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Assessment 3: Article Review (20%) & Written Critique (20%)

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Assessment 3: Article Review (20%) & Written Critique (20%)

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This assignment consists of two parts:

oral article review (individual -5 mins) - 20%

written critique (group work - 3 max) - 20%

Use ONE peer‑reviewed research article for BOTH tasks.

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Submit your completed AI log via the Google Form here: https://forms.gle/wHCUigVJgMJ2bnwm9

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Written Critique: Turnitin Submission Link

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Written Critique: Turnitin Submission Link

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Please ensure you have completed the following steps before uploading:

Upload your full written critique in PDF format.

Your Turnitin Similarity and AI report must show a score below 30%.

Submit at least 24 hours early to allow for report generation and any necessary revisions.

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11 Difficult English Accents You WON'T Understand

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Assessment 2: ePoster Presentation (30%)

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Assessment 2: ePoster Presentation (30%)

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Provide an account of English in a ‘New’ Englishes context that you are familiar with or interested in, specifically in the Outer Circle and Expanding Circle countries.

Click the link below to register your group

members and chosen country: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1wHerB4Mt4q-axhuqhKvi1D9vv0DPoYgWCsb5rDBoeuU/edit?usp=sharing

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Course Briefing October 2025- February 2026

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Course Briefing October 2025- February 2026

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4. EIC 453 Course Briefing October 2025- February 2026

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The British Accent (Modern RP) | Londoner Cockney Vs RP examples! | British English

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Where did English come from? - Claire Bowern (TED -Ed)

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Where did English come from? - Claire Bowern (TED -Ed)

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Where did English come from? - Claire Bowern

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Code-switching: Jumping Between 2 Different Languages

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Code-switching: Jumping Between 2 Different Languages

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What Is Code-Switching? | Between The Lines

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Code-switching: Jumping Between 2 Different Languages

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Code-switching: Jumping Between 2 Different Languages

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CODE-SWITCHING: Jumping Between 2 Different Languages

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The Cost of Code Switching | Chandra Arthur | TEDxOrlando

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The Cost of Code Switching | Chandra Arthur | TEDxOrlando

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The Cost of Code Switching | Chandra Arthur | TEDxOrlando

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What are Creoles and Pidgins? And What`s the Difference? 

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What are Creoles and Pidgins? And What`s the Difference? 

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What are Creoles and Pidgins? And What`s the Difference?

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Jamaican Creole (Patois) (an English based creole language)

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Jamaican Creole (Patois) (an English based creole language)

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The Sound of the Jamaican Patois language (Numbers, Greetings, Sample Text & The Parable)

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The Sound of the Jamaican Patois language (Numbers, Greetings, Sample Text & The Parable)

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The Sound of the Jamaican Patois language (Numbers, Greetings, Sample Text & The Parable)

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Tok Pisin Creole (an English based creole language)

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Tok Pisin Creole (an English based creole language)

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Haitian Creole (a French based creole language)

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Haitian Creole (a French based creole language)

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Haitian Creole - The World's Most Widely Spoken Creole Language

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How to speak the Jamaican Patois/Patwah part 2

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Assessment 1: ePortfolio & Written Reflection Task Sheet (30%)

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Assessment 1: ePortfolio & Written Reflection Task Sheet (30%)

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Hi everyone,

For detailed information regarding Assessment 1, including requirements and the nature of the task please refer to the Task Sheet document attached to this announcement. It contains all the necessary details you'll need to successfully complete the assignment.

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View the key for Caribbean English here.

Of all World English varieties currently addressed by the OED, delineating a 'Caribbean English' provides the greatest challenge. The Caribbean is defined by the OED (2b) as the region consisting of the Caribbean Sea, its islands (including Cuba, the West Indies, Puerto Rico, and others), and the surrounding coastal areas. There is vast phonetic and phonological diversity across this region, but separate models for each nation would be impractical given the small number of terms currently in the OED from some of the Caribbean nations. The features represented, therefore, are some of the commonalities between forms of English spoken in the Caribbean, with preference weighted towards slightly more widely-spoken varieties, rather than representing the pronunciations of any particular speaker per se. However, the complexities of deriving this model warrant more extended discussion than for other varieties.

The following regions are evaluated in determining a 'Caribbean English' variety, in descending order of influence in accordance with population and linguistic demographic data: Jamaica (both Jamaican English and Jamaican Creole), Trinidad & Tobago (English and Creole), Guyana, Belize, the Bahamas and Barbados (English and the Creole known as Bajan). These are countries and territories in which the predominant language is English and where the population is greater than 200,000. Belize is an unusual case in having an official language of English but high levels of Spanish and Creole forms which render it different in some key respects. The Englishes and/or creoles of smaller island states and territories are also considered, under Aceto's (2008) broad category of 'Eastern Caribbean English-derived language varieties' (hereafter ECEDs).

Complicating matters is that many Caribbean nations have a 'lectal' continuum of forms of English, varying from an acrolect (a prestigious and largely 'standard' variety spoken in mainly formal situations) to a basilect (a low-prestige and colloquial form which differs greatly from the standard). Between the two lies the mesolect, often the most widely spoken form. The basilect may frequently be sufficiently far from the acrolect that it may be largely unrecognisable to someone only familiar with the latter, but the mesolect will both be recognisably 'English' whilst exhibiting some prominent creole influences. Where possible, it is the mesolectal forms that are compared across varieties for the purposes of the OED.

Although Wells (1982) gives some description of the Caribbean varieties, the vowels are generally far more similar across varieties than is indicated by the contributors to the 2008 Varieties of English series. Readers are directed to the chapters by Aceto, Blake, Devonish & Harry, Childs & Wolfram, and Youssef & James in particular.

Having compiled and reviewed the descriptions of each variety, the vowel systems of those Caribbean varieties for which sufficient data could be obtained are compared. Descriptions of Jamaican English, Jamaican Creole, Trinidad & Tobagan Creole, Guyanese English, Bajan, and a form straddling key vowel features of Anglo-Bahamian and Afro-Bahamian Englishes are cross-referenced for commonalities across vowel qualities to propose the model below. Other varieties with less data available (such as the ECEDs, which no single feature unites) are more informally considered in determining between competing representations. The vowels are discussed further below.

KIT, DRESS, TRAP, BATH and FOOT vowels demonstrate reasonable consistency across the region and are straightforward to propose an encompassing set. STRUT's most common phonetic realisation region-wide is rounded and slightly backed compared with the British form, but overall the variation in this sound is best considered with reference to /ʌ/ rather than /ɔ/.

LOT and CLOTH are more complex. In several of the more rhotic creoles, these are not qualitatively distinct from each other nor from TRAP, but in other varieties a clear distinction remains. The distinction here is based on Bahamian English, which has a qualitative difference between the three, but with length-marking on CLOTH for which an equivalent distinction exists in Devonish & Harry's Jamaican varieties. This is also the variant pronunciation quality difference described by Wells for Guyanese and Jamaican varieties.

FLEECE and GOOSE are consistent across the region with minimal variation. Although several varieties do not utilize central vowels as in NURSE, several more 'Standard' varieties retain them, if in a reduced set of environments. NEAR and SQUARE vowels are almost uniformly homophonous, while the limited references to CURE indicate common homophony with FORCE vowels. START and PALM are identical in quality and length with BATH. NORTH and THOUGHT demonstrate more notable variation, with a back rounded quality at one extreme and far more anterior unrounded quality at the other. The proposal here is to offer both, as is current common practice for US THOUGHT vowels. Rhoticity is discussed in a separate section below.

The front-closing point of PRIDE and VOICE is frequently described as [i] rather than [ɪ] (except in Wells), though these are particularly varied and many are slightly more open. The homophony between these vowels is highly variable also, hence two vowels for are given at either end of the continuum for VOICE. FACE and GOAT are monophthongs (unlike the two-quality British versions) in the vast majority of the region, but MOUTH is again highly varied.

Schwas are relatively rare in most Caribbean varieties, and are not proposed here. Nor are intermediate values /ᵻ, ᵿ/. Instead, LETTER and AGO are TRAP /a/ (though may be more central), HAPPY, PIANO and BECAUSE are reduced-length FLEECE /i/, BEAUTIFUL is FOOT /ʊ/, and RABBIT and ADDED are KIT /ɪ/.

The model follows Devonish & Harry's Jamaican English description regarding nasal airflow on vowels, so there is no variable deletion of a nasal consonant (nasalisation on the vowel is therefore deemed pure allophonic detail and not indicated). Similarly, there are no 'underspecified' vowels.

Regarding consonants, the OED model contains 22, all as in British English but without the dental fricatives. Despite reports of both Jamaican and Bahamian English that /θ/ as /t/ is less frequent than that of /ð/ as /d/, the vast majority of the less 'Standard' forms have stopping of both and this is reflected here.

One of the most varied features of the Caribbean varieties is rhoticity (/r/ after vowels). The OED Caribbean English system offers a bracketed /r/ wherever it may feasibly be encountered, though this only rarely applies to LETTER even in the more rhotic varieties so is not indicated here.

Syllabic consonants may occur, but in a more limited fashion compared with British and American varieties. Nasal (/m n ŋ/) consonants can be made syllabic following consonants made in the same part of the mouth ('homorganic consonants', such as in the word hidden), but following Jamaican Creole syllabic /l/ can only after velar consonants (/k/, /ɡ/, /ŋ/).

Coalescence is not particularly indicated in the OED model. This follows the second of the three groups of Jamaican English speakers described by Devonish & Harry, such that /j/ is consistently retained for historical /tj, dj/ sequences such as Tuesday, dew but not over-applied ( chew, junior remain with affricates). However, /sj/ is reflected as /ʃ/ (and /zj/ as /ʒ/).

Following many Caribbean creoles, /t/ and /d/ in syllable-final consonant clusters are often not pronounced after another stop or fricative sound of the same voicing (e.g. /-ft, -st, -kt). Like many West Indian ECEDs this is also applied to word-final /d/ ( send, build). However, unlike some of the deeper Creoles, the consonant is retained if morphemically significant (i.e. in an inflectional suffix, so passed would retain it, but not past).

Some features considerably different from the British English are only attested in particular subvarieties across the Caribbean and are not part of the model despite extensive consideration. Following Jamaican English and most of the ECEDs, initial /h/ is retained but no /h/-insertion is indicated. While many varieties (particularly creoles) have particular rules regarding nasals after particular vowels, they too are highly variable. However, final morpheme -ing is transcribed /ɪn/. Several varieties within the region have a /w/-/v/ merger, but in different ways. Some more commonly have allophones of /v/ replacing /w/ in watch, waste while others vice-versa and others have both. The most logical compromise is to retain the Standard clarity regarding /w/ and /v/. Finally, 'palatal stops' (resembling /k g ŋ/ but made slightly further forward in the mouth, on the hard palate), a particular feature in Jamaican Creole influenced by the African Twi dialect, are not given bespoke symbols but anglicized to /kj/, /gj/ and /nj/ in parallel form to Cassidy & Le Page (2002).

Some of the most distinctive features of Caribbean English, however, lie in the assignment of stress and intonation, with syllabic pitch separated from stress in a notable departure from British and American standard varieties. Stress must be assessed on a case-by-case basis, with the acknowledgement that several Caribbean varieties assign final stress where metropolitan varieties have initial stress, e.g. realize, celebrate, kitchen. Intonation is not indicated in the OED's transcriptions but spoken pronunciations will invariably reflect this aspect. Readers are directed to the discussion in Allsopp (1996) for further details on this topic.

Sources

Aceto, M. 2008. Eastern Caribbean English-derived language varieties: phonology. In: E.W. Schneider, ed. Varieties of English 2: the Americas and the Caribbean. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.290-311.

Allsopp, R. 1996. Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Blake, R. 2008. Bajan: phonology. In: E.W. Schneider, ed. Varieties of English 2: the Americas and the Caribbean. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.312-319.

Cassidy, F.G. and Le Page, R.B. 2002. Dictionary of Jamaican English. 2 nd ed. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press.

Childs, B. and Wolfram, W. 2008. Bahamian English: phonology. In: E.W. Schneider, ed. Varieties of English 2: the Americas and the Caribbean. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.239-255.

Devonish, H. and Harry, O.G. 2008. Jamaican Creole and Jamaican English: phonology. In: E.W. Schneider, ed. Varieties of English 2: the Americas and the Caribbean. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.256-289.

Escure, G. 2013. Belizean Creole. In: S.M. Michaelis, P. Maurer, M. Haspelmath and M. Huber, eds. The survey of pidgin and creole languages, volume 1: English-based and Dutch-based languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.92-100.

Holm, J.A. and Shilling, A.W. 1982. Dictionary of Bahamian English. New York: Lexik House.

Winer, L. 2008. Dictionary of the English/Creole of Trinidad & Tobago: on historical principles. Kingston, Ontario: McGill-Queen's University Press.

Youssef, V. and James, W. 2008. The creoles of Trinidad and Tobago: phonology. In: E.W. Schneider, ed. Varieties of English 2: the Americas and the Caribbean. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.320-338.

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Pronunciation model: Caribbean English | Oxford English Dictionary

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View the key for Caribbean English here. Of all World English varieties currently addressed by the OED, delineating a 'Caribbean English' provides the greatest challenge. The Caribbean is defined by the OED (2b) as the region consisting of the Caribbean Sea, its islands (including Cuba, the West Indies, Puerto Rico, and others), and the surrounding coastal areas.

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Caribbean English (what it sounds like, slang, accents)

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Caribbean English (what it sounds like, slang, accents)

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Caribbean English (what it sounds like, slang, accents)

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Discover Dominican Republic, the essence of the Caribbean Sea (English)

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Discover Dominican Republic, the essence of the Caribbean Sea (English)

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Discover Dominican Republic, the essence of the Caribbean Sea (English)

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FATIN NUR AYU LIANA BINTI ABDUL WAHAB

NUR ALESYA SOPIA ANUAR

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NUR IRDINA ABDUL GHANI

ZAINAB MOHD NAZRI

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WAN NUR ALYA WAN AHMAD DAHLAN

AFIQ AFFANDI RUDY

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Learn the Cockney accent with Jason Statham

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The advantages of the global spread of English

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The advantages of the global spread of English

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Fit

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The dark side of the global spread of English - language imperialism

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The dark side of the global spread of English - language imperialism

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Some argue that the historical and current bloodshed of Western imperialism has transformed the English language into a universal tool of communication. Through centuries of colonialism, neocolonialism, Cold War expansionism, and, most recently, globalization, the West has spread its preferred systems of capitalism, democracy, and moral values. The British, until the beginning of the 20th century, and more recently the Americans, have emerged as the major sources of foreign influence throughout the globe. As a result of this, contemporary English is detached from any specific cultural identity; it is a tool which links different societies in an increasingly smaller world.

The first population to speak English was the British. About five hundred years ago, between five and seven million people spoke the language; today, about 1.8 billion people do. Processes of violent imperialism have paved the way for the cultural pandemic originating in the West. Until the 19th century, the British were the major superpower, and their method of colonization included establishing schools which taught English language and Western culture to locals who needed to be "modernized." Most former British colonies now use English as their official language (e.g. Ghana and South Africa). Ever since the US colonized Puerto Rico after winning the Spanish-American (note the absence of Puerto Rico, or Cuba, in the name of the war), the official languages on the island became Spanish and, of course, English.

Today, English is the third most spoken language in the world and tops the list of second languages. English is a necessity for studying at the most prestigious institutions of higher learning, a ticket to working almost anywhere in the world, and an instrument enabling a livelihood in the wealthiest nations. It has become the norm for non-native English speakers to communicate with other non-native English speakers in English if they do not share a native language. For example, Amsterdam is now populated by a large foreign community; most Italian, Spanish, and Chinese nationals who work there use English in the office to communicate amongst themselves and Dutch locals.

This phenomenon feeds into the growth of social inequality linked to globalization. The majority of the time, English learned as a second language in public schools does not create a proficiency level adequate for working, studying, or relying on the language in daily life. Private language courses, summer exchange programs abroad and access to international schools are expensive and limited to a privileged minority. As is common, this kind of globalization seems to only benefit the rich.

As English becomes the new global norm for large-scale business, innovation, and science, indigenous languages rich in cultural heritage and history often get put to the side. For example, in Puerto Rico, international trade and a Western econo-political system undermine small businesses and local traditions. As Rafael Trelles, a member of the Puerto Rican Independentista Party claims, " Colonialism has destroyed the working culture of the most poor sectors of our population and created a culture of dependence." People dedicate their time and resources to learning and perfecting their understanding and knowledge of English, rather than preserving their own customs and culture.

The process of globalization leads people to visualize an array of opportunities and an exponentially better future linked to the English language. A language is not only an instrument of communication, however. It is also the tool of a society, made up of its culture, traditions, and sets of religious and ideological beliefs. Each language has nuances which represent its origin. Replacing indigenous Kenyan with English is comparable with marginalization of the that particular culture. Okoth Okombo, a professor of linguistics at the University of Nairobi, summarises this: "The death of a language is like the burning of a library." According to , about 231 languages have gone extinct in the world, 37 of which originated in Sub-Saharan Africa. These indigenous languages were replaced by Western ones imposed by colonizers.

English has also become the main language used in science. Doctors around the world use English to communicate their findings. Most research papers are written in English as a way to facilitate international scientific cooperation. Although this may seem like a necessity to promote scientific discovery, the resulting gap is problematic. The researchers who have not had the chance to learn English are at a disadvantage. The triumph of English in science is just one example; the language has infiltrated the most influential aspects of society around the world. The consequence is a more divided world: Those who can speak English and have access to innovation versus those who do not have the means to learn the language and, therefore, lag behind.

"If the preservation of other cultures is given the same importance and value as spreading English is currently receiving, the language can be an addition, not a replacement, to a naturally evolving culture's array of nuances."

These processes suggest a disconcerting implication - globalization is simply a more "socially acceptable" means of imperialism, without violence. While the Western language, and therefore culture, penetrates Third World communities especially, the West has increasingly more economic and political influence over these countries.

Should this development only be seen as negative? Globalization and the expansion of the English language have resulted in oppression and inequality. But the creation of this widespread, unintentional, tool can also be put to positive use. If accessible to everyone, it can be used to avoid cultural misunderstandings, conflict, and promote coexisting diversity. If the preservation of other cultures is given the same importance and value as spreading English is currently receiving, the language can be an addition, not a replacement, to a naturally evolving culture's array of nuances.

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The Linguistic Colonialism of English - Brown Political Review

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Though less violent than in its previous forms, the West is using the ubiquity of English as a means of modern cultural imperialism.

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Realities and myths of linguistic imperialism by Robert Phillipson in Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development

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Realities and myths of linguistic imperialism by Robert Phillipson in Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development

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The meaning of Linguistic imperialism and how it can affect society

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The meaning of Linguistic imperialism and how it can affect society

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What Is Linguistic Imperialism and How Does It Affect Society?

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Linguistic imperialism is the imposition of one language on speakers of other languages. See what some experts have to say on how it affects society.

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Linguistic imperialism alive and kicking

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Linguistic imperialism alive and kicking

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Linguistic imperialism alive and kicking

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Multilingualism under threat from the ‘superpowers’ of ELT

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Why Did English Become the International Language?

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Why Did English Become the International Language?

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Why Did English Become the International Language?

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New englishes- south asia and southeast asia

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New englishes- south asia and southeast asia

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English in Africa and the status of NE today

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The Use of Malay Malaysian English in Malaysian English: Key Considerations

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The Use of Malay Malaysian English in Malaysian English: Key Considerations

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Irish English: How we actually talk 🇮🇪☘️💚

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13 Centuries of Spoken English, in Two Minutes and Twenty Seconds

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English Jade · Learn English with engVid

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50 People Show Us Their States' Accents | Culturally Speaking | Condé Nast Traveler

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Australian Slang | Real Life English! | Vocabulary and Common Expressions

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American vs. British vs. Australian English | One Language, Three Accents

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25 KIWI English Slang words | Speak English like a Native Speaker | English Vocabulary Lesson

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7 COMMON NIGERIAN PIDGIN English Phrases You NEED to SURVIVE in Lagos, Nigeria | Sassy Funke

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NIGERIAN PIDGIN ENGLISH IN 6MINS | QUICK, EASY AND FUN (Ep1)

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Japanese English We Hear VS Japanese English YOU Hear

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Interviewing a Girl with the Thickest Korean Accent

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English in the workplace (BELF)

ELF: future directions

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Attitudes to English Varieties and English as a Lingua Franca 1

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Attitudes to English Varieties and English as a Lingua Franca 1

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Attitudes to English Varieties and English as a Lingua Franca 2

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Attitudes to English Varieties and English as a Lingua Franca 2

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General Attitudes, Intelligibility, and Acceptability: How Philippine English Is Perceived by Filipino-Americans

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General Attitudes, Intelligibility, and Acceptability: How Philippine English Is Perceived by Filipino-Americans

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and Herzegovina: A Comparative Study

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of Singaporean political leaders

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The Difficulties of Learning English: Perceptions and Attitudes in Mexico 

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The Difficulties of Learning English: Perceptions and Attitudes in Mexico 

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English and Putonghua varieties in Hong Kong: language attitudes and identity

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