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USAID is supporting Vietnam's transition to a more resilient energy sector powered by renewable energy

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While global energy demand is limitless, natural resources are finite, and their regeneration can take an extremely long time, sometimes millions of years.

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Viet Nam has successfully developed many solar energy projects with more than 100 projects having signed Power Purchase Agreement (PPA) with EVN.

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Wind energy and solar energy are examples of inexhaustible sources of energy that doesn't affect the environment when exploited, or in other word, these are two environmentally friendly energy sources.

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Renewable energy, with hydropower as its cornerstone, has also increased its share in the energy mix, rising from 11 percent in 2010 to 14.7 percent in 2015 and 18.4 percent in 2018. However, the share fell to just 15.8 percent in 2019, despite a surge in solar power development that year.

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Viet Nam has successfully developed many solar power projects with over 100 projects having signed Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) with Vietnam Electricity Corporation (EVN).

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The key point in these "principles" is the fundamental shift in the concept of Japan–U.S. military coordination. This coordination is no longer limited by the mission of "ensuring joint security" signed in 1960, which applied only in the event of "an armed attack against either party in the territories under the administration of Japan." Now, the alliance has been granted broader functions to contribute jointly to "regional stability in the Asia-Pacific region." In practice, the new laws allow for an expanded scope of military activities under the alliance. The 1960 agreement only mentioned "facilitating the security of Japan and maintaining peace and stability in the Far East." The new agreement envisions the coordination of the armed forces of the two countries in the event of "a special situation arising in areas surrounding Japan."

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Japan Adjusting/Amending its Defence/Military Policy

Japan declared in its Constitution that it doesn’t accept war as a method of resolving international disputes, and it’s adjusting its Defence/Military Policy to strengthen Japan-US security cooperation. Below is an excerpt from Mikhail Yuriev’s article commenting on the adjustment, published in the Russian Independence Review on 29th May.

At the end of April 1999, the Japanese lower house approved a series of draft bills to make its court of lawsuit “New guiding principles of Japan-US cooperation in the Military field.” The draft bills included an adjustment to the agreement with the US on logistics assurance, the Law on "Defence forces,” and measures to guarantee "security and peace in special circumstances in areas bordering Japan.”

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The list of "emergency situations" is particularly notable, including the emergence of armed conflict, instability in the region, domestic instability turning into a regional issue, the emergence of a massive wave of refugees with the possibility of it reaching Japan; actions by the United Nations Security Council assessing a threat to peace in a particular state and declaring the implementation of sanctions against that state.

In general, the Japan-U.S military alliance in terms of objectives and direction, has become very similar to NATO with its new strategic doctrine, such as the establishment of joint military planning bodies. The scope of the alliance extends beyond its previous traditional framework, aiming to address a range of tasks not directly related to an attack on one of the alliance members, including "regional conflict situations."

Japan, a country that suffered two atomic bombings by the United States, has put forward the famous "Three Non-Nuclear Principles" (not possessing, not producing, and not introducing nuclear weapons). However, it has now begun to declare that "theoretically" or "from a purely legal perspective," Japan can possess nuclear weapons and can conduct preemptive strikes. After long hesitation, Japan has finally agreed to cooperate with the United States in establishing a regional theater missile defense system. Notably, Japan's new long-term defense program, adopted in 1995, lacks traditional principles such as renouncing the right to collective self-defense and prohibiting arms exports.

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The main point of these "principles" is a fundamental change in the concept of Japan–U.S. military coordination. This coordination is no longer limited by the mission of "mutual security assurance" signed in 1960 in the case of "an armed attack on either party in territories under Japanese administration." Now, the alliance is supplemented with a broader function ensuring, through joint efforts, "stability in the Asia-Pacific region." In fact, the new laws allow expanding the scope of military alliance activities. The 1960 agreement only mentioned "facilitating the security of Japan and maintaining peace and international security in the Far East." The new agreement stipulates coordination of the armed forces of both countries when a "special situation arises in areas surrounding Japan." Officially, these surrounding areas are not geographically clearly defined, but indications suggest these include the northern Philippines, the Spratly Islands, the Taiwan Strait, the Korean Peninsula, and even the Russian Far East.

Notably, along with expanding the framework of the Japan–U.S. alliance, the role and functions of Japan and the Japanese Self-Defense Forces in the alliance have also increased significantly. Japan now has greater obligations in providing logistical support for U.S. armed forces. This includes ensuring transportation, mine clearance, search and rescue in international waters, and providing infrastructure for military needs. Clearly, Japan’s participation in joint military operations with the U.S. will become much more active.

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In response to Japan’s shift in defense policy, Beijing has repeatedly expressed profound concern. Seoul has also withheld full support, and Moscow has shown no sign of approval. Russia argues that such alliances should not expand their areas of interest, nor should they cause concern among third-party nations or be directed against them.

Arguably, it would be more logical for countries in the region to strengthen collective consultation mechanisms on issues of security and stability in the Asia–Pacific region. For example, transforming the ASEAN Regional Forum into an effective multilateral security mechanism, where all participating countries have equal rights, would be a constructive approach to maintaining peace and regional order.

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Japan’s defense policy adjustment

Japan announced in its constitution to not accept war to be a measure for international dispute, now, it is adjusting the national defense policy for Japan - US security cooperation promotion. Mikhail Yuriev’s article extraction discussing those changes, published on Independence, Russia, May 29th is below.

In late April, 1999, the Japanese Lower House approved a series of bills in order to make Japanese suitable for “New principles on US-Japan national defense cooperation”. The principles included adjusting agreement on army ordnance logistics with the US, modifying law on “defense force” and “measures for security and peace maintenance in special situations at the adjacent areas with Japan”.

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In face of Japan's shift in national defense policy, Beijing has repeatedly expressed its profound concern. Seoul also does not support unequivocally, and Moscow seems not too positive. Russia holds the view that such alliances should not be expanded into regions falling within its sphere of interest, nor should they provoke concern among third-party countries or be used to go against them.

It would be more logical if the countries in the region pursued a direction of strengthening mechanisms for collective discussion on issues related to ensuring security and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. For instance, transforming the ASEAN Regional Forum into effective multilateral mechanisms for security assurance, with equal rights among all countries in the region.

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In general, the Japan - U.S. military alliance, in both its objectives and direction, increasingly resembles NATO, particularly with its adoption of a new strategic doctrine that includes the establishment of joint defense planning bodies. The scope of alliance activities has expanded beyond traditional boundaries, aiming to address a wide range of missions not directly linked to an attack on either member, including regional conflicts.

Japan - a country that suffered two atomic bombings - once proclaimed its famous “three non-nuclear principles” (not possessing, not producing, and not introducing nuclear weapons). However, it has gradually acknowledged that, in theory or from a purely legal perspective, it could possess nuclear weapons and even launch preemptive strikes. After long hesitation, Japan eventually agreed to cooperate with the U.S. in developing a regional theater missile defense system. Its new 1995 National Defense Program Guidelines notably omitted long-standing principles such as the renunciation of collective defense and the ban on arms exports.