos los exministros Martín Villa y el fallecido José Utrera Molina.

La querella espera ahora que el Gobierno de Pedro Sánchez pase de las palabras a los hechos y anule la instrucción de la exfiscal general del Estado, Consuelo Madrigal, que impide recibir los exhortos de la Justicia argentina y que ocasiona que todas las querellas que denuncian delitos de lesa humanidad del franquismo hayan sido archivadas por los juzgados españoles.

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Víctimas y querellantes del franquismo amplían su denuncia ante la Justicia argentina

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Una delegación de víctimas, parlamentarios y representantes de asociaciones viajó a Buenos Aires para declarar ante la jueza María Servini de Cubría y pedir nuevas imputaciones en un impulso a la única causa que investiga los delitos de lesa humanidad de la dictadura española.

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Una historia controvertida. La muerte de García Lorca

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Una historia controvertida. La muerte de García Lorca

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Federico García Lorca | Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica

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La asociación trasladó todo este asunto a la juez Servini y le instó a pedir al Ministerio del Interior el informe redactado por personal de la 3ª brigada regional de investigación social de la Jefatura Superior de Policía de Granada y que se dirige al gobernador civil de esa provincia,

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Romeva: Plan de fosas da a conocer una historia durante muchos años enterrada

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Romeva: Plan de fosas da a conocer una historia durante muchos años enterrada

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Cassà de la Selva (Girona), 2 sep (EFE).- El conseller de Asuntos Exteriores, Relaciones Institucionales y Transparencia, Raül Romeva, ha dicho hoy en Cassà de la Selva (Girona) que con el Plan de fosas se da a conocer "una parte de nuestra historia que ha estado durando muchos años enterrada".

Romeva, que ha visitado los trabajos de exhumación de la "tumba del soldado desconocido" de Cassà de la Selva, ha dicho que esta situación era "una deuda histórica que había que afrontar" y ha remarcado que "la apertura de fosas es un trabajo complejo" por haber transcurrido ochenta años.

A su juicio, "el Plan de fosas y el Programa de Identificación Genética son ejemplos tangibles del compromiso del gobierno catalán con la dignidad que queremos para nuestra democracia".

Los trabajos en Cassà de la Selva se centran en una fosa individual que había sido señalizada con un túmulo de piedras. Se trataría de un soldado republicano, enterrado allí mismo según testigos presenciales, muerto en combate, y que la memoria oral del pueblo identifica como brigadista internacional que habría muerto en retirada hacia Francia el 3 de febrero de 1939, abatido por los soldados franquistas.

El cuerpo del soldado se encontró en el margen del camino y fue apenas cubierto, y diez días más tarde fue enterrado unos metros más arriba en un túmulo señalizado con piedras y conocido popularmente como "la tumba del soldado desconocido".

Romeva, que visitó ayer junto con el vicepresidente del Govern y conseller de Economía y Hacienda, Oriol Junqueras, los trabajos de exhumación de fosas de la Guerra Civil en Prats de Lluçanès (Barcelona), asistió asimismo a las tareas de exhumación de fosas en Vilanova de Meià (Lleida).

En estos trabajos de exhumación, previstos dentro del Plan de fosas 2017-18, se han localizado hasta ahora los cuerpos de nueve individuos que, según la documentación, podrían corresponder a soldados republicanos.

Los restos encontrados en Vilanova de Meià, Prats de Lluçanès y Cassà de la Selva serán objeto de un estudio antropológico y forense y, posteriormente, se realizará el estudio genético de todas ellos para poder cruzarlos con los datos de los familiares que se han hecho una prueba genética en el marco del Programa de Identificación Genética.

Además de las exhumaciones realizadas en Vilanova de Meià, Prats de Lluçanès y Cassà de la Selva, desde enero de 2017 se han llevado a cabo varias actuaciones que han permitido añadir al mapa 129 fosas nuevas.

El mapa cuenta ahora con 503 fosas comunes, de las cuales 235 están confirmadas y 268 son probables. EFE.

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Romeva: Plan de fosas da a conocer una historia durante muchos años enterrada

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Cassà de la Selva (Girona), 2 sep (EFE).- El conseller de Asuntos Exteriores, Relaciones Institucionales y Transparencia, Raül Romeva, ha dicho hoy en Cassà de la Selva (Girona) que con el Plan de fosas se da a conocer "una parte de nuestra historia que ha estado durando muchos años enterrada".

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publico.es / María Serrano / 07-03-2020
¿Quién fue Gertrudis Ríos? Una maestra gaditana que todo el pueblo de Algodonales conocía por sus enseñanzas en pedagogías modernas y su carácter fuerte, alegre y bondadoso. ¿Y Carmen y Concha Díaz? Dos hermanas que tuvieron que elegir en el peor momento de la historia de España cuál de ellas iba a ser fusilada como escarmiento por la desaparición de su hermano José. ¿Y Rafaela Ayala? La mujer que fue asesinada junto a su hija María por insultar a los falangistas que mataron a su marido en un camino rural de Morón de la Frontera (Sevilla).

La periodista Susana Falcón ha vivido en primera persona el exilio y la huella de la dictadura Argentina, su país natal. Su conciencia por la memoria la ha llevado a sacar a la luz un centenar de historias inéditas de cien mujeres, cien rosas, recopiladas en forma de relato poético que denuncian la barbarie cometida durante la guerra y la dictadura de Franco.

Su libro, Cien mujeres andaluzas. Retratos del feminicidio franquista (editorial Garaje poesía) ha querido desentrañar la historia "de carne y hueso" de un centenar de mujeres andaluzas que fueron víctimas del feminicidio franquista cometido hace menos de un siglo en nuestro país. Falcón habla de mujeres que fueron fusiladas, encarceladas, rapadas. "Este libro va para ellas a las guerrilleras, las exiliadas, las resistentes y las sobrevivientes, todas dueñas de la dignidad más inmensa", apunta Falcón a Público.

Las víctimas, protagonistas de este libro, salen del detalle más burocrático para convertirse en mujeres protagonistas. Falcón destaca la ingente tarea que ha supuesto retratar cada detalle de cada una de ellas, como el color de sus ojos o qué les gustaba hacer en su tiempo libre. "Justamente, eso era muy importante para mí, que fueran ellas en carne y hueso, por eso ha sido mas difícil conseguir la información, que en muchas historias sepamos detalles de su vida, si eran altas o bajas, de buen o mal carácter. Quería sacarlas de la trama burocrática, saber si tocaba un instrumento", como fue el caso de Amparo García Cano, a la que llamaban Amparito de Cádiz, cigarrera de profesión y que tocaba la bandurria en su tiempo libre.

Cada uno de estos perfiles han podido salir a la luz gracias a las investigaciones de historiadoras de la talla de Pura Sánchez que, a través de su libro Individuas de dudosa moral, Falcón pudo tirar del hilo para desgranar cada uno de los perfiles. La investigadora Sánchez ha destacado la necesidad de dar luz a la vida de este centenar de mujeres andaluzas anónimas para que se iluminen, esclareciendo así "las biografías de las sin nombre, olvidadas tan frecuentemente por la historia, con mayúsculas y con minúsculas". Falcón aclara "que las investigaciones de las autoras y páginas como Todos los nombres me han permitido dar con sus historias, tan difíciles de sacar a la luz a pesar de que están en la memoria colectiva".

La maestra Gertrudis, las hermanas Díaz y el final de Ayala

Falcón va poco a poco haciendo un repaso, a través de un relato poético de biografías como la de Gertrudis Ríos, una maestra de Algodonales (Cádiz) cuyo cuerpo torturado se encuentra aún en un paraje perdido. "Dónde tiraron a Gertrudis, la maestra, en qué agujero de la tierra habían escondido su cuerpo torturado, después de pasearla por el pueblo exhibiendo los estragos del ricino ante los alucinados ojos de los niños y niñas que fueron sus alumnos". Aquella maestra, apunta Falcón, fue un referente en las luchas sindicales y dejó huella imborrable en su pueblo al introducir pedagogías modernas, heredadas de aquella Segunda República. Aún no se conoce su paradero, al igual que el de su marido Ramón, cartero de profesión.

Falcón no puede dejar de lado la historia de las hermanas Díaz Ramos, Concha y Carmen, dos mujeres sevillanas, hermanas del dirigente comunista José Díaz, que tuvieron que decidir la peor de las suertes en la cárcel improvisada del cine Jáuregui, abarrotadas de civiles. Los falangistas se dirigieron a ambas para espetarles. "Decidan, pero rápido, cuál de las dos va a morir". Falcón señala a Público que fue una de las historias más estremecedoras, al pensar como la hermana mayor Carmen le pedía a Concha, diez años más joven que "cuidara de sus hijas y las críe junto a las suyas". "Carmen estaba dispuesta a la muerte cercana". Falcón retrata, gracias a los testimonios orales como Carmen Díaz pidió a aquellos falangistas que no la dejaran morir sin vendas en los ojos, "como su hermano merecía con dignidad irrevocable".
La maestra Gertrudis Ríos, asesinada por el franquismo.
Su cuerpo se encuentra sellado en una de las fosas del inmenso camposanto de San Fernando en la ciudad de Sevilla. Rafael Ayala Dorado era de Alcalá de los Gazules pero vivía antes de la guerra junto a su marido Juan en una tierra arrendada por el Conde de la Maza en un cortijo de Morón de la Frontera. Pensó como muchas familias aquellos días del verano de 1936 "por qué huir, si no hemos hecho nada", pero Rafaela nunca imaginó como el devenir de aquel verano acabaría en la peor de las tragedias. Trabajando como jornaleros en sus cosechas un día de buena mañana Rafaela vio como aquellos falangistas se llevaron a Juan, su marido, para simplemente hacerle unas preguntas. Cuando pasan varios días "parten Rafaela y su hija María, a buscarlo por lugares de detención, la falange, al cuartelillo". Con la peor de las intenciones los falangistas las llevan hasta el camino donde está el cuerpo acribillado de Juan. Rafaela y su hija pierden la compostura, lloran ante la ira y el desprecio de los guardias civiles. Aquellos falangistas pensaron que era mejor unirlas al cuerpo de Juan. Rafaela y su hija María fueron cosidas a balazos en el mismo camino de Morón, mientras el resto de la familia intentaría huir para no acabar en las mismas circunstancias.

Las aceituneras de San Juan, entre las más jóvenes

"La detención, los golpes, los abusos que ni mentar quieren, después el barco con nombre gallego, prisión flotante en el puerto sevillano. Y al final los disparos en las tapias del cementerio, la muerte, la fosa común" Falcón habla en su libro de casos colectivos como fue la trágica historias de las aceituneras de San Juan de Aznalfarache (Sevilla), y que logró rescatar gracias a la ayuda de investigadores locales como fue el caso de Raúl Sánchez Caro, quien se dejó la vida por desentrañar la vida y luz de estas jornaleras.

Ellas eran María, Rosario, Leonisa, Josefa, Francisca, Gabina, Victoria, Josefa y Guadalupe. Eran mujeres del mundo agrícola de entre 19 y 43 años de edad. Todas vivían en el municipio de San Juan de Aznalfarache y fueron fusiladas en la saca del 24 de octubre de 1936. A Josefa la violaron antes de su muerte. Eso cuenta la bisnieta de su hermana Caridad, Esmeralda. También le cortaron los pechos. De María Díaz Arriaza se ha logrado rescatar parte de su biografía. El asesinato de sus hermanos menores. De Guadalupe solo se conoce el testimonio de su hijo huérfano a los 10 años, Manuel Anillo. Su único delito fue ser trabajadoras afiliadas al sindicato de la UGT en Andalucía.

El último caso, Isidora Márquez Herrero es el retrato más longevo, del que Falcón haya tenido constancia. Se trata de un caso estremecedor, el encarcelamiento de una anciana de 97 años en Hinojosa del Duque, (Córdoba) que logró volver de nuevo a su pueblo y en autobús en octubre de 1943 tras ser encarcelada al final de la guerra. "Volviste, Isidora, volviste. Con tu hatillo pobre en una mano centenaria y fatigada te apeaste del autobús, cuatro años después". Falcón relata como fue acusada por una vecina de informar a milicianos y como en las cárceles del régimen la tuvieron encerrada, a pesar de tener con 101 años de edad.

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Fotografía destacada: Las aceituneras de San Juan, asesinadas por el franquismo.
Fuente:https://www.publico.es/sociedad/mujeres-vejadas-encarceladas-y-violadas-retratos-del-feminicidio-franquista.html?fbclid=IwAR2i-c7Ez9nHRoaQtJEnOe3SsB5S7FMbxeibm3HU9pVaRdyqyDG_85msOxk

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Mujeres vejadas, encarceladas y violadas: retratos del feminicidio franquista

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publico.es / María Serrano / 07-03-2020 ¿Quién fue Gertrudis Ríos? Una maestra gaditana que todo el pueblo de Algodonales conocía por sus enseñanzas en pedagogías modernas y su carácter fuerte, alegre y bondadoso. ¿Y Carmen y Concha Díaz?

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Resumen de lo que fue la dictadura de Franco. Podrás conocer las características de la dictadura, fechas claves, etapas y todo lo que hizo Franco. (1939-1975)
El franquismo ha sido uno de los períodos más críticos de la Historia de España. En un país herido tras una guerra civil  busca recuperarse, unido al aislamiento internacional, hacen de la mejora una utopía difícil de alcanzar.

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RESUMEN: La HISTORIA del FRANQUISMO en 8 minutos

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En 1939 había un campo de concentración en mi pueblo. En 2020 quedan aún cuerpos enterrados en una fosa común.

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En 1939 había un campo de concentración en mi pueblo. En 2020 quedan aún cuerpos enterrados en una fosa común.

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Los trabajos de exhumación de una veintena de víctimas del Franquismo en Monóvar se iniciarán en mayo y durarán un mes aproximadamente. El lunes pasado se llevó a cabo la primera reunión en Monóvar con los arqueólogos de la empresa (Dakkar Consultoras) que llevará a cabo la exhumación de la fosa común de las víctimas en el cementerio local. A esta reunión acudieron tanto Alejandro García, alcalde de Monóvar, como Júlia Tortosa, concejal de Memoria Histórica, así como técnicos locales de Patrimonio y una representación de los familiares de algunas de las personas represaliadas procedentes de Monóvar, Elda y Biar.

Júlia Tortosa, concejal de Memoria Histórica en el Ayuntamiento de Monóvar, ha anunciado a este diario que "los técnicos y arqueólogos nos han hecho saber que tienen pensado comenzar a partir de mayo, unos trabajos que se alargarán durante un mes aproximadamente".

Primero acudirán a Benissa, donde está previsto que "saquen a cinco brigadistas que quedan" y luego marcharán a Castellón, "donde hay unas diez personas dentro de cajas". Como explica Tortosa, "aquí el trabajo es más costoso y minucioso".

En Monóvar "hemos contabilizado a 26 personas que estarán en la fosa común del cementerio, pero parece que algunas víctimas se las llevaron sus familiares, de noche, o solicitaron en los años 50 el traslado de los cuerpos".

Por tanto, "según nuestros cálculos podrían quedar unas 19 personas". No obstante, "la fosa común estaba en la parte correspondiente al cementerio civil, donde había más personas, como niños sin bautizar, o personas sin papeles". De hecho, todos aquellos "que no morían por causas normales, eran lanzados también al cementerio civil y no sabemos si está separado el cementerio civil de la fosa o si está junto".

Desde el Ayuntamiento de Monóvar "avisamos a las familias para que sepan cómo se llevarán a cabo las tareas de exhumación".

Primero "se extraerán todos los cuerpos, para después dejarlos en custodia". Más adelante, "se les harán las pruebas de ADN".

Ante estas noticias varios familiares han explicado a INFORMACIÓN que "nos sentimos muy contentos de que por fin se lleve a cabo esta exhumación y podamos recuperar los cuerpos" para añadir que "sabemos que es una tarea costosa y lenta, pero estamos y agradecemos a las autoridades que se pueda llevar a cabo".

Por todo ello, Júlia Tortosa ha hecho hincapié en que "el Ayuntamiento ofrece ayuda a todas las familias que la necesiten a través del archivo municipal y la concejalía de Memoria Histórica, donde se está ofreciendo información para recuperar los cuerpos de sus familiares".

Ley de Memoria Histórica

Por otra parte, el lunes se procedió a retirar una placa que ha estado ubicada en la entrada del CEIP Cervantes de Monóvar que incumplía la Ley de Memoria Histórica. Se trata de una placa preconstitucional del Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia que también se encuentra presente en el colegio Azorín de Monóvar.

Júlia Tortosa ha explicado a este diario que "dimos parte a la Conselleria de Transparencia y nos dieron permiso para que la sacáramos y fue el director de la escuela, Víctor Jover, quien la retiró".

En este sentido hace unas semanas el Ayuntamiento se puso en contacto por escrito con los vecinos de diversas calles de la localidad en cuyas fachadas todavía permanece la placa del Instituto de la Vivienda con el escudo preconstitucional o con el yugo y las flechas.

Además, está previsto eliminar el nombre de diversas calles que hacen referencia a miembros de la División Azul y cambiarlo por nombres de mujeres monoveras destacadas, según una propuesta de alumnos del Instituto Enric Valor de Monóvar, ya que en la actualidad únicamente hay tres calles con nombres femeninos.

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Las exhumaciones de las víctimas del Franquismo en Monóvar se iniciarán en mayo

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Los trabajos de exhumación de una veintena de víctimas del Franquismo en Monóvar se iniciarán en mayo y durarán un mes aproximadamente. El lunes pasado se llevó a cabo la primera reunión en Monóvar con los arqueólogos de la empresa (Dakkar Consultoras) que llevará a cabo la exhumación de la fosa común de las víctimas en el cementerio local.