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3.3% of the population in Indonesia are Chinese 

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With China's growing global clout, many people around the world are increasingly realising the importance of understanding China better.

In countries where China's investments are expanding such as South Korea and Africa, interest in learning Chinese is booming. They believe mastering the language will help them understand Chinese norms, culture and policies, which will help them to interact with China.

This, however, has not happened in Indonesia, where China's foothold has grown exponentially in recent years.

Failing to understand China's national language (Mandarin) will prevent Indonesia from taking the full benefits from its economic relationship with China, Indonesia's top trading partner and largest investor.

Chinese language problems in Indonesia

Indonesia is home to around 7 million ethnic Chinese people or 3.3% of the total population.

Despite some progress promoting Chinese language in Indonesia, the country has been unable to create an environment conducive to learning Chinese - due to mostly political reasons.

It began with Indonesia's New Order authoritarian regime under president Suharto, who decided to freeze ties with China in 1967, in an effort to contain the spread of communism.

Suharto issued various policies to clamp down Chinese language schools and Chinese language newspapers. He also issued a regulation to force naturalisation of Chinese descendants, which led to decades of stigmatisation. This resulted in a decrease in Chinese language ability among Indonesia's ethnic Chinese because they believed learning the language would not be useful .

The fourth Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid abolished the discriminative policy 1999.

Afterwards, there was an initial rush to learn the Chinese language.

Private schools started Chinese language lessons. Some schools offer curriculum using Indonesian, English and Chinese. They are called trilingual schools. Some offer tuition classes.

These education institutions have become important actors in spreading and growing the Chinese language in Indonesia.

However, Indonesia's educational system for Chinese language has not met the international standard. China's official state agency has administered Chinese language competence, called Hanyu Shuiping Kaoshi (HSK). However, this has not been followed thoroughly in Indonesia.

Willy Berlian, Chairman of Indonesian Federation of Chinese Education has said that even though the formal school system has added Chinese language education and listed Chinese language under foreign language teaching, fully integrating Chinese language education into the Indonesian education system remains difficult. That's due to no rules or standards being applied by Chinese language institutions in Indonesia, meaning many people simply muddle through.

In addition, the lack of teaching staff has also hampered teaching Chinese language in public schools.

The government's inadequate efforts to promote Chinese language

Until 2005, there were no universities in Indonesia that had a Chinese language teacher education program.

The government's regulation requires an university to have a minimum of six lecturers with a master's qualification in Chinese language education.

As long as universities do not provide Chinese language education study programs, it's hard for Indonesia to produce Chinese language teachers.

Supported by the Chinese community in Indonesia, Indonesia's Ministry of Education has tried to increase the number of Chinese language courses in different formal education institutions in various provinces.

The number of Chinese language courses has been growing rapidly. From four big cities, namely Jakarta, Surabaya in East Java, Bandung in West Java, and Medan in North Sumatra in 2000, it spread to 20 provinces in Indonesia in 2019.

The Indonesian government has also tried to send teaching staff to China to attend training in teaching Chinese language and invited Chinese instructors to Indonesia.

However, this was not very successful as schools have to pay visa fees for hiring new teachers, and many schools cannot afford the cost.

Things only gradually began to change when an initiative formed under cooperation between Chinese and Indonesian educational institutes, called Confucius Institutes (CI), was established for the first time in 2011.

They teach Chinese language, train teachers or prospective teachers, and carry out HSK tests.

The CI opens opportunities for Indonesian universities to partner with Chinese universities to open undergraduate programs in Chinese language.

It also offers scholarships for Indonesians to learn Chinese language in China, so when they return, they can teach.

However, many of those returning from China prefer instead to work Chinese companies, which pay them double than being teachers.

Although the scholarship contract stipulates that they have to teach Chinese language on their return, many students do not fulfil the contract and choose to join Chinese companies instead.

A wake up call

It is crucial to recognise the importance of overcoming linguistic-cultural barriers in Indonesia-China relations.

By understanding the language, Indonesia would have more people acquainted with Chinese societal norms and customs, methods of doing business and national and institutional interests.

This could result in a more appropriate formulation of policy towards China, which then eventually lead to the more fruitful relations between both countries.

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Indonesia tries to embrace Chinese language but problems persist

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Failing to understand the language will prevent Indonesia from reaping the full benefits of its economic relationship with China.

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Indians: 100
Chinese: 4000

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Indians: 11200
Chinese: 30 000

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Over 23 million Chinese

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咱儂 / 咱人 / 華菲人Chinito / Chinita / IntsikTsinong PilipinoLannang / Chinoy / Tsinoy

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Estimated 820 thousand Chinese people live in Vietnam
Estimated 6000 thousand Indian people live in Vietnam

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10,000 Indians living and working in the country.

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Indians in Brunei consist of Bruneians of Indian descent as well as expatriate professionals that have recently come to the country. According to the Government of India, there are 10,000 Indians living and working in the country.

Indians in Brunei have had a notable presence in the country since the colonial days, however there are records from the Europeans who visited the region that there were people from the Indian Subcontinent already living there prior to European colonisation. According to United Nations statistics, the Indian population was counted in the Brunei census since the year of 1947. In 1971, Indians made up 1.6% of the population.

The number of Indian nationals working in Brunei had increased since 2009. There are many Indian doctors and engineers working in Brunei and there are others working in the education sector, both at school and university or college level as professors and teachers as well as research personnel.

Other areas where Indians are employed include IT, oil and gas and mercantile.

Ethnic Tamils form the majority group of Indians in Brunei. The Indian community of Brunei consists of Muslims, Hindus, Christians and Sikhs. Islam is the dominant religion amongst the Indian community however Hinduism also forms a significant portion of the belief systems amongst the Indians. Brunei's 50-year-old Hindu Welfare Board functions as a Hindu religious organisation with approximately 3,000 members and there are two small Hindu temples in the country. The Sikh community consists of 500 people.
http://www.indianassociationbelait.com/

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Indians in Brunei consist of Bruneians of Indian descent as well as expatriate professionals that have recently come to the country. According to the Government of India, there are 10,000 Indians living and working in the country.

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2.4% are Chinese/Indian

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chindians#:~:text=In%20Singapore%2C%20the%20majority%20of,population%20are%20multiracial%2C%20mostly%20Chindians.

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article Please expand the article to include this information. Further details may exist on the is missing information about the origin and connotations of the term. talk page.

Chindian ( Hindi: चीनी-भारतीय; Chinese: 中印人; pinyin: Zhōngyìnrén ; Cantonese Yale: Jūngyanyàn ; Tamil: சிந்தியன்; Telugu: చిండియన్స్; is an informal term used to refer to a person of mixed Chinese and Indian ancestry; i.e. from any of the host of ethnic groups native to modern China and India. There are a considerable number of Chindians in Malaysia and Singapore. In Maritime Southeast Asia, people of Chinese and Indian origin immigrated in large numbers during the 19th and 20th centuries.[1] There are also a sizeable number living in Hong Kong and smaller numbers in other countries with large overseas Chinese and Indian diaspora, such as Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Suriname and Guyana in the Caribbean, as well as in Indonesia, the Philippines, the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand.

Zhang Qian (d. 113 BC) and Sima Qian (145-90 BC) make likely references to " Shendu ("Sindhu" in Sanskrit), and during Yunnan's annexation by Han Dynasty in the first century an Indian "Shendu" community was living there.[2] During transmission of Buddhism from India to China from the first century onwards, many Indian scholars and monks travelled to China, such as Batuo ( fl. 464-495 AD)-founder of the Shaolin Monastery-and Bodhidharma-founder of Chan/Zen Buddhism and there was also a large Indian trader community in Quanzhou City and Jinjiang district who built more than a dozen Hindu temples or shrines, including two grand big temples in Quanzhou city.[3] During colonial era, Indians were among the crew of the Portuguese ships trading on the Chinese coast beginning in the sixteenth century[4] and Indians from Portuguese Indian Colonies (notably Goa) settled in Macau in small numbers.

There are 45-48,000 Indian nationals/expatriates living in mainland China as of 2015,[5] most of whom are students, traders and professionals employed with Indian IT companies and banks. There are three Indian community associations in the country.[6]

Hong Kong

Indians have been living in Hong Kong long before the partition of India into the nations of India and Pakistan. They migrated to Hong Kong as traders, police officers and army officers during colonial rule.

2,700 Indian troops in Hong Kong arrived with British occupation on 26 January 1841,[7] who later played an important role in setting up of the University of Hong Kong (HKU)[8] and the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC).[9] 25,000 of the Muslims in Hong Kong trace their roots back to what is now Pakistan. Around half of them belong to 'local boy' families, Muslims of mixed Chinese ( Tanka) and Indian/Pakistani ancestry, descended from early Indian/Pakistani male immigrants who took local Chinese wives and brought their children up as Muslims.[10][11] These "local Indians" were not completely accepted by either the Chinese or Indian communities.[12]

There are tiny communities of Chinese who migrated to India during the British Raj and became naturalised citizens of India and there are 189,000 estimated total ethnic Chinese of Chindian or full Chinese ancestry.[13] The community living in Kolkata numbers around 4,000 and 400 families in Mumbai, where there are Chinatowns.[13][14][15][16] Chinese Indians also contributed to the development of fusion Indian Chinese cuisine (Chindian cuisine),[17] which is now an integral part of the Indian culinary scene.[18]

There are an estimated 5,000-7,000 Chinese expatriates living in India as of 2015, having doubled in number in recent years.[19] Most work on 2- to 3-year contracts for the growing number of Chinese brands and companies doing business in India.[19]

British India

During the British Raj, some Chinese "convicts" deported from the Straits Settlements were sent to be jailed in Madras in India. The "Madras district gazetteers, Volume 1" reported an incident where the Chinese convicts escaped and killed the police sent to apprehend them: "Much of the building work was done by Chinese convicts sent to the Madras jails from the Straits Settlements (where there was no sufficient prison accommodation) and more than once these people escaped from the temporary buildings' in which they were confined at Lovedale. In 186^ seven of them got away and it was several days before they were apprehended by the Tahsildar, aided by Badagas sent out in all directions to search. On 28 July in the following year twelve others broke out during a very stormy night and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for them. They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight later. Some police weapons were found in their possession and one of the parties of police had disappeared-an ominous coincidence. Search was made all over the country for the party and at length, on 15 September, their four bodies were found lying in the jungle at Walaghát, half way down the Sispára ghát path, neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully placed on their shoulders. It turned out that the wily Chinamen, on being overtaken, had at first pretended to surrender and had then suddenly attacked the police and killed them with their own weapons."[20][21][22] Other Chinese convicts in Madras who were released from jail then settled in the Nilgiri mountains near Naduvattam and married Tamil Paraiyan women, having mixed Chinese-Tamil children with them. They were documented by Edgar Thurston.[23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33] Paraiyan is also anglicised as "pariah".

Edgar Thurston described the colony of the Chinese men with their Tamil pariah wives and children: "Halting in the course of a recent anthropological expedition on the western side of the Nilgiri plateau, in the midst of the Government Cinchona plantations, I came across a small settlement of Chinese, who have squatted for some years on the slopes of the hills between Naduvatam and Gudalur and developed, as the result of ' marriage ' with Tamil pariah women, into a colony, earning an honest livelihood by growing vegetables, cultivating coffee on a small scale and adding to their income from these sources by the economic products of the cow. An ambassador was sent to this miniature Chinese Court with a suggestion that the men should, in return for monies, present themselves before me with a view to their measurements being recorded. The reply which came back was in its way racially characteristic as between Hindus and Chinese. In the case of the former, permission to make use of their bodies for the purposes of research depends essentially on a pecuniary transaction, on a scale varying from two to eight annas. The Chinese, on the other hand, though poor, sent a courteous message to the effect that they did not require payment in money, but would be perfectly happy if I would give them, as a memento, copies of their photographs."[34][35] Thurston further describe a specific family: "The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged to 'cut him tail off.' The mother was a typical Tamil Pariah of dusky hue. The colour of the children was more closely allied to the yellowish tint of the father than to the dark tint of the mother and the semimongol parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose and (in one case) conspicuously prominent cheek-bones."[36][37][38][39][40][41][42][43][44] Thurston's description of the Chinese-Tamil families were cited by others, one mentioned "an instance mating between a Chinese male with a Tamil Pariah female"[45][46][47][48][49] A 1959 book described attempts made to find out what happened to the colony of mixed Chinese and Tamils.[50]

According to Alabaster there were lard manufacturers and shoemakers in addition to carpenters. Running tanneries and working with leather was traditionally not considered a respectable profession among caste Hindus and work was relegated to lower caste muchis and chamars. There was a high demand, however, for high quality leather goods in colonial India, one that the Chinese were able to fulfill. Alabaster also mentions licensed opium dens run by native Chinese and a Cheena Bazaar where contraband was readily available. Opium, however, was not illegal until after India's Independence from Great Britain in 1947. Immigration continued unabated through the turn of the century and during World War I partly due to political upheavals in China such as the First and Second Opium Wars, First Sino-Japanese War and the Boxer Rebellion. Around the time of the First World War, the first Chinese-owned tanneries sprang up.[51]

In Assam, local Assamese women married Chinese migrants during British colonial times. It later became hard to physically differentiate Chinese in Assam from locals during the time of their internment during the 1962 war, as the majority of these Chinese in Assam were mixed.[52]

In Singapore, the majority of interracial marriages occur between Chinese women and Indian men. The government of Singapore classifies them as their father's ethnicity. According to government statistics, 2.4% of Singapore's population are multiracial, mostly Chindians. The highest number of interethnic marriages was in 2007, when 16.4% of the 20,000 marriages in Singapore were interethnic, again mostly between Chinese and Indians.[1] Singapore only began to allow mixed-race persons to register two racial classifications on their identity cards in 2010. Parents may choose which of the two is listed first.[53] More than two races may not be listed even if the person has several different ethnicities in their ancestry. Like in Malaysia, most Chindians in Singapore are offspring of interracial relationships between Indian males and Chinese females.[54]

In Malaysia, the majority of interracial marriages occur between Chinese and Indians. The offspring of such marriages are informally known as "Chindian". The Malaysian government, however, considers them to be an unclassified ethnicity, using the father's ethnicity as the informal term. As the majority of these intermarriages usually involve an Indian male and Chinese female, the majority of Chindian offspring in Malaysia are usually classified as " Malaysian Indian" by the Malaysian government.[54]

In Guyana, Chinese men married Indian women due to the lack of Chinese women in the early days of settlement.[55] Creole sexual relationships and marriages with Chinese and Indians were rare,[56] however it has become more common for Indian women and Chinese men to establish sexual relations with each other and some Chinese men took their Indian wives back with them to China.[57] Indian women and children were brought alongside Indian men as coolies while Chinese men made up 99% of Chinese coolies.[58]

The contrast with the female to male ratio among Indian and Chinese immigrants has been compared by historians.[59]

In the late 19th to early 20th century, Chinese men in Mauritius married Indian women due to both a lack of Chinese women and higher numbers of Indian women on the island.[60][61] At first, the prospect of relations with Chinese men was unappealing to the original all-female Indian migrants yet they eventually had to establish sexual unions with Chinese men since there were no Chinese women coming.[62] The 1921 census in Mauritius counted that Indian women there had a total of 148 children sired by Chinese men.[63][64][65] These Chinese were mostly traders.[66] Colonialist stereotypes in the sugar colonies of Indians emerged such as "the degraded coolie woman" and the "coolie wife beater", due to Indian women being murdered by their husbands after they ran away to other richer men since the ratio of Indian women to men was low.[67] It was much more common for Chinese and Indians to intermarry than within their own group. Intermarriage between people of between different Chinese and Indian language groups is rare; it is so rare that the cases of intermarriage between Cantonese and Hakka can be individually named. Similarly, intermarriage between Hakka Chinese and Indians hardly occurs.[68]

In Trinidad, some Chinese men had relationships with Indian coolie women of Madrasee origin, siring children with them and it was reported that "A few children are to be met with born of Madras and Creole parents and some also of Madras and Chinese parents - the Madrasee being the mother", by the missionary John Morton in 1876, Morton noted that it seemed strange since there were more Indian coolie men than Indian coolie women that Indian coolie women would marry Chinese men, but claimed it was most likely because the Chinese could provide amenities to the women since the Chinese owned shops and they were enticed by these.[69][70][71][72][73] Indian women were married by indentured Chinese men in Trinidad.[74] Few Chinese women migrated to Trinidad while the majority of Chinese migrants were men.[75] The migration of Chinese to Trinidad resulted in intermarriage between them and others.[76] Chinese in Trinidad became relatively open to having marital relations with other races and Indian women began having families with Chinese in the 1890s.[77]

Juanita Ramayah, Malaysian radio announcer and TV Personality

Jacintha Abisheganaden, Singaporean actress

Ronald Arculli, Chairman of Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing and Non-official Members Convenor of the Executive Council of Hong Kong (Exco).

Vivian Balakrishnan, Singaporean politician

Indranee Rajah, Singaporean politician

Darryl David, Singaporean politician and former media personality

Meiyang Chang Actor, Singer, TV Host in India

Bernard Chandran, Malaysian fashion designer

Anya Ayoung-Chee, winner of Miss Trinidad and Tobago Universe 2008 and contestant in the Miss Universe 2008 pageant

Chen Gexin, Chinese songwriter

Che'Nelle (Cheryline Lim), Malaysian-born recording artist signed to Virgin Records America

Karen David, British singer-songwriter born in Meghalaya, India

Nicol David, Malaysian athlete and former world number one female squash player

Vanessa Fernandez, Singaporean singer and radio presenter

Jonathan Foo, Guyanese cricketer

Patricia Chin, Jamaican-American co-founder of VP Records

Hedy Fry, Trinidadian-Canadian politician

Jonathan Putra, Malaysian TV Personality

Jwala Gutta, Indian badminton player

Sahil Khan, Indian actor

Law Lan, Hong Kong actress

Mak Pak Shee, Singaporean politician

Nicole Narain, American model

Francissca Peter, Malaysian singer

Joseph Prince, Singaporean pastor and evangelist

Michelle Saram, Hong Kong actress born in Singapore

Astra Sharma, Australian tennis player

Priscilla Shunmugam, Singaporean fashion designer

Dipna Lim Prasad, Singaporean sprinter and hurdler

Gurmit Singh, Singaporean television personality

Prema Yin, Malaysian singer

Nadine Ann Thomas, Miss Universe Malaysia 2010, actress, model and DJ.

Vanessa Tevi Kumares, Miss Universe Malaysia 2015[78]

Joshua Simon, Singaporean radio and media personality, YouTube star[79][80][81]

Leong Hong Seng, former Malaysian professional footballer of MK LAND FC

Liew Kit Kong, former Malaysia national capped footballer

Ramesh Lai Ban Huat, Malaysia professional footballer

Raj Joshua Thomas, Singapore Nominated Member of Parliament

Kimmy Jayanti, Indonesian model and actress

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Bilahari Kausikan, Singaporean diplomat

1. Sheela Narayanan (17 October 2008). "Go ahead, call me Chindian". AsiaOne. Archived from the original on 21 August 2009.

2. Tan Chung (1998). ^ A Sino-Indian Perspective for India-China Understanding. Archived 2007-06-06 at the Wayback Machine

3. ^ Boxer, Charles Ralph; Pereira, Galeote; Cruz, Gaspar da; Rada, Martín de (1953), South China in the sixteenth century: being the narratives of Galeote Pereira, Fr. Gaspar da Cruz, O.P. [and] Fr. Martín de Rada, O.E.S.A. (1550-1575), Issue 106 of Works issued by the Hakluyt Society, Printed for the Hakluyt Society, p. 37

4. ^ "India Times - India is hot in China".

5. Kwok S. T., Narain, K. (2003).^ Co-Prosperity in Cross-Culturalism: Indians in Hong Kong.P.18

6. Kwok S. T., Narain, K. (2003).^ Co-Prosperity in Cross-Culturalism: Indians in Hong Kong.P.32

7. Kwok S. T., Narain, K. (2003).^ Co-Prosperity in Cross-Culturalism: Indians in Hong Kong.P.22

8. ^ Weiss, Anita M. (July 1991), "South Asian Muslims in Hong Kong: Creation of a 'Local Boy' Identity", Modern Asian Studies, 25 (3): 417-53, doi:10.1017/S0026749X00013895, S2CID 145350669.

9. ^ Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, Gelina Harlaftis, Iōanna Pepelasē Minoglou (2005), Diaspora Entrepreneurial Networks: Four Centuries of History, Berg Publishers, p. 256, ISBN 1-85973-880-X

10. ^ Carol R. Ember, Melvin Ember, Ian A. Skoggard (2004), Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World, Springer, p. 511, ISBN 0-306-48321-1

11. ":: OVERSEAS COMPATRIOT AFFAIRS COMMISSION, R.O.C. ::". 4 January 2011. Archived from the original on 4 January 2011.

12. ^ Krishnan, Murali (17 October 2013). "India's dwindling Chinatown". Deutsche Welle.

13. ^ Someshwar, Savera R (23 January 2007). "Happy Indian Chinese New Year". Rediff.com.

14. ^ "Mumbai's 3rd generation Chinese eye global jobs, learn Mandarin". TOI. 3 November 2015.

15. ^ Sankar, Amal (December 2017). "Creation of Indian-Chinese cuisine: Chinese food in an Indian city". Journal of Ethnic Foods. 4 (4): 268-273. doi:10.1016/j.jef.2017.10.002.

16. ^ Sanjeev Kapoor (2007). Chinese Cooking ( Non-Veg). Popular Prakashan. p. 7. ISBN 978-81-7991-310-9.

17. ^ Alt URL

18. ^ RADHAKRISHNAN, D. (19 April 2014). "Unravelling Chinese link can boost Nilgiris tourism". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 19 April 2014. Alt URL

19. ^ "Unravelling Chinese link can boost Nilgiris tourism". Archived from the original on 18 May 2014.

20. ^ Alt URL

21. ^ Edgar Thurston; K. Rangachari (1987). Castes and Tribes of Southern India (illustrated ed.). Asian Educational Services. p. 99. ISBN 81-206-0288-9. The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged to "cut him tail off." The mother was a typical dark-skinned Tamil paraiyan,

22. ^ Government Museum (Madras, India), Edgar Thurston (1897). Note on tours along the Malabar coast. Vol. 2-3 of Bulletin, Government Museum (Madras, India). Superintendent, Government Press. p. 31.

23. ^ Madras Government Museum Bulletin. Vol. II. Madras. 1897. p. 31. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015.

24. ^ Mahadeb Prasad Basu (1990). An anthropological study of bodily height of Indian population. Punthi Pustak. p. 84. ISBN 9788185094335. Sarkar (1959) published a pedigree showing Tamil-Chinese-English crosses in a place located in the Nilgiris. Thurston (1909) mentioned an instance of a mating between a Chinese male with a Tamil Pariah female. Man (Deka 1954) described

25. ^ Edgar Thurston; K. Rangachari (1987). Castes and Tribes of Southern India (illustrated ed.). Asian Educational Services. p. 100. ISBN 81-206-0288-9. the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head (80-1 ; 80-1 ; 82-4) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic Chinaman (78*5) with a sub-dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyan (76-8).

26. ^ Haraprasad, Ray (2012). "Chinese, The". In Islam, Sirajul; Jamal, Ahmed A. (eds.). Banglapedia: National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh (Second ed.). Asiatic Society of Bangladesh.

27. Daniels, Timothy P. (2005), Building Cultural Nationalism in Malaysia, Routledge, p. 189, ISBN 0-415-94971-8

28. ^ Brian L. Moore (1995). Cultural Power, Resistance, and Pluralism: Colonial Guyana, 1838-1900. Vol. 22 of McGill-Queen's studies in ethnic history (illustrated ed.). McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP. pp. 272-273. ISBN 077351354X. ISSN 0846-8869.

29. ^ Brian L. Moore (1987). Race, Power, and Social Segmentation in Colonial Society: Guyana After Slavery, 1838-1891. Vol. 4 of Caribbean studies (illustrated ed.). Gordon & Breach Science Publishers. p. 181. ISBN 0677219806. ISSN 0275-5793.

30. ^ Brian L. Moore (1987). Race, Power, and Social Segmentation in Colonial Society: Guyana After Slavery, 1838-1891. Vol. 4 of Caribbean studies (illustrated ed.). Gordon & Breach Science Publishers. p. 182. ISBN 0677219806. ISSN 0275-5793.

31. ^ Lisa Yun (2008). The Coolie Speaks: Chinese Indentured Laborers and African Slaves in Cuba. Temple University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-1592135837. indian coolie woman chinese men.

32. ^ "What Inter-Ethnic Marriage in Mauritius Tells Us About The Nature of Ethnicity" (PDF): 15. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 May 2014.

33. ^ "What Inter-Ethnic Marriage in Mauritius Tells Us About The Nature of Ethnicity" (PDF): 16. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 May 2014.

34. ^ Alt URL

35. ^ Regis, Ferne Louanne (April 2011). "The Dougla in Trinidad's Consciousness" (PDF). History in Action. The University of the West Indies (St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago) Dept. of History. 2 (1). ISSN 2221-7886. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 March 2011.

36. ^ Foo, Noel (18 April 2015). "24-year-old Indian Chinese crowned new Miss Universe Malaysia". Archived from the original on 22 July 2015.

37. ^ "SPH Radio - Joshua Simon, Kiss92 FM". Sphradio.sg. 26 August 2016.

38. ^ "Joshua Simon" - via YouTube.

39. ^ "YAAAS TV" - via YouTube.

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Toggle the table of contents From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article Please expand the article to include this information. Further details may exist on the is missing information about the origin and connotations of the term. talk page.

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1.4 million of Chinese ancestry
5.5% of population
At the end of June 2021, 710,380 Indian-born people were living in Australia, Permanent migration from India (homeaffairs.gov.au)