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Francesco Cordasco, The Bilingual Education Act, The Phi Delta Kappan, Vol. 51, No. 2 (Oct., 1969), p. 75

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Verifying you are human. This may take a few seconds.

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Blowout! | Mario T. García | University of North Carolina Press

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In March 1968, thousands of Chicano students walked out of their East Los Angeles high schools and middle schools to protest decades of inferior and discrimi…

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JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources.

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Concerning Segregation of Spanish-Speaking Children in the Public Schools

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The online portal to the records held at the National Archives, and information about those records.

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Multicultural Education as a Social Movement on JSTOR

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Christine E. Sleeter, Multicultural Education as a Social Movement, Theory Into Practice, Vol. 35, No. 4, Multicultural Education: Cases and Commentaries (Autumn, 1996), pp. 239-247

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Understanding Latino Student Racial and Ethnic Identification: Theories of Race and Ethnicity on JSTOR

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Edward Fergus, Understanding Latino Student Racial and Ethnic Identification: Theories of Race and Ethnicity, Theory Into Practice, Vol. 55, No. 1, Colorism in Education (Winter 2016), pp. 20-27

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Racial Discrimination in Legal Education, 1950 to 1963 on JSTOR

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Michael H. Cardozo, Racial Discrimination in Legal Education, 1950 to 1963, Journal of Legal Education, Vol. 43, No. 1 (March 1993), pp. 79-84

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same

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The History, Development, and Future of Ethnic Studies on JSTOR

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Evelyn Hu-DeHart, The History, Development, and Future of Ethnic Studies, The Phi Delta Kappan, Vol. 75, No. 1 (Sep., 1993), pp. 50-54

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impacts of multicultural education -- arguing that this is an effect of chicano demands

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Does Multicultural Education Improve Students’ Racial Attitudes? Implications for Closing the Achievement Gap on JSTOR

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Ogo Okoye-Johnson, Does Multicultural Education Improve Students’ Racial Attitudes? Implications for Closing the Achievement Gap, Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 42, No. 8 (NOVEMBER 2011), pp. 1252-1274

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context of the time period, the oppression Mexican-Americans faced in the time leading up to the movement

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The Dialectics of Repression: The Los Angeles Police Department and the Chicano Movement, 1968-1971 on JSTOR

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Edward J. Escobar, The Dialectics of Repression: The Los Angeles Police Department and the Chicano Movement, 1968-1971, The Journal of American History, Vol. 79, No. 4 (Mar., 1993), pp. 1483-1514

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theres more links in this thing

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This month, students across the United States walk out of their schools to demand tougher gun laws. Meanwhile, this month marks the fiftieth anniversary of a massive student walkout in East Los Angeles. Starting on March 1st, 1968, more than 10,000 students in mostly Chicano schools took part in what became known as the East Los Angeles School Blowouts. In the mid-1990s, education scholar Dolores Delgada Bernal talked to eight female participants in the protests, using their oral histories to explain the mass act of student civil disobedience.

Delgado Bernal writes that the complaints that drove the Blowouts weren't suddenly discovered by 1960s radicals. Racism, inferior funding, and a lack of attention to Mexican history and culture were the types of educational issues Chicanos had been organizing against since the turn of the twentieth century.

For the eight women Delgado Bernal spoke with, the local history of political engagement was relevant to their work in the schools. Five had a family history of community or labor involvement.

A galvanizing experience for many of the student organizers was participation in a Mexican-American leadership camp sponsored by the Los Angeles County Commission on Human Relations. While the camp was designed to help Mexican-American students integrate into "the mainstream of Anglo-American life," it put the high school students in contact with politically active Chicanos in their 20s and 30s, leading some of them to link up with the farmworkers movement.

Over the course of a week and a half, students at seven high schools across East LA marched out of their schools in coordinated protests.

Back at school, East Los Angeles kids faced injustice themselves. More than half of Chicano students dropped out of high school, or were pushed out, before graduation. One of Delgado Bernal's subjects recalled overcrowded classrooms, shortages of books, and "teachers who would say, 'You dirty Mexicans, why don't you go back where you came from?'"

Over the course of a week and a half, students at seven high schools across East LA marched out of their schools in coordinated protests. The media focused their attention mostly on male participants-particularly 13 male students and supporters who were arrested and imprisoned on conspiracy charges. But Delgado Bernal notes that this focus not only minimized the participation of girls and women but also misrepresented the work that was necessary to make the walkouts happen.

Away from the cameras, teenage girls were organizing community meetings, making connections between the students and organizations like PTAs and the school board. They also helped publish underground newspapers explaining the student movement, and they informally spread the word about what was happening.

Some of the women told Delgado Bernal that they faced patriarchal expectations from boys and men in the movement. But, in some cases, they were also happy and proud to do activist work from a traditionally feminine position.

"I was happy, as I still am today, to be in the background," one of them said.

Today's student activists are building on the work of previous generations of kids, particularly marginalized students of color. But it may be one sign of progress that some of the most prominent student activists today are girls, including Latina Stoneman Douglas shooting survivor Emma González.

Resources

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The Activist Students of 1960s East Los Angeles | JSTOR Daily

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This month, students across the United States walk out of their schools to demand tougher gun laws. Meanwhile, this month marks the fiftieth anniversary of a massive student walkout in East Los Angeles. Starting on March 1st, 1968, more than 10,000 students in mostly Chicano schools took part in what became known as the East Los Angeles School Blowouts.

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Johns H. Harrington, L.A.’s Student Blowout, The Phi Delta Kappan, Vol. 50, No. 2 (Oct., 1968), pp. 74-79

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Explore 50 years of activism by Chicanos Por La Causa

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Explore 50 years of activism by Chicanos Por La Causa

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student activism group

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Explore 50 years of activism by Chicanos Por La Causa

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The documentary explores the roots of Chicanos Por La Causa as a group of young students protesting academic discrimination and racial injustice at their Phoenix high school and its growth into one of the largest Latino organizations in the country.

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Chicano/Latino Activism in Seattle, 1960s-1970s

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Chicano/Latino Activism in Seattle, 1960s-1970s

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Chicano/Latino Activism in Seattle, 1960s-1970s

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The Digital Public Library of America brings together the riches of America’s libraries, archives, and museums, and makes them freely available to the world.

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A Federal Case II; 20; Chicanos and the Media

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A Federal Case II; 20; Chicanos and the Media

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A Federal Case II; 20; Chicanos and the Media

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“A Federal Case II” is a weekly program produced by the National
Educational Radio Network which examines current political topics in the
United States and Washington, D.C. Each episode features interviews with
experts, members of the public, and lawmakers concerning a specific issue of
government.

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Press Conference re: Fremont High Chicano Student Demands

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Press Conference re: Fremont High Chicano Student Demands

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this will be PACKED with anecdotes

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Press Conference re: Fremont High Chicano Student Demands

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The Digital Public Library of America brings together the riches of America’s libraries, archives, and museums, and makes them freely available to the world.

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Civil Rights Movements: Past and Present

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Civil Rights Movements: Past and Present

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César Chávez (pg 112-114)

Chicano Movement (pg 114-118)

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A Movement Made of "Young Mexican Americans Seeking Change": Critical Citizenship, Migration, and the Chicano Movement in Texas and Wisconsin, 1960-1975

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A Movement Made of "Young Mexican Americans Seeking Change": Critical Citizenship, Migration, and the Chicano Movement in Texas and Wisconsin, 1960-1975

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i think this will focus more on the student part

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A Movement Made of “Young Mexican Americans Seeking Change”: Critical Citizenship, Migration, and the Chicano Movement in Texas and Wisconsin, 1960-1975 on JSTOR

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Marc Simon Rodriguez, A Movement Made of “Young Mexican Americans Seeking Change”: Critical Citizenship, Migration, and the Chicano Movement in Texas and Wisconsin, 1960-1975, Western Historical Quarterly, Vol. 34, No. 3 (Autumn, 2003), pp. 274-299

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Chicano Movement Flag and Group on JSTOR

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JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources.

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Another photo of activism

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JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources.

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This shows the student activism aspect

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JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources.

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PROTEST, REPRESSION, AND RACE: LEGAL VIOLENCE AND THE CHICANO MOVEMENT.

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PROTEST, REPRESSION, AND RACE: LEGAL VIOLENCE AND THE CHICANO MOVEMENT.

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History I think, like what led up to it

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The Chicano Movement: Mexican American History and the Struggle for Equality.

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The Chicano Movement: Mexican American History and the Struggle for Equality.

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The icon indicates free access to the linked research on JSTOR.

"Chicano" was a " previously pejorative term adopted by young Mexican Americans to establish and define their own identity," explains historian Edward J. Escobar. Among many events that politicized the community was the Chicano Moratorium march of August 29, 1970.

Beginning in East Los Angeles, the march ended with planned speeches, picnic food, and music in a park. The Moratorium had been called to protest the disproportionately high number of casualties among Mexican-American soldiers serving in Vietnam. At twenty to thirty thousand strong, the crowd was the "largest demonstration [to date] ever mounted by people of Mexican descent living in the United States," according to Escobar.

The Sixties were as much about about police repression as they were about protest.

But then the Los Angeles Country Sheriff's Department, "responding to a minor disturbance a block away," declared the demonstration unlawful. The police charged with tear gas and nightsticks before the crowd could disperse. Three people were killed, including influential journalist Rubén Salazar, who was shot through the head with a tear gas projectile. Even some conservative Mexican-American organizations called Salazar's killing murder.

Escobar notes that the Sixties were as much about about police repression as they were about protest. Counterintelligence programs (COINTELPRO, in FBI-speak), which originally coordinated police at the local, state, and federal levels to suppress the Civil Rights and Black Power movements, were also unleashed on Chicano dissenters. The police used harassment, legal action, violence, spies, agents provocateurs, and traditional red-baiting to undermine and destroy the perceived threat of Chicanismo.

Police got what Escobar calls "mixed results." Chicano groups, organizing around Vietnam, farm workers, land tenure, education reform, political representation, and police brutality, were undermined by the weight of police repression. For instance, Salazar, their most prominent gateway into mainstream media (he had had a Los Angeles Times column and was a radio producer), was silenced. But, in what Escobar calls the "dialectic of repression," police efforts themselves became a rallying cry for Chicano organizers. Attempts to take down the movement increased grassroots support for it. State intimidation and violence backfired.

"The conflict between the LAPD and the Chicano movement helped to politicize Mexican Americans by making clear their subordination, giving them an increased sense of ethnic identity, and arousing a greater determination to act collectively to overcome that subordination," Escobar writes.

In 1967, LAPD Chief Thomas Reddin had argued that massive force-"kill the butterfly with a sledgehammer," he said-had to be deployed against demonstrations. Reddin was specifically talking about "the present Negro movement," but tactics like intelligence gathering, psychological warfare, and criminal activities (ranging from law-breaking by " agents provocateurs to political assassination") were aimed at Chicanos as well.

Even before the attack on the Moratorium demonstrators, these included brutal beatings; an undercover police officer trying to burn down the Biltmore Hotel and blame the Chicano Brown Berets; and the listing of UCLA's Educational Opportunities Program as a subversive organization. Through it all, "police repression not only invigorated the Chicano movement but also helped to politicize and empower the Mexican-American community."

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Police Versus the Chicano Moratorium March of 1970 - JSTOR Daily

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Despite police violence against Chicano demonstrators in Los Angeles, the movement was not deterred.

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Mexican Americans – American Mexicans: From Conquistadors to Chicanos

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Mexican Americans – American Mexicans: From Conquistadors to Chicanos

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pgs 218 and on (221-22, 225)

pg 215

education and movement in index

pg 216