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Este video demuestra muy bien el uso de spanglish en la vida diaria. Más que nada demuestra el tipo de aspecto de spanglish en lo cual los hispanohablantes cambian la fonética de las palabras ingleses para tener la fonética de las palabras españolas. Es chistoso pero muestra la influencia de las dos lenguas en la otra.

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Como aprendimos, spanglish es una forma de codeswitching que es utilizada por la gente que habla español. Desgraciadamente, según este artículo, spanglish puede estar muriendo con esta generación. Los adolescentes latinos no hablan español ni spanglish con tanta frecuencia como otras generaciones. Por lo tanto, spanglish puede morir en las proxímas décadas.

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From our content partner New America Media:

Hispanic millennials are turning their backs on Spanglish-a slang that mixes English-language norms into Spanish-and instead opting for proper American English.

"The typical trend is that the first [generation] prefers to speak Spanish, the second generation is bilingual, and the third generation is generally monolingual," Jody Agius Vallejo, an associate professor of sociology at USC who studies immigrant integration told the Los Angeles Times.

But there is more going on than the natural trajectory of how immigrant groups assimilate to become Americans.

The fading of Spanglish, not unlike Ebonics, could be a response to two separate trends we have seen over the last decade: terrorism and gender-empowerment.

Spanglish flourished in the 1980s and 1990s. Two factors fueled its rise. The first was the economic collapse of Latin America -- an international debt crisis precipitated when Mexico was forced to devalue the peso in August 1982. The ensuing economic crisis resulted in a "lost decade" from Mexico to Argentina. Hundreds of thousands of Latin Americans moved to the United States as economic refugees.

Then there were the "dirty wars" in Central and South America that saw hundreds of thousands of political refugees flee to the United States, giving rise to "sanctuary cities," especially in California.

The result was the influx of Spanish-dominant immigrants-economic and political refugees alike-many of whom struggled to learn English. As they became acculturated, they began to "forget" their Spanish vocabulary. "Lunch" replaced "almuerzo;" "troco," a corruption of "truck," replaced "camion."

Waves of Spanish-dominant immigrants struggled with acculturation on their way to assimilation. In the process they availed themselves to "Spanglish"- a mix of English and Spanish that consists of calques and semantic extensions. Calques are literal, word-for-word translations of words or phrases from one language into another. For example, "I'll call you back" becomes "Te llamo para atrás," instead of "Te devuelvo tu llamada." Semantic extension refers to a phenomenon when speakers use a word more similar to that of a second language in place of their own. For example, "Close the window because it's raining," becomes "Cierra la window que está reinando."

Some observes heralded the rise of "Spanglish" as a hybrid language. Ilan Stavans, a Mexican immigrant, championed this "dialect" spoken in the Hispanic diaspora in the United States as a proper language, evidence of his own struggles assimilating into American society.

Then came the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

"Fortress America" resulted in the establishment of the Department of Homeland Security. Immigration from Latin America has fallen to historic lows. Barack Obama ordered the deportation of "illegals" - and more than 3 million Latin Americans will have been deported by the time he leaves office.

In addition, peace broke out in Central America; and Mexico has enjoyed a period of sustained economic growth, with millions of Mexicans entering the middle class.

As a result of the slowdown in immigration from Latin America, the U.S. Hispanic population is now mostly U.S.-born, not immigrants. As the Pew Hispanic Center reported, "In 2013, U.S.-born Hispanics outnumbered foreign-born Hispanics by nearly two-to-one-35 million to 19 million-and made up a growing share (65 percent) of the nation's Hispanic population."

As Hispanics have now become English-dominant, the need for Spanglish may be disappearing.

In fact, many Hispanic millennials have gone one step further: they don't speak Spanish at all.

In a surprising analysis, the Pew Hispanic Center reported that 71 percent of U.S. Hispanics believed that speaking Spanish was not necessary to their "Latino" identity.

Why this repudiation of Spanish? One reason could be that unlike English, it has a gender binary.

In the 2010s, as part of promoting diversity and inclusivity, U.S. Hispanic youth sought to transcend gender in Spanish-el hombre; la mujer. The first attempt, Latino/a, proved cumbersome. The second solutions, the "at sign," or ampersand, proved equally dissatisfactory simply because it is a symbol, not a letter: Latin@.

In recent years some activists have demanded that Spanish remove gender altogether: niño and niña would become niñx.

The absurdity of the proposition-that English-language speakers would dictate how Spanish speakers speak Spanish-smacked of cultural imperialism and linguistic neo-colonialism.

Enter Hispanic millennials who have solved the problem by simply refusing to consider Spanglish-or even speak Spanish.

"Fully 89 percent of U.S.-born Latinos spoke English proficiently in 2013, up from 72 percent in 1980.

This gain is due in part to the growing share of U.S.-born Latinos who live in households where only English is spoken," the Pew Hispanic Center reported.

Marketers are taking note-and ridding media advertising of Spanglish. Instead, they are careful to use proper English and proper Spanish. Their most "difficult" decision is not whether to use Spanglish words, but whether to use the formal (usted) or formal (tu). (For broadcast, it's informal; for written it's formal.)

When Target Style wanted to reach Latina millennials during the Billboard Latin Music Awards with their "Influencer" campaign, they recoiled from the very idea of using any Spanglish. Their campaign, "Show off your way," was translated in proper Spanish: "Lúcete a tu manera."

Madison Avenue is catching on to the trend: To reach Hispanic millennials, use either proper English or proper Spanish, but not Spanglish.

The rise of English-dominant Hispanic millennials is now reverberating throughout the United States. Three of the leading Hispanic millennials writing today are Kristiana Rae Colón, Christopher Soto (aka Loma), and David Tomás Martínez. Their prose is exclusively in English and there is almost no reference to Spanglish; its only appearance is for ironic effect.

Hispanic millennials, who are defining their identity in English, could represent the graveyard of Spanglish.
From our content partner New America Media

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From our content partner New America Media : Hispanic millennials are turning their backs on Spanglish-a slang that mixes English-language norms into Spanish-and instead opting for proper American English.

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Como explicado en la primera entrada, Tim Kaine hablaba en español durante esta elección. En este video, él habla en spanglish en su introducción para establecer una conección con las personas allí que son una mezcla de hispanohablantes y anglohablantes. En este caso, su intraoracional "codeswitching" es utilizada para mostrar a la gente que Tim Kaine y Hillary Clinton con candidatos para la comunidad mexicana.

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Tim Kaine full speech In English and Spanish in Miami 7/23/16

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Tim Kaine full speech In English and Spanish in Miami 7/23/16

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Tim Kaine fue el primer político durante esta elección que solo habló en español durante un discurso. Es importante porque aunque su español no es perfecto, él está tratando de contactar a la comunidad mexicana. Es impresionante que él podía dar este discurso en español, y algunos latinos también podrían haber estado impresionados.

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Tim Kaine slams Trump ... in Spanish at historic rally

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Tim Kaine made history as the first vice presidential nominee to hold a Spanish language campaign event. At the rally he hit Clinton's opponent Donald Trump on his ability to win Latino votes.

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Me
Bea (USA) - English dominant bilingual (English, Spanish)
Parents
Christopher (USA) - English monolingual
Michela (England, USA immigrant) - English dominant multilingual (English, French, German)
Paternal Grandparents
John (USA) - English monolingual
Jane (USA) - English dominant bilingual (English, French)
Maternal Grandparents
Michael (England, USA immigrant) -  English monolingual
Jane (England, USA immigrant) - English dominant bilingual (English, French)
Notes:
Michela: After living in the states for 30  years without practicing French and German, her skills in those languages are limited.
Michael: His job required him to travel around the globe, so he learned important bits and pieces of languages such as Spanish and Italian but was never fluent in any.
Jane (maternal grandmother): Her French skills have decreased significantly after being in the states for about 30 years.

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Español en los Estados Unidos

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Este video muestra como el castellano es un poco diferente entre todos los países hispanohablantes, o la variación dialectal. Explica los problemas que la gente tiene cuando aprende el castellano debido a todas las variaciones entre los países. Se utiliza otra manera de expresa la lengua en cada país, como este video nos explica.

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Diego Luna Teaches Conan Survival Spanish

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https://www.patreon.com/intentalocarito, https://www.facebook.com/intentalocarito This is an attempt to translate our song "Qué difícil es hablar el español"...

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Este hombre da algunos ejemplos de frases usando el ceceo, el seseo, y el heheo. Ceceo es lo que los españoles usan el sonido θ en vez del sonido s que se utiliza en el seseo. En heheo, se utiliza el sonido h o una aspiración en vez del sonido θ o del sonido s.

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EL RETO DE LOS TIPOS DE ACENTO ESPAÑOLES

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Cosas Que Dicen Las Argentinas Por Dustin Luke

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Uploaded by MarÃ­a Rojas Pedraza on 2016-01-20.

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En este video, hispanohablantes tratan de pronunciar algunas frases como los españoles, o con ceceo en vez de seseo. Es claro que usualmente no usan el ceceo sino el ceceo. No sabía que es tan difícil para los hispanohablantes para hablar con el ceceo. Ellos no pueden usarlo fácilmente.

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Latinoamericanos intentan pronunciar la Z y la C como en España

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Esta página web explica las diferencias lingüísticas entre los varios dialectos del español. También, explica las similitudes y las diferencias entre estos dialectos. Nos dice como son algunos de los 8 rasgos de un dialecto que aprendimos en clase en cada dialecto. En esta página, podemos comparar todos los dialectos.

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Variación lingüística

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En este video, un hombre describe las cuatro máximas de Grice y la relación con la pragmática. Explica que las máximas de Grice no siempre son lógicos. Las máximas son pautas y, generalmente, son universales. No es necesario que seguimos estas reglas, pero hay una posibilidad que otros van a pensar que somos maleducados.

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El lingüista David Crystal explica la importancia de la pragmática y porque piensa que la pragmática es el aspecto más importante del estudio de la lengua. Explica que la pragmática es el estudio de las elecciones que hacemos. Además, él dice que la pragmática responde a la pregunta ¿por qué? Hay una razón para todos los aspectos de una lengua, y la pragmática es el estudio de estas razones.

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ENGLISH LANG: Pragmatics - David Crystal

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Para describir el significado de la palabra inglesa "soggy", el actor John Krasinski explica la definición de esta palabra. Murray le da cosas secas al actor para explicar a los niños que "dry" es un antónimo de "soggy". Al final, hay un ejemplo de algo que es "soggy". Este video presenta un ejemplo de la antonimia complementaria.

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If you're watching videos with your preschooler and would like to do so in a safe, child-friendly environment, please join us at http://www.sesamestreet.org John Krasinski explains the word "soggy" with Murray. Sesame Street is a production of Sesame Workshop, a nonprofit educational organization which also produces Pinky Dinky Doo, The Electric Company, and other programs for children around the world.

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Aprendimos la sinonimia y los sinónimos en clase. En este video, un maestro de inglés explica la diferencia entre tres pares de sinónimos ingleses. Él explica que muchas veces pueden ser intercambiados. Como aprendimos en clase, el contexto es lo más importante para determinar cuál sinónimo se debería usar en una oración.

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English Lessons with Adam - Learn English [engVid]

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6 confusing words - small & little, big & large, tall & high

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Significado, semántica, pragmática

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El narrador de este video nos enseña la manera en que muchas lingüísticas piensan que el idioma "protoindoeuropean" fue pronunciado. Explica los sonidos de la lengua y lee un texto en la lengua. Nadie sabe exactamente como era la lengua, pero muchas lingüísticas han trabajado para construir una idea realista de la lengua.

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More accurate PIE sample starts at 8:54. This video teaches you how to recite a short story in Proto-Indo-European. For more on learning Proto-Indo-European, check out these guys: http://dnghu.org/

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Este video explica el razonamiento de nuestra idea de la pronunciación de latín. El hombre habla de algunas fuentes y como nos ayudan para entender la pronunciación correcta de latín. Por ejemplo, habla de un libro que nos dice la manera correcta y la manera incorrecta de escribir algunas palabras.

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What Latin Sounded Like - and how we know

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Esta página web interactiva explica el desarrollo de gallego. Empieza con el latín y termina con el gallego en los tiempos modernos. Explica los factores que influyen la evolución de la lengua. Se puede interactuar con un cronograma y ver las influencias de cada período de tiempo que gallego existía.

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Galicia received its name from the Romans (Gallaecia), who ended their conquest of this territory shortly after the beginning of our era (circa 28 BC). It was in the territory of Gallaecia where the Suevi established the first Germanic kingdom in Western Europe.

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Este enlace contiene otros enlaces de la historia, evolución, dialectos, y más de varias lenguas españolas y otras, como el idioma árabe. Se puede ver mapas de dialectos de las lenguas y también análisis de los sonidos de las lenguas. Además, incluye algunos enlaces que comparan el desarrollo de algunas lenguas españolas. Es un buen recurso para entender las diferencias de todas de estas lenguas.

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Links to Website on the History and Dialectology of Spanish

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Collection of links to websites on the history of Spanish and on its many dialectal varieties, including Spanisn-based creoles and Spanglish and Spanish in the US.

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Historia de la lengua

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Un estudio de dos años en los "Western Ghats" encontró que el canto de los pájaros allá está cambiando a causa del cambio climático. Como los humanos, los pájaros aprenden su "idioma" a través de la interacción con otros en su área. Desafortunadamente, el hábitat de los pájaros en esta región ha disminuido debido a la desforestación y, como consecuencia, el canto de los pájaros ha cambiado mucho.

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Avians are singing a changed tune due to large-scale deforestation, find researchers after studying them in the Western Ghats over 2 yrs

​ Donald Trump may say climate change or deforestation is not the biggest problem the world faces today but the birds in South India are whistling a different tune. Researchers from National Institute of Advanced Studies ( Bengaluru) and Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (Tirupati) have found that increased deforestation and fragmentation of habitats have resulted in birds changing their communication patterns.

The two-year long study - which recorded the singing pattern of birds, especially among the population of shortwings (a colourful, medium-sized, mostly insectivorous bird) across the Western Ghats from 2011 to 2012 - revealed considerable change in the way the birds sang.

"Birds songs are like human language, and are culturally transmitted across neighbours and unrelated individuals, unlike genes. But a change in habitat and increased deforestation have not only confined these bird populations to smaller patches but also significantly changed the singing pattern," said VV Robin, the researcher.

The research by Robin and Chetana Purushottam was carried out along the Western Ghats where large-scale tea plantations and other monoculture plantations have reduced forest cover over the years. "The change in their singing pattern is not instantaneous, but has happened over centuries. Due to reduction in forest cover, their 'syntax' has undergone a huge change and is not as elaborate as it was earlier," said Robin.

"The study in itself is unique and challenging because of the absence of any prerecorded data. We recorded songs of these birds in habitats where there was no change, and where the habitat had shrunk considerably across natural barriers. A comparison between the two revealed differences in stitching of sounds which altered the 'syntax'. Usually, songs are arranged or strung in a sequence. But these birds differed in using one or both sides of the syrinx [the lower larynx or voice
organ in birds], thereby, introducing a different level of complexity to their songs," said Robin.

The researchers found that birds, like humans, also pick up songs/sounds from their neighbourhoods. "In evergreen forests, where there is decreased visibility due to the thick canopy, these sounds play a major role in communication and finding mates. But due to variation in songs, like different dialects in languages, their behaviour too perhaps has undergone significant changes," said the researcher.

Climate change across the world has been the cause for irregular rainfall and unprecedented temperatures over the past few years. Even as the entire world stands united in the battle against climate change, the diversion of forest land and large-scale cutting of trees for developmental works has only added to the problem. And it seems even the birds are forced to adapt to the change. The researchers pointed out that this change in singing pattern was noticed across species.

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indian institute of science education and research

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Birds go cuckoo due to broken habitats in Western Ghats

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Avians are singing a changed tune due to large-scale deforestation, find researchers after studying them in the Western Ghats over 2 yrs ​ Donald Trump may say climate change or deforestation is not the biggest problem the world faces today but the birds in South India are whistling a different tune.

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Este artículo explica que es muy importante que los padres leen en voz alta a sus hijos después de los niños aprenden la fonética para que pueden aprender la sintaxis compleja. Cuando los niños escuchar a oraciones con sintaxis compleja, van a entender el significado de oraciones, párrafos, y libros complejos más fácilmente.

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In the annals of great parenting moments, the one where the kids clamber onto the couch by themselves with their very own longish-book is an awesome one. They've mastered the de-coding, they've got the sounds, and they can follow a simple plot. Time to kick back and watch them lose themselves in literature, right?

Wrong.

Doug Lemov, author of Teach like a Champion and co-author of Reading Reconsidered argues that's just the moment to read to them more-and to choose challenging texts, far above their reading level. He writes:

Yes, encourage your kids to practise decoding and fluency on accessible texts. But also realise that being read to from books that are more complex than they can read on their own prepares them for the gatekeeper task: understanding difficult ideas and complex texts.

There are multiple benefits to reading kids hard books, he argues. Some are obvious, like exposing them to more complex vocabulary. Some are less so, such as exposing them to more complicated sentences and more elaborate plot lines, which better prepares them for when they encounter those on their own further down the road.

Books use words we don't. Lemov read his second-grader Island of the Blue Dolphins, a sixth-grade text, and found "befall", "glisten", "pelt", and "decree". Most of us don't talk like that, so the only way to learn words like that is to read them or have them read to you.

Hard books also use complex syntax, or complicated sentences. He's found that when kids don't understand a passage it's often because an intricate sentence tripped them up.

He offers this example: "She stepped forward quickly to help, only to find that her muscles, her tendons, would not obey." The point of the passage is that she did not help. But it is easy to misunderstand it, and take away just the opposite.

"Hearing complex syntax read aloud builds an affinity for a different kind of vocabulary. Call it the vocabulary of syntax," he writes in Tes, a British forum for educators.

Finally, introducing hard books means grappling with complicated plots with a grown-up there to help you decipher them. As as we know, Lord of the Rings, Harry Potter, or House of Cards, while complicated, can be gloriously rewarding.

Kids should pick books they love, and read what they want on their own. Agency is key. But there is a popular perception that to get kids to love to read, we should make it easy. That way they can make it through, build confidence, and ideally, start to love reading on their own.

Lemov has more faith in kids, as long as they can harness the help of parents or other caregivers to help them along. "Because challenge is far more engaging in the long run than pandering," he writes.

Considering how much time we spend reading useless banter on Twitter, or scrolling through Instagram to revel in someone else's perfect holiday, it's worth thinking if this might be a better use of half an hour.

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Once your kids can read easy books, start reading them hard ones

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In the annals of great parenting moments, the one where the kids clamber onto the couch by themselves with their very own longish-book is an awesome one. They've mastered the de-coding, they've got the sounds, and they can follow a simple plot. Time to kick back and watch them lose themselves in literature, right?

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En este video, un hombre nos explica que la sintaxis es muy importante para las personas que están estudiando español. Si una persona utiliza la sintaxis correcta, hablará más como un hispanohablante nativo. En el video, él da algunos ejemplos comunes de la sintaxis incorrecta y la manera correcta para decirlos.

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Spanish Language Learning Philosophy Part

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Sounding more.. NATIVE? Change your Syntax!

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Hey guys, this is a short video dedicated to the inconsistencies I've heard (and done cough cough) in the pursuit of learning spanish. This video focuses on syntax and sounding more native when adopting a second language! Cheers.

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En este video, dos profesoras explican la diferencia entre dos tipos de orden de las palabras, llamados “subject-verb order” y “verb-subject order”. Explican cuando se pone el sintagma nominal antes del sintagma verbal y cuando se lo pone después. Como ellas dicen, el énfasis o el foco de la oración depende de este orden.

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Language and Linguistic Science, University of York

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Hidden meanings in language learning: word order in Spanish

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This short video sheds light on a potentially puzzling aspect of Spanish word order. It was created by the Meaning in Language Learning Network (http://millnetwork.org/) and launched at the Hidden Meanings in Language Learning event in the York Festival of Ideas, 10 June 2015.

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Sintaxis

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En el libro y la película BFG el protagonista utiliza algunas palabras que no son palabras reales, una tendencia que él se llama "gobblefunk". El artículo explica los significados de unas de estas palabras de una perspectiva lingüística. También, explica que este "language play" ayuda a los niños para aprender su lengua; sus habilidades lingüísticas mejoran con el uso de "language play" porque experimentan con los morfemas, fonemas, y más.

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Now that Roald Dahl's 1982 novel The BFG has finally been transformed into a big screen feature film courtesy of Disney and director Steven Spielberg, one aspect of the book that has delighted children and adults alike will be made more obvious: the Big Friendly Giant's tendency to gobblefunk, the BFG's own term for the malapropisms, spoonerisms and nonsense words that litter his speech.

But while the BFG's words are judged errors by the human beans that he meets, Dahl shows how his confusion is often due to the ambiguity of a language where one word may have multiple meanings, or different words the same pronunciation. As the BFG offers in his defence: "I cannot be right all the time. Quite often I is left instead of right."

The BFG's gobblefunking belongs to a tradition of language play and nonsense writing best known from the works of Edward Lear and Lewis Carroll. Lear's poetry, limericks and prose writing bubble over with nonsense words: perhaps best-known is the runcible spoon with which the Owl and the Pussycat dined on their mince and slices of quince.

Carroll's books, poems, diaries, and letters to children are littered with enigmas, charades, acrostics, palindromes, conundrums, cyphers and riddles, testifying to his love of word play. His coining of nonsense words is densest in the poem, Jabberwocky, encountered by Alice when she passes through the looking-glass.

John Tenniel

'Twas brillig, and the slithy toves

Did gyre and gimble in the wabe:

All mimsy were the borogoves,

And the mome raths outgrabe.

"Beware the Jabberwock, my son!

The jaws that bite, the claws that catch!

Beware the Jubjub bird, and shun

The frumious Bandersnatch!"

Some of the strangest of these are decrypted for Alice by Humpty Dumpty, although his explanations - brillig means four o'clock in the afternoon when you begin broiling things for dinner - are not always convincing.

Readers of The BFG must fall back on their own ingenuity to explain his neologisms, many of which draw upon genuine techniques of word formation, which offer real insights into how words are formed and their meanings decoded. The BFG's language includes words coined for their sounds, drawing upon both onomatopoeia - where the word imitates the sound it describes - and phonaesthesia - where clusters of sounds become associated with specific meanings.

Phonaesthemes in English include sl-: slug, slurry, slimy, all of which carry a sense of greasiness and unpleasantness. To these the BFG adds slopgroggled, to describe a sticky situation. Words like ucky-mucky and thingalingaling play on the reduplication of vowel sounds, while others tap into the connotations of certain syllables. Although we may never have encountered words like, for example, grobswitchy, rotsome, bogrotting, muckfrumping and grizzling, we can be sure that they signal something unpleasant. In contrast, we are sure to enjoy anything that can be described as phizz-whizzing, squiffling or wondercrump. Other words, like whoopsey-splunkers, fizzwiggler and fluckgungled play on the way children enjoy rolling unusual and amusing sounds around their mouths.

Other words the BFG coins are from errors. For example, in spoonerisms snapperwhipper, dory-hunky and catasterous disastrophe, the initial syllables have been swapped. Others, like biffsquiggled, are compounds of genuine English words that can be understood by analysing the component parts. Other words still are formed by blending two standard English words, such as "delicious" and "scrumptious" to form delumptious. One example, the BFG's scrumdiddlyumptious, is a word that, despite its unwieldy length, has passed into general usage.

Play leads to mastery

These processes of associating sounds and senses, and disassembling and recombining word elements to recover their meanings, are valuable ways of promoting a child's understanding of word structure - what linguists call morphology. Studies of child psychology and education have shown the importance of play in putting a child's developing linguistic skills into practice. Children have a natural propensity to play with language from an early age, as seen in the nonsense rhymes that accompany playground games, an enjoyment of riddles, puns, knock-knock jokes and so on.

Despite the prophecies of doom about the impact that the abbreviations, clippings, initialisms and emoticons used in "txt spk" and electronic messaging will have on child literacy, research has shown the opposite effect. Playing with language is an important means of developing metalinguistic awareness - an understanding of not just how to use language, but of how it works. It offers a chance to step back and consider a language's structure and properties. As the linguist David Crystal puts it: "Language play actually helps you learn your language."

Recent controversies about the emphasis of teaching of English grammar, spelling and punctuation and the associated tests suggest that we're in danger of losing sight of the pleasure in learning about language in primary classrooms. We need to rediscover the joy of gobblefunking.

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The BFG reminds us that wordplay is part of learning and mastering language

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Now that Roald Dahl's 1982 novel The BFG has finally been transformed into a big screen feature film courtesy of Disney and director Steven Spielberg, one aspect of the book that has delighted children and adults alike will be made more obvious: the Big Friendly Giant's tendency to gobblefunk, the BFG's own term for the malapropisms, spoonerisms and nonsense words that litter his speech.

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Aprendimos sobre los afijos - los sufijos y los prefijos. En adición, hay palabras en el medio de una palabra, que son llamados "infixes" por algunos lingüísticas y "feet" por otros. El ejemplo más popular en inglés en "abso-freaking-lutely". El autor de este atrículo les llama "feet" y explica que están utilizandos para dar más enfasis a una palabra o frase. Además, la colocación de estos "feet" no es aleatoria - se ponen antés de la sílaba más acentuada. No se puede decir "ab-freaking-solutely", pero se puede decir "abso-freaking-lutely".

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Fan-freaking-tastic!

What?

Ling-freaking-guistics, that's what!

Too damn right.

Want to get a bunch of linguists on a problem lickety-frickin'-split? Just drop something naughty in the middle of a word or phrase. Like fan-freaking-tastic or too damn right or Judas H. Priest.

The exact linguistic analysis of something like abso-freaking-lutely has gotten quite a few linguists pretty exercised over the years. They don't all agree.

So let's talk about what it's not.
It's not new.
Let's start with this one: the insertion of emphatic words, usually rude, in the middle of other words or fixed phrases is not something that came about in the last few decades. H.L. Goshdarn Mencken was writing about it in 1936. One of the classic papers about it, by James Bleeping McMillan in 1980, gives an example from 18-fricken-46: "Theojollylogical." (You have to wait until the early 1900s before people started stuffing actual rude words into other words in print.)
It's not random.
When you insert a word for emphasis - be it fricking, bleeping, something ruder, or something less rude - you can't just stick it any old where. We know this because abso-freaking-lutely is fine but ab-freaking-solutely or absolute-freaking-ly is not. Whether it's in a word, a phrase, or a name - you stick the emphatic addition right before a stressed syllable, usually the syllable with the strongest stress, and most often the last stressed syllable. What we're doing, in prosodic terms, is inserting a foot.

A foot, in this case, is a unit of rhythmic measurement consisting of a stressed syllable and zero, one, or sometimes two (or maybe even three) unstressed syllables. If you've learned about poetry, you know that there's a difference between, for instance, a trochee - a two-syllable foot that has the stress first, as in " liver" - and an iamb - which has the stress last, as in "pâ té."

When it comes to sticking these extra feet in, we normally break the word or phrase according to the rhythm of what we're inserting. "To be or not to be, that is the question" is thought of as iambic pentameter, but you won't break it between iambs if your interrupting foot is a trochee: "To be or not to bleeping be," not "To be or not bleeping to be"... But if it's an iamb? "To be or not the heck to be," not "To be or not to the heck be."

Look, these are rude, interrupting words. They're breaking in and wrecking the structure. That's the freaking point. But they still do it with a rhythmic feeling.
It's not meaningless.
Some linguists have analyzed it as just an insertion of an expletive intensifier, with no literal meaning. Jennifer Freaking Lawrence is not literally freaking; abso-bloody-lutely true is absolutely true but not bloody.

See, we're breaking things for effect. There's a way we do it - the rhythm matters - but we can bring in as many different references and levels of meaning as we want and can handle.
It's not an infix.
Very often, linguists will call these inserted words infixes. What's an infix? It's like a prefix (like un- in unbroken) or a suffix (like -ing in breaking), but instead of going at the beginning or the end of a word, it goes in the middle. Some languages have them. English does not. Some linguists say that cases like abso-freaking-lutely are an exception. But I say they're not.

I know that when I say they're not, I'm going against James Bleeping McMillan, who wrote the classic paper "Infixing and Interposing in English," and John Jumpin'-Jiminy McCarthy, who wrote the other classic paper "Prosodic Structure and Expletive Infixation." But I'm going - at least for the most part - with Arnold Mofo Zwicky and Geoffrey Freaking Pullum, who wrote a slightly more recent and also classic paper, "Plain Morphology and Expressive Morphology."

Second, affixes have to be put at morpheme boundaries. A morpheme is the smallest meaning-carrying unit; a word like amen has only one morpheme. But McMillan gives an example of people saying "a-damn-men," sticking the rude word right in the middle. It's just the rhythm that matters. And the rudeness.

Third, affixes have specific, clear rules, but there is some vagueness and flexibility with our inserted feet: inter-freaking-continental or interconti-freaking-nental, for instance.

To these observations I'll add, as has been pointed out by various people, that these are whole words, capable of standing alone, which is generally not the case with affixes: pre, anti, un, and ed are not words.
So what is it?
So really, this foot insertion is a kind of playing with language. That's what Zwicky and Pullum say, and I agree. It's a bit of expressive morphology that makes use of an existing pattern: add another punch to build up right before the big punch.

Hmm. How about inkicking? Yes, I really freaking like that. Abso-goshdarn-lutely.

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Why linguists freak out about 'absofreakinglutely'

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Fan-freaking-tastic! What? Ling-freaking-guistics, that's what! Too damn right. Want to get a bunch of linguists on a problem lickety-frickin'-split? Just drop something naughty in the middle of a word or phrase. Like fan-freaking-tastic or too damn right or Judas H. Priest.

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Morfología de unas de las palabras inglesas más largas

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Morfología de unas de las palabras inglesas más largas

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La creación de la palabra inglesa "antidisestablishmentarianism" me parece muy interesante. Aquí hay un análisis de los morfemas que constituyen esta palabra. La palabra empieza con solamente un morfema y al final, con la adición de los afijos, se convierte en un sustantivo largo. Este es el proceso de nominalización.

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La frecuencia de los prefijos y los sufijos en las lenguas del mundo

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La frecuencia de los prefijos y los sufijos en las lenguas del mundo

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Esta página web es una colección de muchas lenguas del mundo y sus características fonologías y morfologías. Se puede ver estas características de una lengua, o una característica y cuáles lenguas la tienen en común. Aquí es la página de una mapa de la distribución de las lenguas que usan los sufijos y prefijos; además, nos muestra la frecuencia de estos afijos en cada lengua.

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WALS Online - Feature 26A: Prefixing vs. Suffixing in Inflectional Morphology

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This feature is described in the text of chapter 26 Prefixing vs. Suffixing in Inflectional Morphology by Matthew S. Dryer

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Morfología

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Las diferencias fonéticas y fonológicas entre inglés americano y inglés británico

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Las diferencias fonéticas y fonológicas entre inglés americano y inglés británico

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Durante toda mi vida, mi mamá, quien es de Inglaterra, hablaba mucho de las diferencias entre estas dos variaciones de inglés. Ella se movió a Tejas cuando tenía 20 años, y siempre ha estado confundida del inglés americana. En la raíz de las diferencias entre los dos, se encuentra fonética y fonología. Esta página web describe unas de las diferencias más comunes entre los fonemas de los dos idiomas. El libro de texto define un fonema como un sonido contrastivo en un idioma, así que es interesante que puede variar entre estos dos tipos de inglés. También, la página web describe las varias maneras de que los dos tipos de inglés utilizan la entonación, que, como nuestro libro explica, cambia con el contexto. A mí, es interesante que, en la misma lengua, la entonación puede cambiar tanto.

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There are many differences in pronunciation between British and American English, but most of them are not very important. Here we are only going to write about the most important differences for an English student, to help understand the other accent better. (We will use the British phonetic symbols).

THE LETTER R

This is probably the most important difference. British people only pronounce the letter R when it is followed by a vowel. American people pronounce this letter always.

sorry /sɒrɪ/
teacher /ti:tʃə/ /ti:tʃər/

FINAL SCHWA

A final Schwa is pronounced very very weak in both BrE and AmE, but if it happens at the end of speech (if after the schwa we pause or stop), then in BrE it often opens and becomes a sound very similar to / ʌ /, but in AmE it doesn't change.

teacher /ti:tʃər/ in BrE it sounds similar to /ti:tʃ ʌ / (but in the phonetic transcription we still use an : /ti:tʃə/

THE VOWEL (as in SOCK)

In American English this vowel is more open than in BrE, so it sounds like the British vowel (as in "father" or "car") but short. [similar to Spanish or Italian A].
In British English this vowel sounds a little bit similar to the vowel (as in fork) [a bit similar to Spanish or Italian O].

THE VOWEL (as in HUT)

In American English this vowel is more closed than in BrE, so it sounds a bit like the British vowel [similar to Spanish or Italian O]. In British English this vowel sounds a bit similar to the American vowel [similar to Spanish or Italian A].

THE CONSONANT -T-

In BrE this consonant sounds / t / in front of a vowel or between vowels. In American English it sounds / t / in front of a vowel, but it is flapped when it goes between vowels, like a quick / t / (we'll use the special symbol: / D / ) [it sounds like the Spanish or Italian flapped R, as in "cara"]

tourist /tɔ:rɪst/ /tɔ:rɪst/
Peter /pi:tə/ /pi:Dər/

But in colloquial BrE that may also happens. The difference is that the sound occurs only in colloquial BrE, but in AmE that is the only possibility when the T goes between vowels.

PRONUNCIATION OF THE LETTER -U-

In British English, the letter U sometimes sounds (but, fun, must) and sometimes sounds / ju: / (tube, music, stupid).

American people also pronounce this letter with (but, fun, must), but for many of the words with / ju: / , they use the vowel

stupid /stju:pɪd/ /stu:pɪd/

But this only happens with some words and not everywhere in America. Other words are pronounced with / ju: / like in BrE (music, cute, you, etc), and others may be pronounced with / ju: / or with , depending on the area or the speaker (new, Cuba, etc.)

THE VOWEL (as in CAT)

In BrE, this sound is something between and , in AmE this sound is usually longer and much more similar to . In fact, in some parts of the USA, the main difference between and is that the first one is short and the second one long, but the sound is almost the same. Also, in many parts this vowel is simply , not a different sound.

SHORT / LONG VOWELS

In BrE all the vowels can be classified as short ( , etc) or long ( , etc.). In AmE they are all the same in length, or the difference is much smaller than in Britain. The difference is usually made with a contrast between tense and non-tense pronunciation rather than long and short.

INTONATION

Another important difference is intonation. When we speak, our voice goes up and down. When English people speak, their voice can go very high and quite low. When American people speak their voice is quite flat, they do go up and down but not so much. So the effect is that British people sing a lot, and American people sound much more monotonous by comparison.

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There are many differences in pronunciation between British and American English, but most of them are not very important. Here we are only going to write about the most important differences for an English student, to help understand the other accent better. (We will use the British phonetic symbols).

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Tomé una clase de introducción a la lingüística en inglés el otoño de 2015, y el profesor creó este gráfico. Durante este otoño de 2016, aprendimos mucho de las características de los consonantes, vocales, y semivocales en clase y en el libro. Pueden ser sordas o sonoras; oclusivas o fricativas; africadas, nasales, laterales o vibrantes. Con esta tabla, se puede organizar los fonos según sus características y ver lo que tienen en común.

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Sheet1

 key, phone, syllabic, consonantal, approximant, sonorant, continuant, voice, round, dorsal, front, back, high, low, tense, labial, labiodental, delayed release, coronal, distributed, strident, nasal, lateral, tap, trill
 4, e, a, 1, 0, 1, 1, 1, 1, 0, 1, 1, 0, 0, 0, 1, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0, 0...

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En español, el uso de los diacríticos es muy común y hay muchas reglas para usarlos. Por ejemplo, como aprendimos en este capítulo, se utiliza los acentos ortográficos cuando hay una sílaba tónica, pero no se utiliza con una sílaba átono. Por otro lado, en inglés, no hay muchas reglas cuando se utiliza los diacríticos. La mayoría de las palabras inglesas que tienen los diacríticos siguen un patrón; muchas veces, estas palabras son tomadas de otros idiomas, como francés, español, y alemán. Algunas son originalmente inglesas; unas eran usados en poemas o canciones, pero otras son tan raras (como "coöperation" en vez de "cooperation" o "co-operation") que ahora no se consideran una parte de la lengua. Además, algunas son nombres y otras están escrito muchas veces sin sus diacríticos. La siguiente lista consiste en palabras inglesas que tiene los diacríticos.

à la carte

à la mode

açaí

agèd

appliqué

attaché

blasé

blessèd

boutonnière

bric-à-brac

Brontë

Beyoncé

café

château

Chloë

cliché

coup d'état

crème/crème brûlée

crêpe

débutante

décor

déjà vu

derrière

divorcé(e)

doppelgänger

éclair

El Niño

élite

entrée

exposé

façade

fiancé(e)

frappé

jalapeño

lamé

La Niña

lycée

macramé

matinée

mêlée

naïve

naïveté

né(e)

Noël

ombré

papier-mâché

passé

pâté

pièce de résistance

piña colada

piñata

protégé

purée

Québec

résumé

rosé

séance

señora/señorita

soirée

soufflé

touché

über

vis-à-vis

voilà

(link)

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En español, como se encuentra en el libro de texto, los nombres, adjetivos, adverbios, y verbos tienen acento prosódico sobre una sílaba, pero sólo algunas palabras reciben un acento ortográfico. Es diferente en inglés; aunque las palabras tienen una sílaba tónica, no se utiliza un acento ortográfico para marcarla.  No se utiliza acentos ortográficos para indicar la diferencia entre los heterónimos, que son palabras que están escrito en la misma manera, pero se hablan de manera diferente. La siguiente lista de una página web consiste en algunas de estas palabras. No existe una manera, excepto el contexto, para determinar el significado de los heterónimos. En español, se utiliza acentos ortográficos con los heterónimos, pero ese no es el caso en inglés.

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Heteronyms are a type of homograph. They are words that are spelled the same but differ in meaning and pronunciation. All heteronyms are also homographs, but not all homographs are heteronyms. Many heteronyms are similar in meaning (especially a related noun and verb are spelled the same but pronounced differently), while others are wholly unrelated.

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Fonética y Fonología

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Chomsky explica su opinión de la adquisición del lenguaje

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Chomsky explica su opinión de la adquisición del lenguaje

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Chomsky es un lingüista muy importante y, como aprendimos en nuestro libro, creó teorías importantes como la hipótesis innatista. En este video, Chomsky explica esta hipótesis - su idea sobre la adquisición del lenguaje en los niños. Él propone que la capacidad para aprender el lenguaje está en nuestro ADN, como nuestra capacidad para caminar.

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La diferencia entre la complejidad de la comunicación de los animales y de los humanos

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La diferencia entre la complejidad de la comunicación de los animales y de los humanos

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En esta foto, una semejanza está subrayado entre la forma de comunicación de los humanos y los elefantes; las dos permiten que sus hablantes pueden expresar la presencia de abejas. Pero, también hay una diferencia. La lengua de los humanos tiene ocho características; dos de estas son la productividad y la creatividad. En nuestras lenguas, podemos expresar cualquier cosa que queremos, incluyendo la presencia de abejas. También, a diferencia de los animales, siempre podemos añadir más a esta oración y no somos limitados en lo que decimos. Los animales no tienen la posibilidad de producir frases ilimitadas; la productividad ni la creatividad son partes de su lengua.

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La complejidad de las canciones de las ballenas

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La complejidad de las canciones de las ballenas

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La forma de comunicación de las ballenas no es más compleja que la de los humanos que tiene ocho características específicas, pero es compleja en su propia manera. En el artículo que contiene unas canciones de las ballenas, una mujer, quien ha estudiado estas canciones, habla de la complejidad, la variedad, y los cambios a través del tiempo. Ella explica que los sonidos no son seleccionados al azar y que hay melodías y ritmos en estas canciones. Por lo tanto, todavía hay complejidad a las canciones de las ballenas a pesar de que no tiene las características que son únicas al lenguaje humano.

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Humpback whales don't just sing songs - they compose with the whales around them, singing a song that evolves over time. Scientists didn't know that until they started recording whale sounds in the 1960s and spent years listening. The evolution of this "culture of listening" among researchers is the focus of Morning Edition's weekly summer series, Close Listening: Decoding Nature Through Sound.

Katy Payne, a researcher in acoustic biology at the Cornell Lab of Ornithology, and her husband, Roger, were the first scientists to realize that the intricate and eerie calls of some humpback whales are actually songs. At a recent visit with Katy in a Cornell sound studio, we played this archived recording of the first whale they ever heard, and she recognized it right away:

"It's the voice of a male humpback whale off shore of Bermuda, in 1964," Katy explained. "It was recorded by a Navy engineer."

The Paynes met the engineer, Frank Watlington, on a trip to Bermuda. A friend of theirs had recommended they look him up because he shared their passion for whales, and Watlington invited the Paynes aboard his ship.

"We had no idea we were going to hear anything," Payne told us. "He said, 'I don't suppose you've ever heard the sounds these animals make?' "

And then he played the song of the humpback whale for them.

"I had never heard anything like it," Katy said. "Oh, my God, tears flowed from our cheeks. We were just completely transfixed and amazed because the sounds are so beautiful, so powerful - so variable. They were, as we learned later, the sounds of just one animal. Just one animal."

Watlington had picked up the whale's call while doing some recording with underwater microphones - hydrophones - for his work. In those days, the Navy used such equipment to listen for enemy submarines.

"I don't think anybody knew what he was picking up, and he kept it a secret," Katy recalled. Watlington was afraid whalers would use the songs to find and kill the humpbacks.

Before they left, he gave the Paynes the recordings and told them, "Go save the whales."

The recordings were a revelation to most scientists. And there was something peculiar about the calls that the Paynes didn't recognize at first. It took Katy's special skill and training to discover it.

"I majored in music, with biology as a secondary," she explained. "But I was sort of my own person, really. I was always, always watching and listening to animals."

The Paynes took the tapes home. Katy was taking care of their four young children at the time, but when she could find a moment, she would listen and lose herself in another world.

On our visit with Katy at Cornell, we played several of these haunting humpback songs from the Cornell Lab of Ornithology archives, and asked her to help us understand what we were hearing.

"We call this the beginning sound," she said of the first passage of notes in one song.

"Do you hear echoes?" she asked us. "From the bottom of the sea, the underside of the waves? [With] every sound, all the whales are listening. They have memorized this song."

The first time she heard such calls, Katy wanted to see the sounds, to see if there was a discernible pattern. So she got spectrograms of them - visual representations that showed peaks and valleys and gaps. As she traced them with pencil and paper, she began to see structure - what looked like melodies and rhythms.

"This is a crazy sort of arrhythmic portion of the sound," she said of one passage. "But it's coming into another rhythmic portion that goes up in pitch."

The pattern's not random, Payne explained, and that's key. Lots of animals have calls or vocalizations. But the humpback whales' long, intricate songs change - they evolve.

It's exclusively the male humpbacks that sing, the Paynes now know, and at any moment in time, all the males in a local group sing the song in roughly the same way. But over time, some parts of a group's song gradually change, too - in rhythm, pitch and duration - as the whales listen to each other, and together take up variations that eventually become a new tune.

Payne has actually memorized many such songs, and can sing them note for note. Here's a comparison of just single phrases in different years. You'll hear Katy first, then the whale just behind her.

Two years later, this same humpback group's song had evolved from six elements to 14. All the added sounds came at the end, like a musical coda:

Why do these male humpbacks gradually modify their songs?

"We don't know," Katy said. "Ask the whale. But we can say that it seems to be attractive to be an inventive male. Perhaps it's what we call sexual selection. The female is selecting the innovative male."

It's sort of like jazz, she said, where each player riffs on the same methodical repetition, but innovates too.

At first, other biologists didn't believe whales collectively composed new songs. Even Payne's husband was skeptical. So the Paynes got their own hydrophones and boats. They went back to Bermuda, and then to Hawaii and South America, spending years recording whales.

Ultimately, their analysis of these vocalizations showed scientists a way to illuminate life in the deep ocean - not with a flashlight, but with the ear. And many young scientists followed the Paynes' lead, studying other species. One of those scientists was Christopher Clark, who joined the Paynes in Patagonia, Argentina, in 1972, to help record the calls of southern right whales.

"You'd sit there listening to whales blowing," Clark told us, "and to the [elephant seals] snorting on the beach." At night, the Paynes made their own music on a violin and a cello. "We gave Chris a guitar," Katy recalled. "It was a free and playful time. God, it was wonderful."

"I learned to play under the Southern Cross," Clark said. He was hooked. And soon he would hear things in the ocean that even the Paynes never imagined.
Bill McQuay is an audio producer at the Cornell Lab of Ornithology.
He's on Twitter: @mcquay_bill. Alison Richards, NPR's senior editor for science, is the series' editor.

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It Took A Musician's Ear To Decode The Complex Song In Whale Calls

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Humpback whales don't just sing songs - they compose with the whales around them, singing a song that evolves over time. Scientists didn't know that until they started recording whale sounds in the 1960s and spent years listening. The evolution of this "culture of listening" among researchers is the focus of Morning Edition's weekly summer series, Close Listening: Decoding Nature Through Sound.

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Este video es un buen ejemplo de la diferencia entre estos dos tipos de afasia. Los dos están conectados con la neurolingüística, porque afectan el modo que el cerebro produce una lengua. Como se puede ver en el video, la persona que tiene la afasia de Wernicke puede hablar con fluidez; pero porque él crea palabras o sonidos, mucho de lo que dice no es comprensible. El hombre que tiene la afasia de Broca necesita más tiempo para encontrar las palabras; a diferencia del hombre con la afasia de Wernicke, quien produce una abundancia de palabras, este hombre produce menos palabras y es más consciente de su incapacidad para producir palabras.

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La lingüística: ciencia cognitiva