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1. Switzerland should advocate in multilateral organizations for a follow-up resolution that frames arms exports and military spending as an integral part of WPS in order to anchor it within feminist demilitarization policy.

2. Arms exports are in juxtaposition to the feminist peace vision behind the WPS agenda and a direct obstacle to women’s participation. Switzerland should consistently refrain from both, including dual use and particular military goods.

3. If we decide to mention Frontex etc. we need a separate recommendation on the violent and racist migration regime, incl. the fact that it is as much inconsistent to have arms exports as it is to pay contributions to Frontex.

4. The WPS agenda should not be seen as a foreign policy tool alone. Instead, states should also utilise the WPS framework to promote and advance peace and gender equality domestically. Switzerland should become a champion of this, especially in light of its UN Security Council candidacy and encourage other countries in the Global North to do the same.

5. Apply a national perspective in the fifth National Action Plan for Women, Peace and Security in Switzerland.

6. Broaden the understanding of conflict and violence in order to apply conflict prevention mechanisms and gendered early-warning signals of conflict also to Switzerland.

7. Approach definitions of conflict, peace, and security as conditions that also pertain to situations beyond conflict zones alone. Such an expansion will enable a transformative implementation aligned with the original feminist peace vision behind the inception of UNSCR 1325 with a focus on conflict prevention by prioritising root causes (harmful gender roles, norms and unequitable power relations) and human rights.

8. Women peacebuilders, human rights defenders and generally women who are directly affected by the decisions taken in the peace process must not be treated as objects. Instead, they should be taken seriously as experts, and their claims taken into account exactly how they formulate them.

9. More efforts should be undertaken to link informal to formal peace processes.

10. Continue support for projects that strengthen women civil society’s peacebuilding capacities so that they can better still claim their space in formal settings.

11. The WPS agenda bears the risk of essentializing and working based on assumptions rather than actual enquiries.  The FDFA has to analyze how the care-economy is organized, what people’s needs are in terms of care in each context and orient its peacebuilding work accordingly.

12. The actors who predominantly provide care-work (in most cases that will still be women) should be consistently consulted and their needs included in the aid budget.

13. Conflict-affected states are rarely welfare states with social security. Creativity is therefore needed to introduce similar systems of social security. An option could be that a minimum percentage (5%) of all money invested in a post-war economy, including that of private companies, is automatically redirected for investments to improve the conditions of providing care-work. Another possibility could be a profits tax on everyone benefitting in a post-war economy or a dividend for the local community.

14. All public policies and actors, including trade unions and companies, have to include the care-economy in their analyses.

15. Consistent gender-budgeting that does not just look at the adverse effects policies will have on women but actually the care-economy as a whole and takes its bolstering as a benchmark has to be the new norm for all public finances.

16. Investment in research on the care economy both in normal times and even more on how it works and is impacted in armed conflict and post-conflict societies.

17. Ease naturalization procedure and make right to vote accessible after fix period of residency to fix Switzerland’s democratic deficit.

18. Give undocumented persons (sans-papiers) the ability to report and seek help without risking deportation, make urban citizenship cards a new norm, or legalize their status.

19. Make health care-work bearable (raising salaries, reducing overall working time so that the majority who opts for part-time work because it is otherwise too draining does not get penalized) so that we do not momentarily avoid its crash by draining other countries of their capacities.

20. Integrate this necessary groundwork in project budgets and timelines so that partners have the adequate resources to tackle root causes of lack of participation.

21. We are looking for a recommendation that will stipulate that there has to be a concerted effort to combat stereotypical and harmful gender roles (as both CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention prescribe it).

22. Support community-based training to establish mechanisms for early warnings.

23. Increase the awareness of authorities that women are at very high risk because they are women.

24. Based on the recommendations developed by the International Civil Action Network, establish guidelines for women peacebuilders’ protection and make it a strategic priority, including separate budget allocation, in the Fifth NAP.

25. Check whether multinationals with Swiss headquarters respect conventions on women’s and human rights and on the protection from environmental abuses when they operate abroad.

26. Include a broader definition of security in the Women, Peace and Security agenda to also include climate change.

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1. Do you have any general feedback to the draft report?

2. Are there any recommendations that are missing?

3. How can we concisely (re-)formulate the recommendations to present them to the policy-makers?

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gender breakdown how many men took part into the consultation?

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gender breakdown how many men took part into the consultation?

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- Translate the text into recommendations
- Policy briefing on care work - Barriers are Family constrains - Caring responsibilities  Methodologies in 4 countries - DCAF are working on specific recommendations - ex. Paternal leave. -Camille Risler can share with us their conclusions (thanks Camille)
- Goals of the report: Offer useful tools, specific advises for people inside of the Federal offices - Recommendations must to be clear and specific
- Formulations are not really recommendations
- Less recommendations
- gather 3 points in one
- Avoid moral and analyses and sharp the recommendations saying: "We want you to do that!"
- Summary of the recommendations in the end of the report
- Policy maker needs to have it clear and direct text
- Adress properly our target group Executives or Political mandataries : two different strategies that can be combined
=Findings, recommendations are going to be gathered in the Leporello the Policy brief comes later
=Publication - "Care Free" from WIDE - Exemple of "marche à suivre"
- Why is FDFA that has to analysis? We have to be clear to who do we address - and what is in their competent level.
- Combine - shared responsibility (exemple of the FDFA)
- Bring the 2 phases together - wrapping up of the project
- Exploiting the connection between the two phases (exemple Canadian case)
- Chapter 3 Taking stock - what are "traditional security concepts"?
can be hard security - make a footnote or explain better // Not everyone read Security at the same matter or way, exemple: Militarize security
- Think about different authority actors
- Links connecting the arguments - Arguments are clear but we should anchor in the step further - work on the recommendations
- Missing link between the recommendations - tear out the main recommendations
- Fil rouge
Recommendation per level of action - how deep we want to go - Do we talk about nursering or Budget and industrie production? Investiment in care? - One or two stories proving how those links are so important
- Put and clearfy the Adressate - Recommendations adressing direct actors - civil society for instance - functional Approach
Target group oriented communication
- Adresse bought at the same time - important to challenges the borders between the departements - domestic and international
- Gender based violence is missing
- Domestic perspective - domestic institution and Who is responsable and the people who work on thins institutions
- foreign policy is domestic policy
- CEDAW is a good instrument - use that

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Explain better who was talked to, how examples were picked

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Explain better who was talked to, how examples were picked

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Perhaps also give negative recommendations: don't push for more women in the military

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Perhaps also give negative recommendations: don't push for more women in the military

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Making recommendations to VBS (like stopping arms exports) is justifiable because WPS is a domestic issue

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Making recommendations to VBS (like stopping arms exports) is justifiable because WPS is a domestic issue

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It's a domestic actors who define Corporate Social Responsibility

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restructure: put continuum of violence first (this issues are relevant here too) therefore we urge the FDFA to promote a process re the 5th NAP that entails domestic policy-makers to implement WPS

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restructure: put continuum of violence first (this issues are relevant here too) therefore we urge the FDFA to promote a process re the 5th NAP that entails domestic policy-makers to implement WPS

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For VBS it means demilitarise our sec policies
For SECO it means to move re: CSR
And thus to build our recommendations on the first argument saying that it's not just a foreign policy

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Have all recommendations in one part. Strike a balance btw arguing for actor-specific one and then having more general recommendations, but make sure you explain why you address these actors and where you see their transformative power. If you put them into the spot you should have consulted them. You would have to speak their language (feminist/care/transformative), but since you can't learn that now perhaps this should figure in the recommendations: perhaps we need the time to rapproach each other. This talk of we won't be transformative UNLESS can also be hindering. It's a question of ideological choice: do we feel that an incremental approach is worth it?

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The policy brief is not the only part of the policy-dialogue. We'll have the chance to present this at the IDAG and explain why we went about it this way

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The policy brief is not the only part of the policy-dialogue. We'll have the chance to present this at the IDAG and explain why we went about it this way

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That's who we are as implementing partners and that's how we suggest to frame the next NAP differently.

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Use the language of evidence-based policy-making it's a fact that socialisation prepares women from their moment of birth for caring roles. So we now it's nothing to do with nature. Because we don't want to continue essentialist policies and that's why we'll speak about men taking on caring roles and having a paternity leave.
That should also help you speak about the connection between gender roles, caring expectations and SGBV (so the lack of confidence and the difficulty of asserting boundaries).

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Train of thought between care & women peacebuilders has to be explained a bit more

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Train of thought between care & women peacebuilders has to be explained a bit more

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Is there a space to include SGBV as part of peacebuilding? Right now it's SDC doing SGBV, but not AFM (is that really true? or do they speak about conflict-related violence?)

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Stress the correlation once more between durability of peace agreement implementation and comprehensive/inclusive peace processes

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Stress the correlation once more between durability of peace agreement implementation and comprehensive/inclusive peace processes

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That's a broad consensus we can use and also say it's not ok to put women into a situation they aren't prepared for. so there has to be more groundwork to be done before. and the same goes for the national level.