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Reading "The Missing Peace" Through a Psychological Lens

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Reading "The Missing Peace" Through a Psychological Lens

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Reading a short story or any other book or piece in a psychological lens means you read the text for patterns in human behavior. Human behavior you are typically looking for is how a character acts in different situations or even their emotions they show when something happens to them. While I am analyzing "The Missing Peace", from Krik? Krak!, I will consider all of these factors that Edwidge Danticat has portrayed in this short story.

"Eight Critical Lenses through Which Readers Can View Texts," Von Steuben Metropolitan Science Center, 2016

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Why do certain characters act the way they do?

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Why do certain characters act the way they do?

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To first understand why certain characters act the way they do, you need to familiarize yourself with the roll each of the characters has in the short story. In the short story that I read, "The Missing Peace", it was not terribly hard because there were not many characters. The two main characters are the daughter and the "journalist." The daughters name is Lamort and the American "journalist's" name is Mademoiselle Gallant, who really goes by Emilie. The daughter has a grandmother and her mother she talks about frequently but died while she was having her, her name was Marie Magdalene. A couple more characters are Toto, Raymond, and the guards.
These significant characters all act different, which is understandable because they all have different purposes and experiences that have happened to them. For example, the way Lamort acts is different than her grandmother because when the night of the coup happend, Lamort was very young and in this town, that event has shaped many of the experiences and the way that people act. That makes Lamort very curious and innocent and her grandmother is very cautious and scarred by the reality of the event. This all comes back to what we learned during week 2 about space/place and identity.

The events that happen in Haiti shape the way that people act and understand things differently that people who has not happened to them.

Pallardy, Richard. "Haiti Earthquake of 2010," Encyclopedia Britannica, 2017

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Table of Contents

2010 Haiti earthquake, large-scale earthquake that occurred January 12, 2010, on the West Indian island of Hispaniola, comprising the countries of Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Most severely affected was Haiti, occupying the western third of the island. An exact death toll proved elusive in the ensuing chaos. The Haitian government's official count was more than 300,000, which would make the earthquake's aftermath one of the worst natural disasters in recorded history, but other estimates were considerably smaller. Hundreds of thousands of survivors were displaced.

The earthquake

The earthquake hit at 4:53 pm some 15 miles (25 km) southwest of the Haitian capital of Port-au-Prince. The initial shock registered a magnitude of 7.0 and was soon followed by two aftershocks of magnitudes 5.9 and 5.5. More aftershocks occurred in the following days, including another one of magnitude 5.9 that struck on January 20 at Petit Goâve, a town some 35 miles (55 km) west of Port-au-Prince. Haiti had not been hit by an earthquake of such enormity since the 18th century, the closest in force being a 1984 shock of magnitude 6.9. A magnitude-8.0 earthquake had struck the Dominican Republic in 1946.

Geologists initially blamed the earthquake on the movement of the Caribbean tectonic plate eastward along the Enriquillo-Plantain Garden (EPG) strike-slip fault system. However, when no surface deformation was observed, the rupturing of the main strand of the fault system was ruled out as a cause. The EPG fault system makes up a transform boundary that separates the Gonâve microplate-the fragment of the North American Plate upon which Haiti is situated-from the Caribbean Plate.

The earthquake was generated by contractional deformation along the Léogâne fault, a small hidden thrust fault discovered underneath the city of Léogâne. The Léogâne fault, which cannot be observed at the surface, descends northward at an oblique angle away from the EPG fault system, and many geologists contend that the earthquake resulted from the slippage of rock upward across its plane of fracture.

Occurring at a depth of 8.1 miles (13 km), the temblor was fairly shallow, which increased the degree of shaking at the Earth's surface. The shocks were felt throughout Haiti and the Dominican Republic as well as in parts of nearby Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico. The densely populated region around Port-au-Prince, located on the Gulf of Gonâve, was among those most heavily affected. Farther south the city of Jacmel also sustained significant damage, and to the west the city of Léogâne, even closer to the epicentre than Port-au-Prince, was essentially leveled.

A country in ruins

The collapsed buildings defining the landscape of the disaster area came as a consequence of Haiti's lack of building codes. Without adequate reinforcement, the buildings disintegrated under the force of the quake, killing or trapping their occupants. In Port-au-Prince the cathedral and the National Palace were both heavily damaged, as were the United Nations headquarters, national penitentiary, and parliament building. The city, already beset by a strained and inadequate infrastructure and still recovering from the two tropical storms and two hurricanes of August-September 2008, was ill-equipped to deal with such a disaster. Other affected areas of the country-faced with comparable weaknesses-were similarly unprepared.

In the aftermath of the quake, efforts by citizens and international aid organizations to provide medical assistance, food, and water to survivors were hampered by the failure of the electric power system (which already was unreliable), loss of communication lines, and roads blocked with debris. A week after the event, little aid had reached beyond Port-au-Prince; after another week, supplies were being distributed only sporadically to other urban areas. Operations to rescue those trapped under the wreckage-which had freed over 100 people-had mostly ceased two weeks into the crisis, as hope that anyone could have survived for that length of time without food or water began to fade. However, there were still occasional recoveries of people who had managed to survive such confinement for weeks by rationing the meagre supplies available to them.

A people in crisis

It was estimated that some three million people were affected by the quake-nearly one-third of the country's total population. Of these, over one million were left homeless in the immediate aftermath. In the devastated urban areas, the displaced were forced to squat in ersatz cities composed of found materials and donated tents. Looting-restrained in the early days following the quake-became more prevalent in the absence of sufficient supplies and was exacerbated in the capital by the escape of several thousand prisoners from the damaged penitentiary. In the second week of the aftermath, many urbanites began streaming into outlying areas, either of their own volition or as a result of governmental relocation programs engineered to alleviate crowded and unsanitary conditions.

Because many hospitals had been rendered unusable, survivors were forced to wait days for treatment and, with morgues quickly reaching capacity, corpses were stacked in the streets. The onset of decay forced the interment of many bodies in mass graves, and recovery of those buried under the rubble was impeded by a shortage of heavy-lifting equipment, making death tolls difficult to determine. Figures released by Haitian government officials at the end of March placed the death toll at 222,570 people, though there was significant disagreement over the exact figure, and some estimated that nearly a hundred thousand more had perished. In January 2011, Haitian officials announced the revised figure of 316,000 deaths. The draft of a report commissioned by the U.S. government and made public in May 2011 drastically revised the estimate downward to no more than 85,000. Officials from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) later acknowledged inconsistencies in data acquisition. Given the difficulty of observing documentation procedures in the rush to dispose of the dead, it was considered unlikely that a definitive total would ever be established.

Further deaths occurred as serious injuries went untreated in the absence of medical staff and supplies. The orphans created by these mass mortalities-as well as those whose parents had died prior to the quake-were left vulnerable to abuse and human trafficking. Though adoptions of Haitian children by foreign nationals-particularly in the United States-were expedited, the process was slowed by the efforts of Haitian and foreign authorities to ensure that the children did not have living relatives, as orphanages had often temporarily accommodated the children of the destitute.

Because the infrastructure of the country's computer network was largely unaffected, electronic media emerged as a useful mode for connecting those separated by the quake and for coordinating relief efforts. Survivors who were able to access the Internet-and friends and relatives abroad-took to social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook in search of information on those missing in the wake of the catastrophe. Feeds from these sites also assisted aid organizations in constructing maps of the areas affected and in determining where to channel resources. The many Haitians lacking Internet access were able to contribute updates via text messaging on mobile phones.

The general disorder created by the earthquake-combined with the destruction of the country's electoral headquarters and the death of UN officials working in concert with the Haitian electoral council-prompted Haitian Pres. René Préval to defer legislative elections that had been scheduled for the end of February. Préval's term in office was set to end the following year.

As the spring rainy season and summer hurricane season approached with reconstruction efforts having made little progress, residents of tent settlements were encouraged by aid agencies to construct more-substantial dwellings using tarpaulins and, later, donated lumber and sheet metal. Though some provisional housing was erected before the onset of inclement weather, many persons remained in tents and other shelters that provided scant protection from the elements. Compounding the problems in the increasingly disorganized encampments within Port-au-Prince was the return of many people who, months before, had initially retreated to the countryside only to find little opportunity for employment.

Two years later, though roughly half of the rubble littering Port-au-Prince had been cleared and some damaged residences had been made habitable, more than half a million people remained in tents, many of which had deteriorated significantly. That number dropped to about 360,000 by the third anniversary. The decrease was partly due to a Canadian-sponsored program that provided grants to some of the nearly 30,000 residents of the most-conspicuous camp-located near the collapsed presidential palace on the Champs de Mars-which allowed them to find rental housing or repair existing structures. Although that area was cleared by July 2012, countrywide some 500 camps still remained at the end of the year. By 2014 the number of camps had been more than halved, though some 100,000 people remained without permanent housing. While the number of camps continued to diminish, more than 62,000 people were still displaced in early 2016.

Many who left the camps merely relocated to outgrowths of the existing slums surrounding Port-au-Prince. Others crowded into undamaged homes owned by extended family members or friends or returned to damaged structures, more than 200,000 of which were either marked for demolition or required major repairs. Efforts to level the worst such buildings, some of which precariously gripped the rims of ravines, were hampered by irate residents who refused to leave. The capital remained without power for significant stretches during a given day because of stalled work on the electricity grid. In addition, less than one-third of the population was steadily employed. Conditions were further exacerbated by damage to crops and settlements by tropical weather events, notably Superstorm Sandy in October 2012.

In October 2010, cases of cholera began to surface around the Artibonite River. The river-the longest on the island and a major source of drinking water there-had been contaminated with fecal matter carrying a South Asian strain of cholera bacteria. Suspicion that Nepalese UN peacekeeping forces stationed near the river were the likely source of the outbreak was validated by the leak of a report by a French epidemiologist in December. The report cited the absence of cholera in Haiti during the previous decade and the emergence of a parallel outbreak of cholera in Kathmandu, the city from which the troops had departed Nepal. The epidemic reached the tent cities of Port-au-Prince in November 2010, and by 2016 it had sickened some 770,000 people and proved fatal to more than 9,200. A 2016 report by the organization Doctors Without Borders claimed that cases of cholera had likely been significantly underreported.

In November 2011 several organizations filed claims against the United Nations asking that it take responsibility for the outbreak, install new water and waste-management systems, and compensate those who fell ill or lost relatives to cholera. In December 2012 the UN, while not acknowledging that its troops had been vectors of the disease, announced that it would fund a program proposed by the governments of Haiti and the Dominican Republic to rid Hispaniola of cholera by instituting new sanitation and vaccination measures. Critics noted, however, that the proposed financial scheme for the project hinged largely on previously promised monies not yet in hand. The UN asserted in February 2013 that it would not receive compensation claims related to the outbreak, citing its convention on privileges and immunities. In October 2013 a U.S.-based group, the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, filed a lawsuit in New York City against the UN, seeking compensation on behalf of Haitians affected by the epidemic. The U.S. Department of Justice asserted that the UN was immune from prosecution in 2014. In an October 2015 letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, a group of UN human rights experts excoriated the body for using legal loopholes to avoid taking responsibility for the epidemic and thereby undermining its own credibility. The following year the UN finally admitted to playing a role in starting the epidemic, though it did not say that the organization had caused the outbreak. The announcement came after Ban received a report from a UN adviser who claimed that the epidemic "would not have broken out but for the actions of the United Nations." In addition, the adviser urged the UN to provide compensation to the victims. However, there was no indication that the organization would drop its claim of legal immunity.

The election to choose Préval's successor as president took place in November 2010 after a 10-month delay. Voter turnout was low, and allegations of electoral fraud were widespread. A runoff election was held on March 20, 2011, between the top two candidates: popular musician Michel Martelly and Mirlande Manigat, a legal scholar and the wife of a former president of Haiti. Election observers noted fewer instances of fraud in the runoff, and voter turnout was higher. On April 21 it was announced that Martelly had won the election with some two-thirds of the vote. The political instability created by the quake resulted in the postponement of municipal and senatorial elections scheduled for 2011 and 2012, respectively. Haiti's parliament was dissolved in January 2015, having lost its mandate to govern. Parliamentary elections were held in August 2015, and a second round, alongside a presidential election, was held in October 2015. However, allegations of fraud led to demands for a presidential runoff. Originally slated for December 2015, the runoff was canceled. Following the establishment of the new parliament in January 2016, Martelly agreed to leave office in February, and an interim president was sworn in that month.

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2010 Haiti earthquake | Magnitude, Damage, Map, & Facts

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2010 Haiti earthquake, large-scale earthquake that occurred January 12, 2010, on the West Indian island of Hispaniola, comprising the countries of Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Most severely affected was Haiti, occupying the western third of the island. An exact death toll proved elusive in the ensuing chaos.

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Think of the range of human emotions that come into play during the text?

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Think of the range of human emotions that come into play during the text?

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In this text there are a lot of different emotions from different characters. The character who has the most variety in this short story I think is the daughter, Lamort. Because she is so young, she is very curious and has very different opinions about everything that happens, and in her city there is a lot of activity that has happened in the past. During Lamort's life she has entered this world with different emotions. When she was born, her mother died while giving birth and her grandmother named her Lamort, meaning "death" in creole. Lamort has had to deal with this and ask why she was given this name and confusion being so young. The grandmother does not have many different emotions that she shows in the short story. The journalist, Emilie, shows quite a bit of emotion. The reason that Emilie, the "jornalist," shows so much emotion is because she is in the city for a very personal reason. She has not seen her mother and she was last seen in this part of Haiti during the time of the coup. She asks Lamort to take her to the burial site where she believes her mother is buried. This seems to be a very emotional time for her because she wants Lamort to take her seriously. The next main characters in the story are the guards. All of the guards are either very strict or young and inexperienced. They are all serious as curfew comes around and during the day, when they are flirty with the girls, they are a completely different type of person.

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Moral/ethical decisions made by main characters

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Moral/ethical decisions made by main characters

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One of the major moral choices that I think occurred was when Lamort left with Emilie to go to the graveyard and her grandmother did not know. The big reason that this decision was not moral was because when they went to the graveyard, it was after curfew and the guards are very strict about this and could have gotten killed. If I was in that situation, I probably would not have done it and made Emilie go in the day time because of how dangerous it is at nighttime. Another moral decision that I thought was very courageous was when Lamort said to her grandmother, " 'Today, I want you to call me by another name,' I said. 'Haughty girls don't get far,' she said, rising from the chair. 'I want you to call me by her name,' I said. She looked pained as she watched me moving closer to her. 'Marie Magdalene?' 'Yes, Marie Magdalene,' I said. 'I want you to call me Marie Magdalene.' I like the sound of that" (Dantict 105). Lamort was very strong to stand up to her grandmother even though she knew that she would not like it. If I was in that position, it would be the right thing to do, but I'm not sure if I could have done it at that age. Another moral decision was when Lamort was at the graveyard with Emilie after curfew and the guard held a gin up to her head. She was very strong and held her ground. To get out of the situation she had to yell the password, "Peace." Throughout this whole short story, Lamort was very courageous and said what she wanted to say even if she knew it wasn't looked upon to say it.

Holley, Peter. "Haitians are desperate for help. But...," The Washington Post, 2016

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As Hurricane Matthew churned toward Haiti at full force last week, France Francois knew she was powerless to stop the impending natural disaster.

But with time running out, the 30-year-old Haitian American thought she might be able to help the island nation avoid the man-made disaster that she expected to follow.

Before the storm struck, Francois, a former development worker in Haiti, turned to Facebook and composed a list explaining how people could help the hurricane-ravaged country.

Her first instruction: "Don't give to the American Red Cross."

Instead, she wrote, people should send money to "Haitian-led" organizations and "not your missionaries and useless college kids."

"We wanted to highlight the fact that there are local organizations on the ground that can mobilize quickly and more effectively than an organization parachuting in from Washington or Europe," the Miami resident said in an interview from Panama, where she was visiting when the storm struck. "Organizations like that take time and resources away from the people who are suffering."

[The Red Cross had $500 million in Haitian relief money, but it built just 6 houses]

In recent days, her post has been shared thousands of times - in part, she believes, because it tapped into a growing consensus among Haitians and Haitian Americans that the American Red Cross can no longer be trusted to effectively manage humanitarian efforts in the Caribbean nation.

Those feelings have been bolstered by a widely circulated investigation by NPR and ProPublica, which found that the Red Cross grossly mismanaged its response to Haiti's 2010 earthquake, one of the worst natural disasters in the history of the Western Hemisphere.

A Red Cross spokeswoman said the organization has raised $3.3 million "in designated donations and pledges for Hurricane Matthew."

"We do not know if calls to avoid donating to RC have damaged our fundraising efforts, but we are concerned that it could hurt our fundraising, as well as that of other international aid agencies, which would be a tragedy for Haiti," Suzy DeFrancis said.

Published last year, the NPR and ProPublica investigation found that, despite collecting nearly a half-billion dollars in donations, the Red Cross managed to construct just six permanent homes.

Over the weekend, NPR and ProPublica's investigation - and subsequent articles about its findings - were resurrected on social media, where they attracted the attention of celebrities, journalists and potential donors.

In response, Gail McGovern, the president and CEO of the American Red Cross, published a lengthy blog post on Huffington Post that acknowledged the "persistent myths circulating online" about the American Red Cross response to the 2010 earthquake. She blamed those myths on "the misleading headline of a story written by ProPublica and NPR in 2015," which, she added, is again making the rounds "in the wake of this latest disaster."

"It creates the false impression that the only thing the American Red Cross did with $488M in donor money was to build six homes - when, in fact, we have funded 100 different humanitarian aid projects in Haiti," McGovern wrote.

"It would be a shame if myths circulated online by people who want to help Haiti, actually end up hurting relief efforts," she added.

Remember what happened in Haiti in 2010? When the Red Cross raised half a billion dollars and built six homes: https://t.co/pRllXLc8Cc

- ProPublica (@ProPublica) October 11, 2016

Supporting #Haiti because of Hurricane Matthew? This list of best practices for hurricane recovery from @haiti_advocacy is very useful: pic.twitter.com/plw9h5nEGQ

- Paul Clammer (@paulclammer) October 10, 2016

Haiti's national Civil Protection Agency, which oversees disaster management across the country, has increased the death toll from the hurricane to 473, but that seems likely to grow, and some estimates put it at more than 1,000, according to reporting by The Washington Post's Joshua Partlow.

Speaking to reporters Friday, President Obama told Americans to help Haitians by going "to the American Red Cross," reiterating a standard relief message that exasperates many in the global Haitian community. Because of the country's reputation, relief workers say, many Americans assume Haitian organizations are inefficient and corrupt, making the American Red Cross a comparatively safe alternative for donations.

But it appears that trust in the organization may be eroding.

In small seaside and mountain villages dotting Haiti's devastated southwest peninsula, the Associated Press reported that frustrated locals pointed to nearby helicopters and wondered why they hadn't received more assistance.

Israel Banissa, a carpenter who lives near the small mountain town of Moron, told the AP that a Red Cross assessment team dropped by the village to speak to people, but left without providing supplies.

"There's no aid that's come here," he said. "I don't think they care about the people up here."

Like Francois's posts, outrage directed at the Red Cross has also led numerous aid workers to speak out, often in detailed Facebook posts, highlighting the damage that well-meaning but culturally naive foreigners have inflicted upon Haitians in their efforts to assist.

Hoping to help people bypass foreign relief agencies, Woy Magazine, a popular Haitian publication, posted on Facebook the contact information of coordinators working for the Civil Protection Agency.

The magazine recently posted an article exploring what Haitians should say when foreigners ask how they can help the country.

Others with experience working in the country, such as Cleve Mesidor - a Haitian American and former director of public affairs at the U.S. Commerce Department - have shared lists of trusted Haitian relief organizations.

I do not recommend contributing to non-Haitian entities. This includes those U.S. organizations who claim to be 'locally managed,' which is code for powerless figurehead. Most of these entities are based in big cities like Port au Prince, which are not located near the affected neighborhoods. These non-Haitian organizations will likely use your funding to resource their non-Haitian teams for the long trip to the affected communities (SUV, gas, etc.) and set up camp. They will likely need to find accommodations for themselves (place to stay, maid to cook their food, etc.) while 'tent-cities' pop up for locals.

Andye Laroche, a Haitian American who works in international development, said if outsiders really want to help Haiti, they should consider visiting the nation - but not as Red Cross volunteers.

"If you badly want to go to Haiti, feel free to go for tourism purposes," she wrote on Facebook. "Yes, tourism! Haiti has the largest fortress in the Americas, a vibrant culture, pristine beaches, and let's not even talk about the Haitian food, yes food not trees, that will have you coming back for more!"

"Go and spend your money in locally owned hotels/beds and breakfast, on the beautiful art, and fuel that economy!" she added.

Reacting to negative tweets about the Red Cross response in Haiti, the Canadian Red Cross tweeted links to a page with updated figures and a long explanation of the Hurricane Matthew response. At the bottom of the page, the organization linked to its own donor report for the 2010 earthquake, which notes that the organization built 7,500 new homes for Haitians.

Recent Red Cross tweets are full of images showing concrete relief efforts on the ground, as if to preemptively dispel any skepticism about the agency.

#RedCross setting up communications system in #LesCayes. #Commisaid @RedCross @IFRC_es @Federation pic.twitter.com/zvJx8qwS9g

- nicole robicheau (@nicorobot) October 11, 2016

Damage from #HurricaneMatthew makes affected areas in #Haiti difficult to reach. #RedCross teams are on the ground https://t.co/E9V1sSdihY pic.twitter.com/StoElOB8lG

- Canadian Red Cross (@redcrosscanada) October 9, 2016

Haiti is among the countries hardest hit by #HurricaneMatthew. More on our ongoing efforts to help: https://t.co/bfGYUydBoX pic.twitter.com/8fHjsvGThp

- Canadian Red Cross (@redcrosscanada) October 7, 2016

Roger Annis, a co-coordinator with the Canada Haiti Action Network, told the Globe and Mail that he fears lingering controversy surrounding the American chapter of the Red Cross will damage the latest emergency assistance effort.

"If people are concerned about the long-term sovereignty and capacity of the country of Haiti to develop its own resources, I would recommend against the large charities, which in my view just perpetuate the conditions of poverty and of political instability that cause the country to be so vulnerable in the first place," Annis said.

Samuel Darguin, executive director of an aid group called the Haitian American Caucus, said smaller organizations are often better prepared to deal with disasters in Haiti because of their relationships with affected communities.

When Haitians get relief from people who look and speak like them, he said, they're more likely to invest in lasting rebuilding efforts. Knowing who to coordinate with in communities can be crucial amid the chaos of a disaster, he said, and having a practical understanding of the terrain can determine whether people live or die.

"A Haitian organization is more likely to understand logistics and how to reach remote communities," he said. "In mountainous regions, we know the roads and how, for example, to move supplies from large trucks to pickups to motorbikes to hiking on foot, and that can only come from being on the ground for a long time."

This week, Darguin, who grew up in New York, found himself in a tiny community outside Les Cayes, one of the areas hardest hit by Matthew. Having spent his summers in the area as a child, it was a community he knew well.

"An older woman who knew me as a child came up to me and said, 'Who would've thought that the first person who came to help me is someone whose diapers I changed as a baby?'" Darguin said. "She said, 'I used to hold you in my hand and feed you.'"

"For her to see me and know my family, and for me to be the first person to get to her, it was a very powerful moment," he added. "She knows that when I leave to go to the city for supplies, I'll actually return."

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Haitians are desperate for help. But they don't want it from the American Red Cross.

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As Hurricane Matthew churned toward Haiti at full force last week, France Francois knew she was powerless to stop the impending natural disaster. But with time running out, the 30-year-old Haitian American thought she might be able to help the island nation avoid the man-made disaster that she expected to follow.

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Broader social issues Edwidge Danticat attempts to address in the text

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Broader social issues Edwidge Danticat attempts to address in the text

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In this text I believe there are not too many broader social issues that Edwidge Danticat was trying to address. I think a big one that she tried to address was the hard times that Haitians go through and how they affect a human being. In this story there are restrictions on the people of the city, for example, they can't go outside after curfew. The city has had a lot of tough times, like the coup, that citizens have to overcome and be strong through times of sorrow. Edwidge did a very good job sowing the emotions and social issue in this text and the psychological lens was a very good way to analyze this text.

Haitians speaking their word