# data[].attributes.body
Introduction and two body paragraphs are included below.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
"There is enormous value in what economists call social capital. It's a professor's term, but the concept is pretty simple: The networks of people and institutions around us have real economic value. They connect us to the right people, ensure that we have opportunities, and impart valuable information. Without them, we're going it alone."

J.D. Vance, Hillbilly Elegy

A Cross-Cutting Factor

It is not lost on us that most of the determinants and recommendations in this document were already known. Some might say that we haven't revealed anything new. That may be true to a degree, but we believe we've demonstrated that the innovation of our findings is in:

Reflecting upon our history in an authentic way,

Acknowledging the complexity of working with human beings free to choose their own paths,

Identifying the need to look at the connectivity between the determinants,

Encouraging solutions that address both systemic and individual challenges, and

Wrapping the determinants in cross-cutting influences, one of which has already been addressed (the impact of segregation).

Just as the Task Force learned early on that segregation cuts across all the determinants, we were reminded along the way that social capital also carries tremendous power to influence outcomes in each of the areas. During one of our community sessions, a young adult used a phrase that stuck with us. He acknowledged his role in a checkered high school experience and said he thought he had until the 11th grade to get serious about his studies; however, the young man then paused and said he wished he had a "life navigator" starting in middle school. He wanted someone who could walk beside him to ensure that his aspirations and dreams were connected to tangible actions and results. To echo the quote in Hillbilly Elegy; without a life navigator, he felt like he was going it alone. In fact, we heard people describe a similar idea so many times that we believe having a life navigator could be the "secret sauce" that most reports and programs tend to gloss over.

Social Capital

Social capital refers to networks, connections, and access to people who produce information, resources and opportunities. As it is often said, "It's not what you know, it's who you know." People with ample social capital are typically paid better and promoted more often and at younger ages. They are also more likely to obtain loans, get capital for starting a business, and build successful businesses and careers.

Social capital can take on a number of different forms: bonding social capital exists within families or peer groups; linking social capital connects people to information and resources beyond their immediate circle; and bridging social capital refers to social networks between groups representing diverse interests. Each is equally important.

So, what might life navigators do? In the simplest terms, their primary role would be to take the "vague hopes" of a young person and help turn them into "active aspirations." In a 2014 article entitled "Vague Hopes, Active Aspirations and Equality", Brookings Institution scholar Richard Reeves identified a distinction between a strongly grounded aspiration, one towards which an individual is actively working, and a general aspiration that has little impact on a person's conduct.

He defines the two as:

"An active aspiration is a goal or set of goals toward which a person is consciously and deliberately working. It likely requires investing time, energy and other resources; but also requires the ability to resist or defer gratification.
A vague hope consists of a loosely stated goal or set of goals, largely untethered from current activities and decision-making. A teenager may hope for a college degree, but doesn't really work at school, investigate colleges, research financial aid packages, or in some cases, even apply."
He summarizes by stating:

" Opportunities and aspirations develop in tandem, interacting with each other in both directions. There is no cultural gap in terms of overall aspirations in life. Most people want similar things: a worthwhile job, a stable family, a good education. A class gap is, however, visible in active aspirations: visible, realizable goals animating the formulation of plans and development of time, energy and skills."

Throughout our community conversations, almost every person who talked about his or her trajectory from poverty to middle class or above could trace that ascent back to one person-or at most a handful of people-who helped him or her develop goals and aspirations, but also provided a tangible pathway towards achieving them. Many times it was a parent or caregiver, but more often it was someone from a very different background who provided knowledge about and access to other networks: coach, teacher, employer, youth director, etc. Invariably, this new relationship brought about the revelation that children and youth who grow up in low-opportunity neighborhoods are often playing on an uneven playing field when compared to those in higher-opportunity areas.

Mr. Reeves identifies three explanations for why an individual may end up with lower aspirations without exposure to and assistance from people in different groups:

1. Beyond my reach

The mistaken belief that the goal is beyond their reach.

2. Not for people like me

Individuals may inherit or adopt values, preferences, and norms from
others that place a lower weight on particular goals.

3. Never knew about it

A person might not have an active aspiration simply because of ignorance of the object of the aspiration or the pathway towards it.

Mr. Reeves identifies a fourth reason for low aspirations: "Don't want it", but notes that this should not trouble us, because people want different things from life. If someone makes an informed decision to opt out, that is okay. xxxv

Life Navigators

Social capital was the one intangible factor that children and youth identified during our community sessions as most important to them. While it is difficult to quantify and measure, increasing social capital and access to life navigators could be one of the most impactful strategies and should be interwoven into all of the other determinants.

Robert Putnam eloquently illustrates in his book, Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis, how children growing up in poverty typically have extremely low levels of social capital. They often have considerable bonding social capital-relationships with people in their families, neighborhoods, or schools who are in similar circumstances to them. However, linking and bridging social capital are less prevalent. Thus, their knowledge across lines of difference and how social systems operate may be limited to what they experience in immediate circles.

To further bolster our recommendations, research indicates that the consistent, enduring presence of a caring adult in a young person's life can be the difference between staying in school or dropping out, making healthy decisions or engaging in risky behaviors, and realizing one's potential or failing to achieve one's dreams. According to Putnam's research, poor children typically lack the informal mentoring relationships more common among their affluent peers. The most effective mentoring relationships for lower-income young adults appear to be those that are formal, long-term, and use best-practice approaches to training mentors. Putnam's research reveals that while 64 percent of affluent children have mentoring relationships beyond their extended family, nearly two-thirds of children from low-income backgrounds do not. The Task Force unanimously agrees that all children should have "Life Navigators", mentors and sponsors capable of cultivating social capital and developing tangible pathways to opportunity in their lives.

We also believe our community should expand the traditional concept of social capital to address an even bigger issue illuminated during the protests of September 2016. In addition to concerns about policing, many people interviewed wanted to let community leaders know that they do not feel valued or respected. In the words of some residents, they feel as though their ability to contribute to the future of the community is not seriously considered. One of the most poignant examples of this was when a nine-year-old girl mustered all her courage and told the Charlotte City Council after the recent protests that she wasn't sure if decision makers cared about her life or the life of her neighbors. We believe these sentiments present a powerful opportunity to change this perception by fostering a "culture of caring" across Mecklenburg county.

We have not identified a "program" to develop a culture of caring, but perhaps that is the point.

A community's culture can't be prescribed or commanded by a group or entity; it must be an authentic representation of who we are. The culture of caring must be demonstrated through our actions, decisions and investments.
Ensure all children, youth and families have relationships in the community which:
As an example, what if every house of faith and civic organization used economic opportunity as the lens for its work? Or, what if every elected body, foundation, employer, institution or organization asked one simple question before making significant decisions: "How will this decision impact the opportunity trajectory of our children, youth and families?" Once we have used this lens, the actions we take will tangibly demonstrate the level of our commitment-one way or the other.

Task Force Strategy U

Connect them to opportunities, information and resources

Broaden their horizons about what's possible in their lives

Assist in navigating through unexpected crises to stay on track

Offer tangible pathways toward achieving their aspirations

Demonstrate to every child, youth, and family that their contribution is vital to the success of our community.

Key Recommendations

1. Support an expectation that beginning in 7th grade, all students have access to a Life Navigator or other supportive adult to help expose, navigate, and connect them to career, educational, and life opportunities.

2. Develop and execute a focused strategy to build, train, and coordinate an "army" of community volunteers committed to connecting more children, youth and families to knowledge, resources and opportunities.

3. Leverage relationships developed through the above and elsewhere to help young people and families build social capital and increase access to new networks.

4. Build on and expand efforts promoted through the 2014 Cultural Vision Plan for Charlotte-Mecklenburg, which focuses on connecting people and strengthening communities by using arts and culture to create pathways and bridges.

5. Encourage all sectors to use economic opportunity as a lens for their decision making.

Implementation Tactics and Policy Considerations

Research and evaluate local, regional and national models to develop the Life Navigator concept. Examples to explore include Kauffman Scholars and the Posse Foundation.

Coordinate efforts by alumni organizations, civic/social groups, houses of faith, businesses, neighborhood associations, schools, etc. to have their members/employees engage young people through programs that create exposure and relationships.

Encourage faith-based and civic organizations to use economic opportunity as a lens to rethink and expand their community support and outreach efforts to maximize network building opportunities for those with more limited bridging relationships.

Ramp up efforts of the staff and boards of cultural arts organizations to go into diverse areas of the community to build relationships, listen to what people say they need and want, and develop new strategies and programs to reach more diverse groups and communities.

Train "gatekeepers" in social service agencies, houses of faith, and other organizations to share information and better connect families, children, and youth to resources and opportunities in the community.

Explore ways to visibly demonstrate a "Culture of Caring" by asking, "How will this decision impact the opportunity trajectory for all children, youth and families?" prior to significant decision making.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
How Networking Impacts Success in Charlotte, NC

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
"There is enormous value in what economists call social capital. It's a professor's term, but the concept is pretty simple: The networks of people and institutions around us have real economic value. They connect us to the right people, ensure that we have opportunities, and impart valuable information.

# data[].attributes.body
He discusses the working/lower class

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Surbhi Bharadwaj

On Wednesday afternoon, J.D. Vance LAW '13, the author of The New York Times best-selling memoir "Hillbilly Elegy," gave a lecture to a filled ballroom at the Omni New Haven Hotel at Yale.

In his 30-minute speech, Vance described the core tenets of his book and recalled his experience as a working-class Ohio native attending Yale Law School. Vance highlighted the value of "social capital," and spoke about his first time dining in an upscale restaurant in New Haven for a networking event.

"I think two butter knives is overkill," Vance said. Like using a variety of different utensils for the same meal, making connections through friends and colleagues was foreign to him, Vance said.

The event was sponsored by the William F. Buckley, Jr. Program at Yale.

In "Hillbilly Elegy," Vance discussed the long-changing attitudes of American working-class whites, a demographic that largely constituted President Donald Trump's supporters during the 2016 election. Through personal experiences growing up in a poor family in the Midwest, Vance explained the root causes of political disconnect between the white underclass and liberal elites.

In his lecture, Vance pointed out the disparity between working-class people who identify as religious and those who actually attend church, arguing that church-going often leads to a lower rate of alcoholism and a higher high school graduation rate.

Reflecting upon his lack of skills - such as financial planning compared to his law school peers, Vance said he felt like an anomaly at Yale.

He also said 40 percent of working-class children experience forms of domestic and household abuse, which shape their familial beliefs in adulthood.

"The first person I was truly in love with, I treated her just as badly as I was treated as a kid," Vance said. "It's not easy to acquire some elite credential and just turn off everything you learned as a child."

According to Vance, the American working class is deeply affected by cyclical familial issues. Rather than attributing income inequality to simply economics and politics, he sought to address issues within the communities such as religion and family.

Vance argued that the most important standard for people's well-being is not how they are faring financially, but how they expect their children will fare.

He also examined the political shifts within the Republican and Democratic Party. In the recent election, Vance noted, Republican voters were overwhelmingly working-class, far more than they have been in recent history. The Democratic Party, on the other hand, now consists of "well-to-do white Americans and minorities from across the political spectrum," Vance said.

"So many of the working- and middle-income Americans who voted for Obama in 2012 just stayed at home," he said, expanding on American's increasing dissatisfaction with the barriers to mobility.

A question-and-answer session followed the lecture. One audience member, a current School of Management and School of Forestry & Environmental Studies student and a former coal miner, asked about how the historical exploitation of industrialization affected working-class culture today.

Vance discussed Appalachian literature and the existing explanations of current poverty, but cycled back toward diagnosing the current problems rather than focusing on history.

A former school teacher from Pennsylvania asked Vance about how to discern biased media coverage from facts. Following a critique of fake news, Vance emphasized the media institution's need to rebuild credibility.

Adam Gerard '17, a strong supporter of Hillary Clinton LAW '73, said he expected Vance to lay out more convincing reasons for Trump's victory.

"I don't think he fully answered how the dissatisfaction of the working class directly led to the election of Donald Trump," Gerard said. "Many attendees were expecting a tell-all of the election results, but unfortunately this was not what the event was."

Still, Gerard said the turnout for Vance was unprecedented for a speaker event at Yale that did not feature a major political figure, which spoke to students' interest in the topic given a tumultuous political climate.

Christopher Moeckel '20 said Vance's talk shed light on the working class, a group that has long been overlooked by mainstream society.

"He showed us that we can't pretend to label America just based on what we see in our own backyard," Moeckel said.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
J.D. Vance talks about the working class

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Surbhi Bharadwaj On Wednesday afternoon, J.D. Vance LAW '13, the author of The New York Times best-selling memoir "Hillbilly Elegy," gave a lecture to a filled ballroom at the Omni New Haven Hotel at Yale. In his 30-minute speech, Vance described the core tenets of his book and recalled his experience as a working-class Ohio native attending Yale Law School.

# data[].attributes.body
Discusses working class and networking

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Transcript of "America's forgotten working class"

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
TED Talk Subtitles and Transcript: J.D. Vance grew up in a small, poor city in the Rust Belt of southern Ohio, where he had a front-row seat to many of the social ills plaguing America: a heroin epidemic, failing schools, families torn apart by divorce and sometimes violence.

# data[].attributes.headline
Article about the role of social connections

# data[].attributes.subject
Article about the role of social connections

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
In the early days of the Internet, both conventional wisdom and scholarship deemed online communication a threat to well-being. Later research has complicated this picture, offering mixed evidence about how technology-mediated communication affects users. With the dawn of social network sites, this issue is more important than ever. A close examination of the extensive body of research on social network sites suggests that conflicting results can be reconciled by a single theoretical approach: the interpersonal-connection-behaviors framework. Specifically, we suggest that social network sites benefit their users when they are used to make meaningful social connections and harm their users through pitfalls such as isolation and social comparison when they are not. The benefits and drawbacks of using social network sites shown in existing research can largely be explained by this approach, which also posits the need for studying specific online behaviors in future research.

The history of communication technology is a history of concern about progress. From the telegraph to the telephone, new advances in communication technology have been met with trepidation-often seen not as a way to bring people closer together but as a threat to more meaningful methods of interaction ( Katz, Rice, & Aspden, 2001).

The Internet is the latest example of this trend. Initial studies on Internet use suggested negative consequences for users' offline social networks and social integration. For example, the HomeNet Study placed computers in the homes of new Internet users and found that increased Internet use was linked to declines in the size of users' social circles and increases in depression and loneliness ( Kraut et al., 1998). This finding was soon echoed by other work suggesting that Internet use displaced more beneficial face-to-face socializing, thereby damaging users' relationships and well-being (e.g., Nie, 2001).

However, this perception that Internet use had primarily negative consequences for its users was quickly complicated by further research. In fact, when Kraut and colleagues (2002) revisited their original HomeNet sample, they found that the negative association they had observed had disappeared. Some research suggested that divergent findings regarding the outcomes of Internet use might be due to changes in the nature of Internet use itself (e.g., Bessière, Kiesler, Kraut, & Boneva, 2008; Valkenburg & Peter, 2009).

Indeed, it is common for communication technology to change, sometimes rapidly. Individuals engage in very different social activities online today than they did 20 years ago. Consider the list of activities enumerated in the HomeNet study: "email, distribution lists, multiuser dungeons (MUDs), chats, and other such applications" ( Kraut et al., 1998, p. 1017). Activities such as chats (in the form of chat rooms, at least) and MUDs have largely disappeared from users' awareness, supplanted by newer platforms, such as social network sites. Social network sites are defined as

networked communication platforms in which participants 1) have uniquely identifiable profiles that consist of user-supplied content, content provided by other users, and/or system-level data; 2) can publicly articulate connections that can be viewed and traversed by others; and 3) can consume, produce, and/or interact with streams of user-generated content provided by their connections on the site. ( Ellison & boyd, 2013, p. 158)

Social network sites (e.g., Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter) have exploded in popularity in recent years; Facebook, the most heavily used social network site, has 1.71 billion users ( Statista, 2016). Although social network sites have improved on the social forms of Internet use available in the HomeNet era, questions remain about the potential consequences of their use. Many studies have been conducted on Facebook and other social network sites, but to date, no single theoretical perspective has organized the literature on the association of social network sites with well-being. One review of existing research on Facebook described it as "diverse and fragmented" ( Wilson, Gosling, & Graham, 2012, p. 203).

This fragmentation is understandable in light of the fact that this literature arose across disciplinary boundaries, guided by concepts that emerged from different theoretical backgrounds. Difficulties in using experimental designs to assess causality in this domain also present challenges for testing any overarching theory linking use of social network sites and well-being. These issues, however, do not mean that past research cannot be conceptually integrated. Social network sites appeal to their users because humans are social creatures who require connection with others to thrive ( Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Leary & Baumeister, 2000), and these sites help people meet this basic need. However, the same social risks that abound in everyday life also abound on social network sites.

The radical simplicity of our proposal is to view past and future research endeavors through the lens of this understanding: Whether behavior on social network sites is good or bad for well-being depends on whether the behavior advances or thwarts innate human desires for acceptance and belonging. In other words, our interpersonal-connection-behaviors framework suggests that when social network use is focused on promoting connection, it is linked with positive outcomes; when it is not focused on promoting connection, its consequences are more complex.

Drawing this distinction between types of social processes accounts for many seemingly contradictory findings on the outcomes of the use of social network sites. It also calls for more nuance in future work: Researchers must carefully examine the specific behaviors of users in context when studying social network sites.

Associations Between Use of Social Network Sites and Lower Well-Being

A sizable body of research has identified associations between the use of social network sites and lower well-being. Our framework suggests that negative consequences are likely to result from the use of social network sites when individuals engage in social networking behaviors that do not fulfill needs for acceptance and belonging. These behaviors are not new to these sites; instead, they can be understood as traditional pitfalls of social interaction within a novel context.

The first of these pitfalls is isolation. While it might seem strange to be isolated on a social network site, research supports a link between Facebook use and loneliness (e.g., Song et al., 2014). This link is likely bidirectional: Lonely people are more drawn to mediated communication ( Morahan-Martin & Schumacher, 2003), but social network sites may also open the door to loneliness if they are used for "social snacking," or temporary but illusory fulfillment of social needs ( Gardner, Pickett, & Knowles, 2005). For example, social network sites allow for many activities that feel social but are not interactive, such as lurking on strangers' profiles ( Carpenter, Green, & LaFlam, 2011) or passively viewing Instagram feeds. These activities may make users feel as if their immediate social needs have been met. However, such activities fail to contribute to interpersonal connection, ultimately resulting in a deficit in important relational resources, such as social support ( Green et al., 2005).

Social comparison is a second potential pitfall of using social network sites. Repeated self-comparison has been linked to negative outcomes ( White, Langer, Yariv, & Welch, 2006)-particularly when the comparison is to a superior other ( Tesser, Millar, & Moore, 1988). Social network sites provide constant opportunities for social comparison. When users compare their lived experiences with others' curated self-presentations (e.g., perfect Pinterest projects; see boyd & Ellison, 2007, for a review of self-presentation on social network sites), they may feel their lives are lacking and, thus, suffer from envy and depression. Individuals who use social network sites more passively, such as by viewing profiles without interacting with other users, may be at the greatest risk for social comparison. Not only do they fail to reap the benefits of the connection-promoting use of these sites, they may also lack the information about their connections' real lives to recognize that the selves put forth on social network sites are constructed.

Several studies suggest that negative links between the use of social network sites and well-being may be mediated by social comparison. For example, people who spend more time on Facebook and people who have more strangers as Facebook friends are more likely to feel that others have better lives than they do ( Chou & Edge, 2012). In daily diary research, more time spent on Facebook was associated with more social comparison, which was in turn associated with higher levels of depression; reversed models that attempted to treat depression as the mediator between Facebook use and social comparison did not fit the data ( Steers, Wickham, & Acitelli, 2014). People who are more likely overall to compare themselves with others are both more likely to use Facebook and more likely to suffer from lower self-esteem after Facebook use ( Vogel, Rose, Okdie, Eckles, & Franz, 2015). Experimental work also confirms that comparing oneself with superior others' profiles on social network sites can result in greater dissatisfaction with one's achievements ( Haferkamp & Krämer, 2011). In sum, when individuals use social network sites in a way that does not promote interpersonal connection, they open themselves up to the pitfalls of isolation and social comparison: significant dangers to well-being.

Associations Between Use of Social Network Sites and Higher Well-Being

Connection-promoting use of social network sites, on the other hand, may benefit users by helping them meet needs for acceptance and belonging. A wealth of research has found that high-quality intimate relationships are critical to well-being, affecting happiness, health, and even longevity (e.g., Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001). This is likely due to the cumulative benefits of everyday interactions that allow relational partners to demonstrate responsiveness, or acceptance and care for each other's needs ( Reis, 2012). For example, when individuals self-disclose to their relational partners, the responsiveness of their partner's reaction predicts the growth of intimacy in their relationship ( Laurenceau, Barrett, & Pietromonaco, 1998).

Self-disclosure is particularly relevant because technology-mediated self-disclosure is at least as frequent and as meaningful as face-to-face self-disclosure, ( Nguyen, Bin, & Campbell, 2012) and may have greater implications for increasing intimacy (Jiang, Bazarova, & Hancock, 2011). Looking specifically at social network sites, researchers have found that a correlation between positive attitudes toward online social connection/self-disclosure and relational closeness is mediated by increased use of Facebook ( Ledbetter et al., 2011). These findings suggest that the disclosures that users offer through social network sites may have the same relational benefits that face-to-face disclosures provide. If social network sites can be used to strengthen relationships by increasing intimacy, and strong relationships are linked to well-being, then social network sites should boost well-being to the extent that they are used in the service of connection.

Our interpersonal-connection-behaviors framework unites the findings of multiple other studies that have found positive associations between the usage of social network sites and well-being. For example, multiple studies-both experimental and correlational-show that increases in Facebook use lead to increases in felt connection, perceived social support, and social capital; these relationship-quality indicators, in turn, are related to increased well-being ( Ahn & Shin, 2013; Deters & Mehl, 2013; Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Liu & Yu, 2013). Another finding provides support for self-disclosure as a potential mechanism by demonstrating that self-disclosing on social network sites also increases well-being by increasing perceived social support ( Lee, Noh, & Koo, 2013).

These findings are mostly correlational; therefore, we cannot claim decisively that using social network sites increases well-being by generating relational closeness. However, the interpersonal-connection-behaviors framework plausibly explains positive associations between use of social network sites and well-being. Moreover, this framework helps organize a disparate literature that has focused on different potential outcomes and predictor variables; many existing findings can be grouped under the umbrellas of well-being and relationship quality.

Behavior on Social Network Sites and Well-Being

If connection-promoting use of social network sites is beneficial but non-connection-promoting use is detrimental, studying specific behaviors would allow researchers to distinguish the difference. In fact, a small subset of studies on Facebook use have found both beneficial and detrimental outcomes, depending on behavioral factors that align with our distinction between connection-promoting and non-connection-promoting use. These studies provide crucial evidence that the outcomes of using social network sites depend on choosing behaviors that avoid its dangers and maximize its benefits.

For example, one study found that for first-year college students, number of Facebook friends is negatively correlated with college adjustment, while for college seniors, number of Facebook friends is positively correlated with college adjustment ( Kalpidou, Costin, & Morris, 2011). The authors suggested that seniors are using Facebook to connect with local friends, while first-year students are using Facebook to focus on social networks they have left behind. The latter behavior would inhibit feelings of integration and connection within one's current environment, while the former may promote it.

Work on motivations for using Facebook also supports the distinction between connection-promoting and non-connection-promoting use. A longitudinal study conducted across two time points looked at the impact of Facebook use on adolescents' well-being. Use motivated by compensating for insufficient social networks predicted increased loneliness at follow-up, while use motivated by the desire to connect with other people predicted decreased loneliness at follow-up ( Teppers, Luyckx, Klimstra, & Goossens, 2014). The authors explained these results by suggesting that compensation motives led to passive use and connection motives led to active use, but they did not measure this distinction directly. However, other research has empirically distinguished between passive Facebook use (defined as consuming information without direct exchanges) and active Facebook use (defined as activities that facilitate direct exchanges with others). Across two studies using experimental methods and experience sampling, passive Facebook use was linked to declines in well-being, while active Facebook use was not ( Verduyn et al., 2015). In other words, the effect of using social network sites depended entirely on the nature of that use.

Conclusions

While it is tempting to search for a simple effect of social network sites on well-being, the literature is best explained by differentiating between connection-promoting and non-connection-promoting use. Much of this literature is correlational, prohibiting any absolute claim that this framework has causal validity. However, it is consistent with the sum of the existing research. Positive associations between well-being and use of social network sites are typically linked to benefits of increased connection, such as social support, while negative associations between well-being and use of social network sites go hand in hand with behaviors that do not help to meet users' needs for acceptance and belonging.

The interpersonal-connection-behaviors framework has other benefits beyond illuminating contradictions in prior research. Though we have primarily reviewed literature on Facebook, this theoretical approach is applicable to social media generally, as well as to other forms of mediated communication. The rapid evolution of the Internet allows specific platforms to rise and fall; research too heavily rooted in the particular features of any given social network site may be made irrelevant as that platform's use wanes. By focusing instead on behavior and motivation, this theory can explain the consequences of any form of mediated communication in ways compatible with basic psychological research on human social interaction. This theory also has room to account for individual differences, such as self-esteem and social anxiety; their effects should manifest through different patterns of behavior that should still drive well-being in ways predicted by the current framework.

If social network sites are to function as constructive tools that foster healthy relationships, researchers must focus on identifying further beneficial and detrimental behaviors for users of these sites and disseminating this knowledge to inform their actions and decisions.

Recommended Reading

Wilson, R. E., Gosling, S. D., Graham, L. T. (2012). (See References). A comprehensive review summarizing much of the early research on Facebook from multiple theoretical perspectives.
Google Scholar

References

Green, M. C., Hilken, J., Friedman, H., Grossman, K., Gasiewskj, J., Adler, R., Sabini, J. (2005). Communication via instant messenger: Short-and long-term effects. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 35, 445-462.
Google Scholar

Statista . (2016). Facebook users worldwide 2016. Retrieved from https://www.statista.com/statistics/264810/number-of-monthly-active-facebook-users-worldwide/
Google Scholar

Tesser, A., Millar, M., Moore, J. (1988). Some affective consequences of social comparison and reflection processes: The pain and pleasure of being close. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 49-61.
Google Scholar

Valkenburg, P. M., Peter, J. (2009). Social consequences of the Internet for adolescents: A decade of research. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 18, 1-5.
Google Scholar

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Social Network Sites and Well-Being: The Role of Social Connection - Jenna L. Clark, Sara B. Algoe, Melanie C. Green, 2018

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
In the early days of the Internet, both conventional wisdom and scholarship deemed online communication a threat to well-being. Later research has complicated this picture, offering mixed evidence about how technology-mediated communication affects users. With the dawn of social network sites, this issue is more important than ever.

# data[].attributes.body
Documentary about social networking and social media

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Social Dilemma | Official Trailer | Netflix

# data[].attributes.headline
Article about social media and social class

# data[].attributes.subject
Article about social media and social class

# data[].attributes.headline
Article about the social classes in the US

# data[].attributes.subject
Article about the social classes in the US

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Most social scientists in the U.S. agree that society is stratified into social classes. Social classes are hierarchical groupings of individuals that are usually based on wealth, educational attainment, occupation, income, or membership in a subculture or social network. Social class in the United States is a controversial issue, having many competing definitions, models, and even disagreements over its very existence.

# data[].attributes.headline
Video about social networking and education

# data[].attributes.subject
Video about social networking and education

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Social networking sites have educational benefits