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In this article, Okech highlights the belief that gender is co-constitutive and places emphasis on the gender ramifications alluding to the securitisation of Somali men in Kenya. There is inconsistency in security speech and the roads in these major cities serve as a key marker of class distinction. In so being, the discursive productions of Somali masculinities are seen as dangerous. It is important to note the securitisation of Eastleigh and how it is connected to the regime that links the danger to the porosity of Somali identity in Kenya. This creates the construct of Somalis as the 'Other.' Additionally, there is emphasis on Somali women's role as a mother within the domestic sphere, which ignore women as active agents in extremist groups. With this information, this coincides with the militarized masculinity in this securitisation.

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I found Okech's section on the performative role of costume, catalysed by terror discourse, in distinguishing a militarised masculine elite from the non-hegemonic poor Somali. Visual vocabulary clearly had a similar role to that of language, referred to throughout the article, in producing a securitised state with a distinct 'other'. More broadly speaking, I think it should be noted that this is not a Kenyan or East African problem. One only needs to look at the securitisation of the European refugee crisis or the post 9/11 PATRIOT act to evidence the discursive production of 'other' as a form of securitisation.

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What i found most interesting in this piece were the tactics used by the Kenyan gov when differentiating between an "us" vs "them" scenario. Gender, ethnicity, and historicity are intertwined within the rhetoric in the post Westgate attack. Tactics on twitter, differentiating between a bad vs good Somali and using the Kiswahili language as a measuring tool for citizenship was particularly notable when policing communities. It was also very fascinating to learn how costume and appearance  (President Kenyatta) makes a bold statement to the audience - it's like saying, don't mess with us, we're stronger and coming after you. Very fascinating read overall!

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I found it absolutely fascinating to read about the role that the US had played in generating the very  insecurity it seeks to protect itself from - including its role in radicalizing Al Shabaab. Reading of such a blatant link in fostering terrorism it makes me wonder what strategies are implemented by the US anti-terrorist movement to minimize the repeat of this kind of eventuality; if it has learnt from its mistakes or remains in denial.

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It is interesting to know how Somali people in Nairobi are treated in terms of national security problem. They are treated as "others" and targeted as dangerous cause of security issue. It reminds me post election violence in Kenya which divided Kenyans in two ethnic groups ("us" vs "others").

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Whilst the marginalisation of Somalis in Kenya has a long history, and was perpetuated during Kenya's colonialisation, it seems that the recently intensified security measures with operation Usalama Watch after the attack in Nairobi is part of a global fear of Islamist terrorism, which intensifies Islamophobia. It seems that nowadays, the discrimination Somalis face in Kenya is not only due to their "foreignness" and their status as "immigrants" (despite the fact that there are many Kenyan Somalis), but also precisely because the Kenyan government associate all Somalis with Islam, and equate Islam with terrorism.

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Interesting reading to supplement Okech reading on extra judicial police killings in Kenya 

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Interesting reading to supplement Okech reading on extra judicial police killings in Kenya 

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Walalo Citizenship and Kenyan Citizenship are Entirely Different- Mariam Bishar

https://popula.com/2019/01/15/walalo-citizenship-and-kenyan-citizenship-are-entirely-different/  continuing on from Okechs’ article on securitization of Somali identity.

A Death Penalty for the Poor- April Zhu

https://thebaffler.com/logical-revolts/a-death-penalty-for-the-poor-zhu -April Zhu specializes in looking at Sino-Kenya relations from the margins, and as such her work explores the margins of Kenyan urban society, this article explores the contemporary extra judical killings that disproportionately target poor people in Nairobi. Providing a class analysis to what Okech mentions in her article on geographic securitization. Whereby ghettos and informal settlements become targets for state security apparatus. Eastleigh (little Mogadishu) falls into this category, coupled with the security threat that ‘Somali’ identity holds.

We are not Kenyans’: extra-judicial killings, manhood and citizenship in Mathare, a Nairobi ghetto -Naomi van Stapele
https://repub.eur.nl/pub/124254/VanStapeleWe-are-not-Kenyans-.pdf

Police killings and the vicissitudes of borders and bounding orders in Mathare, Nairobi- Naomi van Stapele https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0263775819884579 (access available with SOAS Account)

Melany I. N. Barasa

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This paper uses a gendered lens to illustrate how the Ugandan state structures young men’s lives, especially those participating in the security sector. It constructs a gendered hierarchy which favours militarised masculinity to civilian masculinity. To perform as a ‘real’ man in Uganda means to follow the training (‘acts’) which create such constructed illusion of gender. Military men are naturally hierarchised as warrior-hood is equated with their manhood – inducing a sense of nationalism and willingness to serve their country and act protect the citizens. Where they hold higher positions in government and are preferred in marriage. Civilian men, in comparison, are ‘stuck’ and experience ‘waithood’ as they do not fulfil the cultural values in their strive to become ‘real’ men. For instance, civilian men are mocked by soldiers being beaten or performing tasks which align with those constructed for women (collecting water or firewood). The favoured militarised masculinity aims to strengthen state institutions and limit the opportunity of young civilian men who are made to feel inadequate.

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This was a particularly reveling read for me as an MA Migration student who is particularly intrigued by the interrogation of belonging and distortions of identity in East Africa. Lynch highlights that these dimensions are elusive and defy categories of established ethnicity and classification. I could observe some parallels with Okech's article on this idea of "real" and "fake". there are so many caveats with this paper. While Lynch opens up avenues to discuss the situation between the sabaot and their respective sub-groups and the bukhusu going beyond the in some ways fetishized field of "tribes" to use nativism, he inevitably says that even there it is muddled. Lynch highlights how localities have histories (394) and these histories come to life through all their multiple expressions and forms and morphologies throughout history, taking on new rituals and changing in real time, through internal and external effects and interactions. The border is an explosive topic in Kenya, even to speak of boundaries between districts is a hefty matter and ideas that communities belong in a fixed area. This paper is entirely rich in complicating the history and experiences of communities at Mt. Elgon

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'Violence as a cultural practice' is an interesting and persuasive conceptual model recommended by this paper. The opposition between violence and peace often does not apply nor does the idea that violence 'happens to' a society or community. Instead, accounts of violence that focus on the agency of socially involved violent actors better accounts for the many forms and effects of violence as well as explain it's occurrence in more realistic way than simply as a way of resolving political differences or even, as lacking the strong governance of colonial administrations.

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Both Greiner and Lynch explore the consequences of a federal political system/policy that links ethnic groups to land rights and creates the concept of an ethnic homeland. This leads to vicious circles of ‘ethnic cleansing’ and territorial expansion as ethnic groups seek to protect their members in territories where they may be under threat as minorities.  Administrative boundary changes are used politically to control access to resources and to gain political support. Boundary changes also create conflict as ethnic groups fight for territory and resources.
Another strand in this paper highlights the way that cattle rustling has become more violent (firearms) and commercialised - cattle are now stolen and sold (rather than being retained as a community resource or used to maintain community practices eg for bridewealth). This seems to mirror the trend towards commodification of ‘traditional’ community resources that we have encountered in other weeks.

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This article really captures the complexity of ethno-tribal divides in postcolonial Kenya. Lynch sheds light on the lingering effects of colonialism. Despite feeling patriotic to the country of Kenya one may travel 3 miles within its borders and feel as though they do not belong. Hierarchies and harsh divides have resulted in ethnic groups clashing over land due to this system built that has created so many splits between a larger native population. It has become a case where ethnic groups struggle to coexist because each individual group feels they have rights to particular parts of the land without the possibility of ethnic groups living amongst eachother.

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Somalia has been without a functioning State ever since 1991, when Siyad Barre was overthrown. None of the competing factions were able to take his place as ruler of the country, producing first chaos, but gradually a form of stateless order. However this article highlights how th situation has deteriorated  because of the US intervention. The  most obvious lesson, was to leave the country alone(as they did after the failed mission UNISOM) although this might be too simplistic, as there may well be significant differences between the various external actors becoming involved, as well as between different kinds of involvement, some of which may be beneficial, even though the aggregate effects of all external involvement is negative.

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This article made me think a lot about the globalization of Islamophobia, as well as the construction of the "other" in the discourse of security. Inherently, there is no need for security if there is no "other". This moved me to think about how this might extend beyond the religious and ethnic discrimination to the Kenyan's government own interest in expanding their surveillance technologies on citizens and using the constructed  "threatening other" as a means of making it acceptable to the general population.

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"Therefore, societal
securitisation is rooted in the identity politics of self and “other”, with the
enemy-other often identified as another society or an ethnic group, and the
security of one means insecurity of the other" sounds all too similar to me. Securitization of the Somali people is so similar to the policing of Black bodies in America. But even that comparison does not give justice to the complexity of the issue. It would be too easy

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This paper was interesting in that it reveals both civilian masculinities and military masculinities leave young men, who deeply desire to work and contribute to society, left wanting. They are left without achieving the ideals of manhood they has hoped or promised, with no alternative options. It actually encourages a fundamental break down of society when basic needs like being paid, getting married or having identification are not provided or allowed to happen. This cannot be sustainable and Tapscotts suggestion that other jobs need to be created outside the security sector is an obvious one.

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The lines “While the Eritrean movement described its struggle as anti-colonial” (383) contrasted to the statement of “…Tigrayan resentment of a perceived Eritrean superiority complex, the origins of which are unclear but most likely stems from Eritrea’s Italian colonial experience” (371) centre this idea that historical and colonial era issues and labels are welded in a way that suit the narrative the respective parties (TPLF, EPLF) are trying to promote in justification of their pursuits of organisation, violence and/or independence.

Throughout the piece the parts of history are mentioned (eg. TPLF using Emperor Yohannes’ boundaries and efforts as a lightening rod of Tegaru feats) and then contrasted by the slights this would have highlighted for the contrasting party (EPLF concern re: Ras Alula and incursions into Eritrean highlands) WHILE maintaining that historical events pre-colonial era were not of major consideration or significance to the EPLF (384). History (and often labels of ethnicity vs nationality) are used piecemeal to account for actions that do/do not fit into the narrative.

This was also evident in the Abbay reading around state building in Ethiopia.

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The distinction between the relationship between Eritrea and Tigray on one hand, and between Eritrea and Ethiopia on the other, is particularly interesting.  Tigray shares much in common with most of Eritrea, in terms of family ties and wider ties of ethnicity.  Although Ethiopia more generally shares much in common culturally with Eritrea, Ethiopia's complicated history with Eritrea has meant that relations with Ethiopia (vs. with the Ethiopian sub-division of Tigray) have been viewed in a different light in Eritrea.

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This paper whilst being meticulous in its historical situation could have expanded on the ethnographic studies that use only the last couple pages. As articulated in both the abstract and introduction, the paper seeks to draw attention to the individual who lives within the 'insecurities of stateless regions' or within the security empire in its transnational form in general. However, I thought little time was spent on expanding the experiences of such individuals.

Regardless, Besteman introduced me to new concepts of 'security' itself and what they mean in terms of certain spatial logics and governance: national security, security empire, security structures, security regimes, security states and most interestingly, states of security. This goes to show just how prominent ideas of security are to contemporary powers, locally regionally and globally. The fact that insecurity is the dominant consequence for various (and stigmatised) peoples and states brings into question the role of international actors especially and who stands to gain what from these methods.

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Reading this, I couldn't help drawing comparisons with the farmer/herdsmen crisis in Nigeria, where there are increasingly frequent clashes between pastoralists who hark back to rights afforded them by Nigeria's first republic and farmers who obtained settled rights by the codification and registration of land-rights. In the Nigerian scenario, just as this one, access to AK-47s and such-like has increased the 'bloodiness' of these conflicts. Modern weapons energise ancient conflicts and the roots and twists are not easily unpicked. Sigh.

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The tension between civilian masculinity and militarised masculinity that this paper discussed was very revealing. Though Tapscott carries out her analysis with a gendered lens her recommendations in the conclusion that militarised masculinity must be studies through interdisciplinary research is important. Given that perceptions of masculinity in Uganda are not just about fulfilling a gender expectation but also about being economically stable, seeking acceptance into increasingly militarised state structures, being able to provide for a family and security, means that to only study militarised masculinity through gender would be inappropriate.

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This article reminds me of the conceptual relationship between violence and peace, and the substantive operations derived from it, which point to the slogans that some governments often use, such as "peace needs to be secured by weapons and armies," so that violence becomes a legitimate tool. But in fact such a peace may be producing more and more violence and instability at the margins of power and empire. Considering that governments are in a sense defined as the legitimate users of violence, security imperialism could be seen as the abuse of violence by powerful states in the name of preserving their peace, and that consolidates the inequal power relations between countries and regions.

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I found the arbitrary gauge employed by the  Kenyan government to measure ''Kenyan-ness,' (p. 10.), quite astonishing and somewhat arrogant, as this 'test' fails to acknowledge the deep complexities inherent in the refugee experience, where people's behaviour is usually, if not always driven by the innate desire to survive. In the present case however, inborn,  or 'Somali-Kenyans' (p.10.), are seemingly less likely to suffer the same level of scrutiny and surveillance as their 'othered' Somali counterparts, whose allegiance, it is presumed, belongs to Al=Shabaab, rather than the Kenyan state. The reading also highlights class, as a determinant for the targeting (or non-targeting) of male Somali bodies in Kenya, although this should by no means justify the unlawful and shocking treatment of the Somali people, as demonstrated on pages 4, and 11 of the article.
Laura A

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Securitisation of Somali identity through boundary management not only illustrates the "othering" of Somali refugees and immigrants in Kenya but also shows how the body is gendered and policed by the state. Consequently the hyper-masculine body becomes the other, the undesirable, the unlawful, thereby further escalating tensions between the individual and state. This alone is a recipe for conflict as  young men may choose to act to the constructed masculinities. Sadly, it renders the masculinised alpha male vulnerable.

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The article apportions responsibility for violence in the East African region among the colonial legacies, contingency of Cold War politics, state-inspired violence and the agency of government security and political apparatus. In every case it becomes clear how violence is a machination of a minority group in power often serving their own selfish and foreign interests, and very rarely, if any, those of the every day people, the wanainchi. This elitisation of violence shows why violence has been perennial in the region and why it is bound to continue. It is the elites that are spinning  this complex web of violence in which the wanainchi continuously find themselves enmeshed.