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The US government will most likely run out of cash by october 18. This is important because it could be catastrophic, tanking markets and the economy, and delaying payments to millions of Americans.

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US government will run out of money by October 18, Treasury secretary says | CNN Business

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Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen warned lawmakers that the federal government will likely run out of cash and extraordinary measures by October 18 unless Congress raises the debt ceiling.

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Rivian is a up and coming outdoor electric car brand and could be the next tesla? Lots a differences from tesla some say it might be better.

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rivian is no tesla. that's exactly what these ev buyers want - cnn

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Rivian is no Tesla. That's exactly what these buyers want

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Today Tesla dominates the world of electric vehicles, selling about two of every three EVs sold in the US. It's worth more than twice as much as any other automaker. Teslas are a status symbol and its CEO, Elon Musk, is a celebrity, with 59 million more Twitter followers than the next most popular automotive CEO.

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this is important because if the system is broken it is not fair for the people that are just trying to get a better life

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Former President Barack Obama believes the migrant crisis at the border in Del Rio, Texas, is "heartbreaking" and thinks comprehensive immigration reform is needed to fix "a system that, overall, is dysfunctional."

"It's no secret that we don't have that. It's the reason I proposed comprehensive immigration reform. It's the reason Joe Biden proposed it during his administration, and it's something that is long overdue," Obama told "Good Morning America" co-anchor Robin Roberts in an exclusive interview that aired Tuesday morning.

As a candidate, Biden vowed to work with Democrats and Republicans to reach common ground on comprehensive immigration reform -- efforts that have stalled in Congress for two decades.

Obama said that the crisis in Del Rio "is a painful reminder that we don't have this right yet and we've got more work to do."

"As big-hearted as he is, nobody understands that better than Joe Biden," Obama added. "And the question is now: Are we gonna get serious about dealing with this problem in a systemic way, as opposed to these one-offs where we're constantly reacting to emergencies? And I think that that's something that every American should wanna put an end to."

Biden vowed to implement a more humane approach to immigration than his predecessor, President Donald Trump, but now Biden is under fire from members of his own party over his administration's handling of the migrant surge at the border in Del Rio.

At the center of the criticism from Democrats is the Biden administration's use of a Trump-era public health order to rapidly expel thousands of those migrants, mostly Haiti an nationals, without giving them a chance to apply for asylum within the United States -- a move that violates U.S. asylum law, according to advocates challenging it in court.

"Despite the Administration's rapid deployment of personnel and resources in response to this crisis, much of the strategy to address the care of these vulnerable individuals is deeply concerning," Democratic Reps. Bennie Thompson and Gregory W. Meeks said in a joint statement Wednesday. "Specifically, we urge the Administration to halt repatriations to Haiti until the country recovers from these devastating crises."

The Biden administration is defending its use of a Trump-era public health order to deport migrant families in court, arguing that lifting it would lead to overcrowding at DHS facilities, and that an influx of migrants, amid the delta variant surge, poses a public health risk.

So far, more than a dozen flights have taken about 4,000 people back to Haiti, Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said on CNN on Sunday.

At one point, there were more than 14,000 migrants in Del Rio, putting a strain on Customs and Border Patrol resources.

The influx of migrants from Haiti came after civil unrest erupted this summer following the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse and a 7.2 magnitude earthquake that devastated the Caribbean nation.

"Immigration is tough. It always has been because, on the one hand, I think we are naturally a people that wants to help others. And we see tragedy and hardship and families that are desperately trying to get here so that their kids are safe, and they're in some cases fleeing violence or catastrophe," Obama said. "At the same time, we're a nation state. We have borders. The idea that we can just have open borders is something that ... as a practical matter, is unsustainable."

Obama also weighed in on Biden's attempts to unite Democrats as divisions within the party threaten to imperil the president's domestic agenda.

Amid ongoing disagreements within the party over a $3.5 trillion so-called "human infrastructure" bill, Biden met last week with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, as well as moderate and progressive Democrats from both chambers.

"And as far as Democrats are concerned, I think President Biden is handling it exactly right, which is one of the great strengths of the Democratic Party is we're diverse," Obama said. "We come from all parts of the country. We look like the country as a whole."

Obama said the country "desperately needs" the programs Biden has planned and predicted that the infrastructure package will pass.

"Any time Democrats try to pass legislation, there's gonna be some negotiation and back and forth and sometimes some arguments that spill out into the press," he said. "At the end of the day though, Democrats believe that we can make an economy that is fair, that we can address critical issues like climate change in a smart way."

Obama has been outspoken in his support for his former vice president and told the New York Times in June that the Biden administration is "finishing the job" begun by the Obama presidency.

Obama is set to attend the groundbreaking of the Obama Presidential Center in Chicago on Tuesday -- a presidential library in the historic Jackson Park neighborhood on Chicago's South Side that will honor his legacy as the first Black president.
ABC News' Rick Klein, Quinn Owen, Katie Bosland, Mya Green and Danielle Genet contributed to this report.

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Obama says Haitian migrants' plight is 'heartbreaking,' but Biden knows system is broken

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Former President Barack Obama believes the migrant crisis at the border in Del Rio, Texas, is "heartbreaking" and thinks comprehensive immigration reform is needed to fix "a system that, overall, is dysfunctional." "It's no secret that we don't have that. It's the reason I proposed comprehensive immigration reform.

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Tupac's murder car is up for sell and is going for almost 2 million. e car represents not only a morbid piece of hip-hop history but a remainder that Tupac’s murder remains unsolved. In 1996 Tupac Shakur, along with then-manager Suge Knight, had just left the MGM Grand Casino in Las Vegas when they stopped at a stoplight at the intersection of East Flamingo Road and Koval Lane at around 11:15 pm on Sept. 7.

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The infamous BMW 750IL that Tupac Shakur was shot in is now up for sale.

This dark piece of hip-hop history is on the market for a whopping $1.75 million. The 1996 BMW 7 series has had many owners over the years, and it is now being listed by Celebrity Cars Las Vegas. This is following a dispute over who has the genuine BMW, between Celebrity Cars and Gary Zimet, owner of memorabilia business Moments in Time, back in 2018.

Zimet had listed a BMW for sale, claiming it was the vehicle that Tupac was murdered in. He was subsequently sent a cease-and-desist letter by Celebrity cars along with a $1.5 million lawsuit threat. The vehicle has been listed for sale since January 2020 and has been featured on the History Channel's hit show Pawn Stars. The owner of the car remains anonymous, but all doubts regarding its authenticity have been erased, along with the bullet holes. All that remains now is a single dent that is thought to be linked to the tragic accident.

The car represents not only a morbid piece of hip-hop history but a remainder that Tupac's murder remains unsolved. In 1996 Tupac Shakur, along with then-manager Suge Knight, had just left the MGM Grand Casino in Las Vegas when they stopped at a stoplight at the intersection of East Flamingo Road and Koval Lane at around 11:15 pm on Sept. 7. It is reported that shots rang out, and Shakur got hit by four .40-caliber rounds, two in the chest, one in the arm, and one in the thigh. He died six days later in a nearby hospital.

Even though the car has had several owners over the years, Celebrity Cars is the first to display it publicly and put it up for sale. The car that was then registered to Death Row Records comes with documentation proving its provenance. Based on photos provided by Celebrity Cars, this includes the original car registration documents that show Death Row Records as the company and bears the company's address.

While the car has been restored to its pre-shooting condition, the 750iL isn't minty fresh with the odometer at 121,043 miles, but the restoration looks nearly flawless. Along with a fresh paint job, the wheels were also traded out.

At the announcement of the sale, Tupac's fans have been voicing their disdain. Many claimed that selling the car is disrespectful and that such a piece of history should be in a museum or at the very least should still be dubbed as critical evidence in his case.

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BMW 7 Series Tupac Shakur Killed In Selling For Close To $2 Million

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The infamous BMW 750IL that Tupac Shakur was shot in is now up for sale. This dark piece of hip-hop history is on the market for a whopping $1.75 million. The 1996 BMW 7 series has had many owners over the years, and it is now being listed by Celebrity Cars Las Vegas.

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California has called in question the results of the Gubernatorial election. This is an important event because it questions the integrity of the election system and is in alignment with the immoral voting restrictions that happened Georgia.

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The 12 questions that help explain the historical, political and logistical forces behind the effort to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom of California.

Organizers soliciting signatures for their "Recall Gavin Newsom" petition in Solvang, Calif. Credit... George Rose/Getty Images

Direct democracy is a big part of Golden State political culture. Since 1911, when California approved recalls as part of a sweeping Progressive-era reform package, at least 179 recall attempts have been made against state officeholders. Launching a recall in California is easier than in almost any state, and every governor since 1960 has faced at least one.

But the vast majority of those efforts against governors fizzle. California is enormous, with a population of nearly 40 million and at least five major media markets. The cost of campaigning statewide tends to thwart all but the most moneyed and determined critics.

Besides Mr. Newsom's, only one other attempted recall of a California governor, Gray Davis, has ever reached an election. Mr. Davis lost in 2003 to Arnold Schwarzenegger, who went on to face his own blitz of attempted recalls.

A recall petition must be signed by enough registered voters to equal 12 percent of the turnout in the last election for governor. The organizers do not need to give a reason for the recall, but they often do. The petition must include at least 1 percent of the last vote for the office in at least five counties. Proponents have 160 days to gather their signatures.

The signatures must then be examined and verified by the California secretary of state. If the petitions meet the threshold - 1,495,709 valid signatures in this case - voters who signed have 30 business days to change their minds. Mr. Newsom's critics turned in more than 1.7 million signatures, and voters had until June 8 to reconsider. Only 43 opted to remove their names.

After that, the rules call for a review to determine the cost of the election. But state lawmakers this year voted to let the secretary of state skip that step as long as money to pay for the election had been set aside.

State budget officials estimated this recall would cost the state $276 million, and the Legislature budgeted the money and expedited the review, which at the time seemed to schedule the election to coincide with California's emergence from the pandemic. But then the virus began to surge once more. This recall election will be conducted under rules initiated to keep voters safe during the pandemic. Mail-in ballots with prepaid postage have been sent to all of the state's 22 million registered and active voters, who have until Sept. 14 to mail back their ballots, deposit them in a secure drop box, or vote in person.

Candidates to replace the governor must be U.S. citizens registered to vote in California, and must pay a filing fee of about $4,000 or submit signatures from 7,000 supporters. They cannot be convicted of certain felonies, and they cannot be the governor up for recall. They have until 59 days before the election to file.

The ballot asks voters two questions: Should the governor be recalled? And if so, who should be the new governor? If the majority of voters say no to the first question, the second is moot. But if more than 50 percent vote yes, the challenger with the most votes becomes the next governor. Critics of the recall contend this is a major flaw because 49.9 percent of the voters could theoretically vote to keep Mr. Newsom, and he could still lose and be replaced by a challenger whose plurality makes up a far smaller sliver of voters. A legal challenge to this effect is pending before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.

The 2003 winner, Mr. Schwarzenegger, had only 48.6 percent of the vote.

Although more than 80 candidates officially announced their intention to challenge Mr. Newsom on the recall, only 46 completed the paperwork necessary to appear on the ballot before the July 16 deadline. No serious challenger has emerged from Mr. Newsom's party, but the governor lost a legal battle to reverse a filing error and include his party affiliation next to his name on the ballot. As a result, the ballot will tell voters what parties his challengers belong to, but not that Mr. Newsom is a Democrat.

The Republicans include Kevin Faulconer, the former mayor of San Diego; John Cox, a San Diego businessman who recently distinguished himself by touring the state with a live Kodiak bear; Kevin Kiley, a Republican state assemblyman; Ted Gaines, a member of the State Board of Equalization; and Caitlyn Jenner, a reality television star and former Olympic athlete. After some legal wrangling over a requirement to produce income tax returns, the conservative talk radio host Larry Elder is also in the fray - and has quickly become the front-running challenger.

The leading challenger among Democrats is Kevin Paffrath, a YouTube influencer and financial adviser. Others include the former Los Angeles billboard fixture Angelyne, who also ran in the 2003 recall, and Jeff Hewitt, a Riverside County supervisor and a libertarian.

Three sets of critics tried five times to recall Mr. Newsom before the sixth recall petition caught on in 2020. The first two groups were led by unsuccessful Republican candidates for Congress in Southern California, and the first papers were filed three months after Mr. Newsom's inauguration in 2019.

All three groups were Trumpian conservatives who, at least initially, raised familiar arguments against the governor's liberal stances on such issues as the death penalty, immigration, gun control and taxes.

The lead proponent of the current recall campaign is Orrin Heatlie, a retired Yolo County sheriff's sergeant who had handled the social media for one of the earlier failed recall bids. He and his group, the California Patriot Coalition, took issue in particular with the Newsom administration's resistance to Trump administration crackdowns on undocumented immigrants.

Mr. Newsom, 53, the former mayor of San Francisco, has long been a favorite target of Republicans.

His liberal pedigree and deep Democratic connections push an array of G.O.P. buttons. His aunt, for instance, was married for a time to Speaker Nancy Pelosi's brother-in-law. Mr. Newsom, a wine merchant, got his start in politics and business with support from the wealthy Getty family. In 2004, he and his first wife, the cable news legal commentator Kimberly Guilfoyle, appeared in a spread for Harper's Bazaar shot at the Getty Villa and titled "The New Kennedys."

As mayor, Mr. Newsom made headlines for sanctioning same-sex marriage licenses before they were legal. As governor, he has remained a progressive standard-bearer. He championed ballot initiatives that legalized recreational marijuana and outlawed possession of the high-capacity magazines often used in mass shootings. One of his first acts as governor was to declare a moratorium on executions.

Mr. Newsom is now married to Jennifer Siebel Newsom, a filmmaker, and is the father of four small children. Ms. Guilfoyle is Donald Trump Jr.'s girlfriend.

California is less liberal in the aggregate than its reputation. Some six million Californians voted for Donald J. Trump in the 2020 election. That's roughly quadruple the number of signatures proponents needed to put a recall onto the ballot, and those were the voters who were targeted.

And increasingly, California races have drawn national money and interest as both parties have come to view the Democratic-dominated state as a stand-in for liberal governance on the national level.

But Democratic voters outnumber Republicans nearly 2-1 in California. The math alone gives Democrats an advantage statewide.

And although Mr. Heatlie and his group describe themselves as mainstream, a significant portion of the energy behind the recall is coming from the fringes. Early rallies to promote it were heavily populated by Proud Boys and anti-vaccination activists. Backers of Mr. Heatlie's campaign have made social media posts bashing immigrants and depicting the governor as Hitler.

"Microchip all illegal immigrants. It works! Just ask Animal control," Mr. Heatlie himself wrote in a 2019 Facebook post. He now says that the remark was "a conversation starter" that he did not intend to be taken literally. Polls have shown Mr. Newsom holding his seat among all voters, but it is unclear who will vote in this unusual, off-year special election. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California showed 53 percent of likely voters opposing the recall after earlier polls showed a far tighter race.

Not at first.

Californians initially approved of Mr. Newsom's handling of the coronavirus pandemic. Mr. Newsom was the first governor in the nation to issue a stay-at-home mandate, a decision that seemed prescient as the virus ravaged the Northeast. But Mr. Newsom's on-again, off-again health rules began testing Californians' patience.

Separately, Mr. Heatlie's recall campaign had languished. It had to be filed twice because of technical errors. By last June, when the secretary of state gave the group permission to start circulating petitions, the governor's emergency health orders had dispersed the usual signature-gathering crowds at supermarkets and malls.

Citing the pandemic restrictions, the group asked Judge James Arguelles of the Sacramento Superior Court for an extension. Judge Arguelles granted it. The governor's supporters say the recall would never have gotten off the ground had the judge not extended the signature-gathering deadline.

Public school parents expressed widespread dissatisfaction with the sustained shutdown of public school classrooms during the pandemic. (Mr. Newsom's children attend private schools.) This month, the governor announced that all teachers and school staff members would have to be vaccinated or undergo weekly testing this school year, a requirement that was immediately slammed by Republican challengers on the ballot.

But the governor's approval ratings were relatively healthy even in the winter when Covid-19 was still pummeling California. As the recall election approaches, his support has been more fragile, sagging when surges have forced him to reinstitute health measures and rising during periods when the virus has waned.

On the evening of Nov. 6, hours after the court approval was made final for the signature gathering extension, the governor went to a birthday party for a Sacramento lobbyist and friend at The French Laundry, a pricey Napa Valley restaurant. After photos leaked of Mr. Newsom mingling, maskless, at the restaurant, he apologized, but Californians were outraged.

And Republicans were ecstatic: Mr. Heatlie's petitions, which had only 55,588 signatures on the day of the dinner, had nearly half a million a month after Nov. 6.

Mr. Heatlie said the 1,719,900 voters who ultimately signed his group's petition are a grass-roots cross-section of Republicans, independents and Democrats who no longer trust the governor. Their names are not public information. Supporters of the governor say the recall supporters are overwhelmingly Republican.

Newt Gingrich, the Republican former House speaker, has promoted the recall. Mike Huckabee, the Republican former governor of Arkansas, donated $100,000 through his political action committee.

John E. Kruger, an Orange County entrepreneur and charter school backer who opposed Mr. Newsom's pandemic health restrictions on churches, remains by far the largest donor. Mr. Kruger, who has donated to candidates of both parties, gave $500,000 to the recall shortly after the French Laundry affair. Mr. Cox, the Republican candidate, also has pumped at least $7 million into the recall and into self-funding for his own campaign.

Most of the state's newspaper editorial boards, including those of The Los Angeles Times, San Diego Union-Tribune, Mercury News, San Francisco Chronicle and Sacramento Bee, have urged voters to vote no on the recall, arguing that it is a waste of money or that the time to vote for or against the governor is next year, when he runs for re-election.

The Orange County Register, traditionally a right-of-center opinion page, endorsed Larry Elder in an editorial that was picked up by some suburban papers under the same ownership in Southern California. The Bakersfield Californian endorsed Mr. Faulconer.

For many months, he did not utter the R-word. But since March, when it became clear that it had traction, Mr. Newsom and his campaign team have launched an all-out war on the recall.

They have actively discouraged Democrats - including Tom Steyer, a former presidential candidate, and Antonio Villaraigosa, a former mayor of Los Angeles who lost to Mr. Newsom in the 2018 primary - from launching rival campaigns.

And they have mustered not only their Democratic base, including progressives and organized labor, but also big names within the party - President Biden, Elizabeth Warren - and establishment interests. For example, the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce Board of Directors, a business organization, has come out against the recall, calling it an "irresponsible" distraction from the state's efforts to revive the economy.

Californians, meanwhile, have in some ways had it better than a studio audience on "Oprah." In the spring, as the virus receded, Mr. Newsom tweaked health rules to hasten the reopening of businesses and classrooms. He rebated large portions of an enormous state surplus in the form of stimulus checks to poor and middle class taxpayers for up to $1,100 per household. And as California reopened, he held lotteries complete with ball machines and $1.5 million grand prizes, as part of the nation's largest vaccine incentive program.

Pollsters note that Mr. Newsom has less personal popularity to fall back on than his predecessors, including Arnold Schwarzenegger and Jerry Brown. And a poll earlier this summer by the Institute of Governmental Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, found that Californians who plan to vote in the September special election are almost evenly split on whether to recall Mr. Newsom.

But more recent polls show him prevailing by double digits and have consistently shown voters overall oppose the recall. A poll released this monthby the Public Policy Institute of California, found that nearly six in 10 likely voters would vote to keep the governor.

With 46 percent of the state's voters registered Democratic and only 24 percent registered Republican, Mr. Newsom should have the advantage - if Democrats turn out for him.

Tens of millions of dollars from big donors have delivered the governor an enormous financial advantage over his Republican rivals. Mr. Newsom raised more than $70 million into an account to battle the recall, much of it in July and August. The money has allowed him and his allies to dominate the television airwaves and out-advertise his opponents online.

Campaign finance rules have worked in Mr. Newsom's favor. California law treats his defense against the recall as a ballot issue, but treats the candidacies of his challengers as regular elections. So the governor can raise unlimited sums to fend off the recall, while his rivals, unless they are self-funding, must abide by a $32,400-per-election limit on individual contributions. Mega-donations for and against the overall recall campaigns are not restricted by those single-candidate limits.

In late May, Mr. Newsom's campaign announced a $3 million donation from the founder of Netflix, Reed Hastings, who supported Mr. Villaraigosa in the 2018 primary. Labor groups, tribal organizations and the California Association of Realtors have also pledged large sums.

The backers of the recall efforts, on the other hand, had difficulty raising money, in part, they said, because major Republican donors did not have confidence that the recall could be successful. Even with some significant contributions, the combined contributions to the challengers and committees campaigning for the recall added up to only a fraction of the money raised by the governor.

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The 12 questions that help explain the historical, political and logistical forces behind the effort to recall Gov. Gavin Newsom of California. Direct democracy is a big part of Golden State political culture. Since 1911, when California approved recalls as part of a sweeping Progressive-era reform package, at least 179 recall attempts have been made against state officeholders.