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La tarea de la trascripción del uso lingüístico de un individual puede ser muy difícil y especifico. Además de todos los símbolos del alfabeto fonético internacional, hay todavía más símbolos que describen más características de los sonidos fonéticos.  Estos símbolos se llaman diacríticos, y se usan para afilar un sonido.  Por ejemplo, [t] es producido en el alveolo, pero en algunas palabras, este sonido después de un sonido palatal, y como resultado el sonido alveolar [t] cambia un poco a un sonido mas palatal.  Entonces, se puede describir los como [tj ].

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Cada idioma tiene su único inventario fonético, que contiene los consonantes y vocales que el idioma se usa.  El tracto vocal de los humanos puede producir muchos sonidos diferentes, y algunos de ellos son más raros que otros.  Curiosamente, el sonido “th” que tenemos en inglés (fricativa interdental) es poco común a través de todos los idiomas.

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El sistema de los vocales de español contiene cinco vocales repartidas uniformemente a través del tracto vocal.  Es un tipo de sistema vocal muy común, y es muy interesante para compararlo al sistema de inglés.  Esa imagen muestra las diferencias de los dos idiomas, y pienso que lo de español es más fácil para usar.

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Hay muchas posibilidades de sonidos que se puede producir por el tracto vocal humano.  Pero también hay sonidos que no son posibles.  Un ejemplo es un vibrante velar.  También, hay sonidos que no se han descubierto, pero se dice que son posibles.  Un ejemplo es el vibrante labiodental.

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The Language Sounds That Could Exist, But Don't

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Hay algunas características que idiomas humanos comparten con sistemas de comunicación de los animales, pero los idomas humano tienen aspectos que se separan y se hacen mas complejos.  La mas importante es la capacidad de hablar en cosas que no existen, porque esta característica crea la posibilidad de formar narrativas culturales.

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There are certain fundamental differences between human language and animal communication. Even though parrots and apes can be taught and can pick up a few words here and there, they can't grasp the nuances of how humans use language. Let's take a look at how human language and animal communication differ from each other.

Evidence shows that while parrots can be taught a few words and taught how to count a few numbers, it's essentially a game or a party trick for them, and definitely not a mode of expression. (Image: SantiPhotoSS/Shutterstock)

Charles Hockett was probably one of the most prominent linguists in America, and a while ago he listed 13 features that distinguish human language from animal communication. We will explore a couple of these features.

Learn more about dialects-subspecies of species.

Displacement

Displacement is one thing we, humans, can do with language. One thing we don't have to think about consciously is talk about something that isn't there: it might be in the past, it might be in the future, it might be hypothetical. We can say, 'There is giant squid 50 feet long and once I was walking along the beach and I found one of the carcasses washed up'. You could talk about that had happened 10 years ago.

That could happen to some ape that happens to live near the shore. But the ape couldn't communicate that to any other ape-no animal could communicate that to another animal, something completely displaced: 'The other day I saw some queer-colored berries on a bush and I ate them and they weren't really as bad as you might think.'

No matter how expressive and communicative an orangutan is, that's just not going to come out. He can only talk about bananas, get out of my way, things that are right there. So that's kind of different.

Learn more about what is language.

Productivity

Another distinguishing feature is called productivity, which means that you can take the elements of language and combine them in infinite combinations. It's not just eating a banana, wanting a banana, or where's the banana. It's all sorts of things about the banana: 'The banana tastes good,' 'The banana is broken,' 'I'm going to break this banana so I can fit it into the cooler,' etc.

Charles Hockett identified 13 features that distinguish human language from animal communication. (Image: Cate1388/CC BY-SA 3.0/Public domain)

This productivity is sort of a hallmark of what we're doing. This is not something that animals are so good at. Also, even the really hotshot chimpanzees rarely initiate conversation. If you're using language and you have a thought, you say something. You might be the kind of ape that happens to keep things to itself. But there are presumably some of them running their mouths all the time, as they do within their limits-all of that chattering that apes and chimpanzees tend to do.

But, it's very rare for one of these 'talking chimpanzees' to look up and say, 'You know...' Maybe there'd be something like, 'I'd like a banana', but that's rare. You'd have to start it out with, 'Banana, Washoe?' and then she would tell you if she were here. But, in general, there's nothing along the lines of, 'It's a nice day'.

This is a transcript from the video series Story of Human Language. Watch it now, on The Great Courses Plus.

There's all the evidence to suggest that the higher primates do know that it's a nice day. The bonobos will sit down and put their arms around each other and look at the sunset; that's how close they are to us. But never has any ape said, 'You know, it's nice out'. You have to start it with them. So, basically, it's a game to them.

Learn more about how language changes-sound change.

Language Is a Game to Them

There are eerie experiments with parrots where you see some of the same combinations of marvel and limitation. For example, Irene Pepperberg is a professor of psychology at Brandeis. She has an African gray parrot named Alex. Since the late 1970s, she's been training Alex to talk. Parrots are pretty remarkable; you can get that sense of human soul in them, too. They don't have the opposable thumb, but they definitely seem to have some sort of higher consciousness, in the impressionistic sense.

I spent a weekend with one of those birds once and it's odd. They have a gamut of emotions, they prefer one person to another for no good reason-they are just like us.

They also 'talk' in their way. Irene Pepperberg has gotten amazing results out of little Alex. You can ask him, 'What object is green and three-cornered?' and there happens to be one in his play-box. He will tell you whatever Irene Pepperberg happens to have named that object. Alex can count to six and there are indications that the kind of knows what that means. He can ask for food, saying things like, 'Want a nut!' and he actually wants a nut, and he gets it. He actually can spell a bit, because Irene Pepperberg has taught him how to break things down into sounds.

He gets impatient, so at one point she was showing him to researchers and asking him questions about naming sounds, but he wanted a nut. Finally, apparently he slit his eyes and said, 'Want a nut - nn, uh, tuh.' He knew, that's pretty good-that's really a talking bird.

It's clear that really he thinks that language is a game. Sometimes you'll say things like, 'What color is this, Alex?' and the marvel is that he can do this. But a lot of the time he'll just start rattling off the colors because he doesn't really feel like it. It seems that he's only vaguely aware that there's some sort of correspondence between naming things like this and the world that we live in and doing something with it. The brain kind of stops there.

Also, as far as answering questions, he can answer them, but only four out of five times right. What about the fifth time? If that were a human being, we would assume there was something seriously wrong. He's a very well behaved bird, too. It's just that it seems that what we've taught Alex to do is kind of a party trick, it's a game, not a mode of expression. Irene Pepperberg has done wonderful work with Alex, but it's very hard to say that Alex is really holding conversations, that he's experiencing language like us.

What it really all comes down to is that there are no apes that use sign language in the wild, in any way. Presumably, they wouldn't use any of our signs, but they don't have any of their own. This is something that if it were natural, presumably they'd do it. Parrots don't run around talking to each other in the wild. They don't communicate with each other on any level higher than other birds screaming and yelling and all the things that they do. So, we can get them to do this, but clearly we're kind of pushing their limits and a lot of them would rather not-that's not their nature and it clearly is ours.

Common Questions about Differences Between Human Language and Animal Communication

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Features That Distinguish Human Language From Animal Communication

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Charles Hockett was probably one of the most prominent linguists in America, and a while ago he listed 13 features that distinguish human language from animal communication. We will explore a couple of these features. Learn more about dialects-subspecies of species. Displacement is one thing we, humans, can do with language.

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A pesar de que se ha rechazado una interpretación muy fuerte de la hipótesis del sapir-whorf, los científicos todavía están de acuerdo en que la idea de que el lenguaje da forma a la forma en que percibimos el mundo sigue siendo cierta. En esto estudio, descurbrio que personas que hablan ruso tienen dos palabras por dos tipos de azul, entonces sus cerebros reactar a los colores como colores completamente diferentes.

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Does the language you speak influence how you think? This is the question behind the famous linguistic relativity hypothesis, that the grammar or vocabulary of a language imposes on its speakers a particular way of thinking about the world.

The strongest form of the hypothesis is that language determines thought. This version has been rejected by most scholars. A weak form is now thought to be obviously true, which is that if one language has a specific vocabulary item for a concept but another language does not, then speaking about the concept may happen more frequently or more easily. For example, if someone explained to you, an English speaker, the meaning for the German term Schadenfreude, you could recognize the concept, but you may not have used the concept as regularly as a comparable German speaker.

Scholars are now interested in whether having a vocabulary item for a concept influences thought in domains far from language, such as visual perception. Consider the case of the "Russian blues." While English has a single word for blue, Russian has two words, goluboy for light blue and siniy for dark blue. These are considered "basic level" terms, like green and purple, since no adjective is needed to distinguish them. Lera Boroditsky and her colleagues displayed two shades of blue on a computer screen and asked Russian speakers to determine, as quickly as possible, whether the two blue colors were different from each other or the same as each other. The fastest discriminations were when the displayed colors were goluboy and siniy, rather than two shades of goluboy or two shades of siniy. The reaction time advantage for lexically distinct blue colors was strongest when the blue hues were perceptually similar.

To determine if words were being automatically (and perhaps unconsciously) activated, the researchers added the following twist: they asked their Russian participants to perform a verbal task at the same time as making their perceptual discrimination. This condition eliminated the reaction time advantage of contrasting goluboy and siniy. However, a nonverbal task (a spatial task) could be done at the same time while retaining the goluboy/ siniy advantage. The dual task variants indicated that the task of discriminating color patches was aided by silent activation of verbal categories. English speakers tested on the identical discrimination tasks showed no advantage for the light blue / dark blue trials.

Recently the Russian blues have been used again to investigate how language influences thought. In the journal Psychological Science, Martin Maier and Rasha Abdel Rahman investigated whether the color distinction in the Russian blues would help the brain become consciously aware of a stimulus which might otherwise go unnoticed. Would salience help a light blue color, or a dark blue color be noticed (i.e., enter conscious awareness) in a situation in which attention is overloaded and not all stimuli can be noticed?

The task selected to investigate this is the "attentional blink." This is an experimental paradigm frequently used to test whether a stimuli is consciously noticed. Research participants are asked to monitor a sequence of stimuli, displayed at high speeds (typically at least 10 per second), and to press a button every time they see a certain item. The searched-for item can be a letter amidst a sequence of numbers; or that target can be, for example, an emotion word in a sequence of neutral. Participants are very good at detecting the first target they see, but if a second target follows immediately after the first, or with a lag of two to three items, the second target can be missed. It is as if the brain's attentional system "blinked." The reason for the missed item can be understood intuitively: the brain was busy processing the first target and didn't have attentional resources to spare to detect the second target.

In the decades since it was discovered, the attentional blink has been used in myriad ways to document what stimuli have an advantage in capturing attention. For example, imagine that you are asked to monitor for instances of proper names in a stream of rapidly displayed nouns. You do not miss your own name even if it occurs after a prior target. Researchers conclude that the salience of your own name protects it from the attentional blink.

Would the salience of a blue color contrast, using the Russian blues, protect a stimulus from the attentional blink? The authors tested whether colored triangles could be detected more easily when the triangles were made visually salient by being positioned against a contrasting color. For example, a dark green color against a light green background is harder to see than a dark green color against a dark blue background. Green against blue is easier to see because of the strong color contrast between dark blue and dark green provided by linguistic categorization. What if the colors were goluboy and siniy? For Russians speakers, contrasting light and dark blue should be as salient as the contrast between dark green and dark blue (always being careful to keep perceptual similarity between contrasting stimuli comparable).

Maier and Rahman designed stimuli that were geometric shapes positioned against a light blue circle. The task of research participants was to press a button when they saw either a semi-circle or a triangle, ignoring stars, squares, diamonds and other shapes. Distractor shapes were plain gray shapes against a light blue background. As noted, the targets, which were triangles or semi-circles, were colored in ways that allowed their visual distinctiveness to be precisely varied. The least salient triangle was a light green triangle against a dark green background. This was not salient because the two green colors are in the same linguistic category. A highly salient stimulus was a green (either light or dark green) triangle against a blue (either light or dark blue) background, because the colors were in different linguistic categories. A stimulus which would also be highly salient for Russian speakers was a light or dark blue triangle positioned against a circle with the differing blue color.

The attentional blink task contained a sequence of two to six stimuli to be ignored (nontarget shapes), then a colored semi-circle (target 1),and then, followed by a lag of either three or seven items, the second target, a triangle. At lag 3, when participants' brains were busy processing target 1, how difficult would it be to detect the green triangle?

The results supported the hypothesis that the linguistic distinction of the Russian blues helps stimuli enter conscious awareness. That is, the least salient targets, green triangles on green backgrounds, were missed the most. The easiest target to detect was the blue/green contrast. But importantly, the contrast between goluboy (light blue) and siniy (dark blue) was a stimulus that grabbed the brain's attention centers more than the light green / dark green contrast. Interestingly, these results were also found in a study of Greek speakers, as Greek resembles Russian in having separate lexical items for light and dark blue. German was used as the "control" language since like English, it has only one word for blue. For German speakers, detection rates of the blue/blue and green/green trials were identical.

What is occurring in the brain during this visual task? The authors monitored scalp potentials during the attentional blink task. When blue contrasts were detected (meaning the blink was avoided), an event related potential occurred that is known to accompany the stage of early visual processing. This neural signature was not present for the light green / dark green stimulus, indicating that the brain processes the light blue / dark blue differently, for speakers whose language makes a lexical distinction.

The current study is an important advance in documenting how linguistic categories influence perception. Consider how this updates the original Russian blues study, in which observers pressed a button to indicate whether two shades of blue were the same or different. In that study, it seems likely that observers silently labeled colors in order to make fast decisions. It is less likely that labeling was used during the attentional blink task, because paying attention to color is not required and indeed was irrelevant to the task. All observers had to do is try to detect a triangle in a rapid sequence of diverse shapes. It is thus a powerful finding that the incidental contrast of dark blue triangle against a light blue background helped push the triangle into conscious awareness.

What arenas of perceptual-linguistic interaction remain to be conquered? The current finding indicates that linguistic knowledge can influence perception, contradicting the traditional view that perception is processed independently from other aspects of cognition, including language. This is most famously seen in the case of visual illusions, which are mostly impervious to knowledge about the illusion. Hmm. One wonders: Could the Russian blues be recruited in altering a visual illusion that depends on color shades?

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Does the language you speak influence how you think? This is the question behind the famous linguistic relativity hypothesis, that the grammar or vocabulary of a language imposes on its speakers a particular way of thinking about the world. The strongest form of the hypothesis is that language determines thought.

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El campo de la lingüística es muy variado y abarca niveles diferentes para entender como los seres humanos usan los idiomas.  Incluye las esferas cognitivas (sintaxis, semánticas), fisicales (fonéticas, fonologia), sociales (dialectología, sociolingüística), y neurológicales. Todas las esferas pueden decirte algo importante como los idiomas funcionan.

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Diferencias lingüísticas entre los dialectos de español

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Diferencias lingüísticas entre los dialectos de español

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De todos los países que esta en el mundo, veinte de ellos hablan español.  Pero como inglés, no hay una moda singular para hablar español.  El acento de un país puede variar significativamente de otro.  Además, las estructuras gramáticas, el vocabulario, y las frases culturales usualmente son diferentes también.

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Globetrotting en español: 6 Different Spanish Dialects From Around the World

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Many people think that Spanish can be broken down into two categories: Spain Spanish and Latin American Spanish. But oh, have we got a surprise for you! There are actually a lot of different Spanish dialects out there. Now, don't worry.

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¿Cuales caracteristicas le faltan los systemas de comunicacion de los animales?

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Morfemas son las unidades de lenguaje que todavia pueden poseer significa. Idiomas diferentes tienen diferentes sistemas morfologicas. El sistema de espanol es muy rico y hay muchos afijos usado por la creacion de palabras nuevas.

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Phoneme

A phoneme is the smallest unit (sound) of language which serves to distinguish words from one another.

For example:
"bat" and "but" are two different words because they have two different phonemes.(a and u)

Counting Phonemes in a Word

cat.....3 phonemes (/k/a/t/)
cream.....4 phonemes (/k/r/ē/m/)
knock.....3 phonemes (/n/o/k/)
shadow.....4 phonemes (/sh/a/d/ō)

How many distinct phonemes are there?
This is asking how many different smallest unit of sound can we make? The answer is about 44. So we can make 44 different sounds with about 44 different mouth gestures. Here is a good list of phonemes in English.

Morpheme

A morpheme is the smallest meaningful unit of language that cannot be broken into smaller parts. A word can be composed of one or more morphemes.

Morpheme Example:

"Submarine" is a word made up of two morphemes: sub and marine.
There are two morphemes: sub and marine. However, in the same word there are eight phonemes: s, u, b, m, a, r, i, n (e is silent).

Unforgettable for instance is made up of three morphemes and twelve phonemes.
Un-forget-able ( un is a prefix meaning "not" forget is the root morpheme and able is an adjective forming suffix)

Types of Morphemes

They can stand alone as a word. For example: dog

A bound morpheme (prefix or suffix)

They can't be used on their own; they have to be combined with at least one other morpheme within a word. (such as the "-s" at the end of dog)

Note: "Morph" is just a shortened form of "morpheme"

Phoneme vs Letter

In short, it's the sound vs the symbol; a phoneme is a sound that distinguishes words from each other. Phonemes are the basic units of speech that make up morphemes, words and sentences. A letter is a symbol that represents a sound in a language. A phoneme can be a letter, a single letter can have more than one phonemes because it is pronounced differently in different words.

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A phoneme is the smallest unit (sound) of language which serves to distinguish words from one another. For example: "bat" and "but" are two different words because they have two different phonemes.(a and u) cat.....3 phonemes (/k/a/t/)cream.....4 phonemes (/k/r/ē/m/)knock.....3 phonemes (/n/o/k/)shadow.....4 phonemes (/sh/a/d/ō) How many distinct phonemes are there?

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Los idiomas estan siempre cambiando. Pero hay categorias de palabras que cambian mas facilmente y rapidamente que otros. La categoria abierta incluye sustantivos y adjetivos. La cerrada incluye palabras mas gramaticas como conjunciones.

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Espanol tiene un morfologia verbal muy dinamico. Mucha informacion del sujeto y del objeto esta comunicado por los afijos que estan adjuntan al verbo.

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Morphology

The Study of Structure of Words The rules of word formation may vary from language to language. Morphemes are the smallest units of meaning, and they influence the main characteristics of the English language, which is considered to a morphophonemic language.

Morphology of language essentially refers to the inflections of a language. The sequence of acquisition of morphologic constructions can vary between languages depending on the linguistic complexity of the structure in that language (Peña, Bedore & Rappazzo, 2003). For example, Spanish-speaking children acquire reflexive pronouns early, but these develop later in English-speaking children (Gutierrez-Clellen et al., 2000).

Differences in Morphology

Spanish English

is considered a highly inflected language

inflections may be placed on nouns, verbs, adjectives, articles and pronouns

inflections affect the meaning of the words

verbs can be inflected for aspect, tense, mood, probability/indicative action (has or will occur), person and number

verbs can be conjugated as regular, irregular, reflexive, radical-changing, or orthographical changing

is not considered a highly inflected language

The four categories above produce a total of 46 to 47 verb forms.

Only four or five distinct verb forms are found (Stockwell, Bowen, and Martin, 1965).

In Spanish there are two verbs that are not interchangeable ( ser and estar). Estar implies a transitory state of being while ser indicates a permanent state or an innate condition (Kayser).

In English there is essentially one copular verb that joins the subject to the verb (is/are).

It is difficult to separate morphology and syntax because morphological inflections can have an impact on syntactic structure. Syntax is the linear order of words or phrases in a sentence. Spanish syntax varies in relation to morphologic structure and complexity.

Because Spanish relies so heavily on morphology to carry meaning, word order in Spanish can be quite flexible. In contrast, English word order is more critical to meaning and, therefore, less flexible (Gutierrez-Clellen et al., 2000).

Another aspect with respect to order in which Spanish differs from English can be seen in the modification of nouns, particularly when using descriptive adjectives such as those that define color, size, or shape. There are exceptions to the rule, such as when using numbers, ordinals, and certain adjectives (Kayser, 1995).

The differences in grammatical features between English and Spanish can influence the bilingual Spanish child's use of morphology and syntax in spoken and written English. Please refer to the table below for a listing of constructions that may be observed in the language of a child who is learning both languages.

Spanish English

El carro azul anda rápido.

The car that is blue is going fast.

The blue car is going fast.

When considering the Spanish language, it is important to distinguish between two major kinds of word classes: the variable and the invariable.

Variable words are those that may vary in relationship to gender, number, degree, person, tense, mode, and voice. They include nouns, articles, adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and verbs. Of these, the verbs provide the greatest number of variations because verb conjugation in Spanish is very elaborate and highly inflectional. Verbs present variation in person, number, tense, mode, and voice.

Examples of Variations in a Spanish Verb

Mode and voice differ from English, in that the subjunctive mode and the passive voice are more common and acceptable in Spanish (For example, "Spanish is spoken by many people in the U.S." is written in the passive voice, whereas, "Many people speak Spanish in the U.S." is in the active voice.). Consequently, when this language characteristic is applied to English, it has an expected linguistic influence.

Invariable words present only one form and include adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions and interjections, although adverbs may vary in degree. English prepositions present a major challenge to Portuguese and Spanish students learning English. ( See Semantics) In addition, the use of conjunctions also differs primarily in the frequency of use of coordinating conjunctions in both verbal and written communication. This conveys the wrong impression of disorganization, when in fact, the logic is just different from the linear style used in English.

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LDLD: Spanish. Spoken Languag. Morphology.

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Morphology The Study of Structure of Words The rules of word formation may vary from language to language. Morphemes are the smallest units of meaning, and they influence the main characteristics of the English language, which is considered to a morphophonemic language. Morphology of language essentially refers to the inflections of a language.

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Las categorías léxicas dan mucho informacion de la estructura de un frase. En espanol, el orden de palabras en un frase no es muy estricto, entonces mucho de la informacion semantica viene de las palabras y su grupo. La funcion de una palabra en un frase es determindo por su grupo.

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Para mí, “se” es la palabra de español más confundida que he encontrado.  En las clases introductorias del español, se dice que son dos o tres usos por esta palabra, y son dos o tres estructuras complementarias.  Pero esto no es el caso.  Realmente, hay mas o menos ocho maneras de usar “se”.

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How to use "se" in spanish - the most confusing word

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El orden de palabras en español es más flexible que en inglés.  Pero hay algunas reglas importantes para recordar si no eres fluente.  La más difícil para mi es el orden do los objetos directos e indirectos.  El pronombre de objeto indirecto va antes del pronombre de objeto directo cuando ambos están en la oración; la gente antes que las cosas. Esto es lo contrario del inglés.

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Imagine hearing someone in English say:
"I not him have seen"
That's what we risk sounding like in Spanish when we don't use the right word order. Order is important.
Because this is a common misstep for many English speakers learning Spanish, we've developed 5 key rules of reference to help you remember which order things go in.

Rule #1:

Put personal pronouns first ... if you use them

Personal pronouns : Yo, tú, él, ella usted, nosotros, vosostros, ellos, ellas, ustedes

Personal pronouns simply tell us who the sentence is about. It's typically one of the first lessons you learn in Spanish. As you probably remember, personal pronouns are not obligatory in Spanish. You can either say:

It's all the same. The thing to remember is if you're going to use it, put it first thing.

Rule #2:

Then, just say no

After the personal pronoun, if you are going to negate the sentence, here is where you place the . The '' is important and needs to be in front. If you can remember that you won't be tempted to put it in a strange place or get it mixed up with the upcoming rules.

Rules #3 & #4:

First people, then things

Indirect (people): me, te, le (se), nos, os, le (se)
Direct (things): me, te, lo/la, nos, os, los/las

Direct object pronouns typically represent objects and sometimes people. Indirect object pronouns always represent people. Both are used to replace the name of an already-known noun. For example, find the direct and indirect pronouns in the following English sentance:

Rewriting the sentence in Spanish uses the same pronouns but changes the order:

There are two important rules regarding the object pronouns:

1. The indirect object pronoun goes before the direct object pronoun when both are in the sentence; people before things. This is the reverse from English.
2. Both direct and indirect object pronouns go after the personal pronoun and any negation, but before the conjugated verb.

In the following examples we convert the first sentence into a second using direct and indirect object pronouns:

Rule #5:

Finally, conjugate verbs together

At the end comes the conjugated verb.

Sometimes we have more than one part to a verb conjugation. For example, the perfect tense is created by combining two verbs (haber + past participle).

The most important thing to remember is:
Never put anything between 2 conjugated verbs
This is also true of any compound conjugation. For example when using the infinitive:

A common mistake made by Spanish students is to put pronouns or other words in between the perfect tenses. See the incorrect and correct example below:
Additional examples:

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Imagine hearing someone in English say: "I not him have seen" That's what we risk sounding like in Spanish when we don't use the right word order. Order is important. Because this is a common misstep for many English speakers learning Spanish, we've developed 5 key rules of reference to help you remember which order things go in.

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El análisis de las oraciones en las lingüísticas se dice mucho sobre la función de una gramática particular.  Esa herramienta puede demonstrar como las jerarquías de las oraciones pasar.  Los sintagmas se muestran para apilar de forma organizada

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El analizador sintáctico de oraciones, es un sistema automático capaz de realizar el análisis sintáctico de oraciones simples y de las oraciones compuestas de los ejemplos. Tanto si quieres aprender como si quieres comprobar el análisis sintáctico de una oración puedes utilizar este analizador.

Hay que tener en cuenta que el idioma español admite múltiples variantes y opciones para una misma palabra. Por ello es importante destacar que en algunos casos el analizador puede devolver un resultado que no sea el esperado debido a la imposibilidad de conocer el contexto.

El analizador es sensible a errores ortográficos. Los nombres propios deben de empezar con letra mayúscula ejemplo: Pablo, Juan Carlos, Madrid...

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El analizador sintáctico de oraciones, es un sistema automático capaz de realizar el análisis sintáctico de oraciones simples y de las oraciones compuestas de los ejemplos. Tanto si quieres aprender como si quieres comprobar el análisis sintáctico de una oración puedes utilizar este analizador.

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La estructura dominante es SVO, pero puede cambiar.  Por las oraciones simples, solo necesita por lo menos un verbo conjugado.  Esto es porque la información importante de el subjetivo viene en la terminada del verbo.  La objetivo, si hay un objetivo, viene después del verbo.

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Cómo Hacer Oraciones Simples en Español - Spanish Learning Lab

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Esta lección explica cuáles son las partes de una oración simple en español. Discutiremos como identificar el sujeto y el predicado. Además, aprenderás a hacer oraciones simples en español usando adjetivos y verbos comunes en presente, pasado y futuro. Practica con los ejercicios de una prueba interactiva.

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La evidencia más poderosa de los cambios de la lengua es la existencia de los dialectos y acentos diferentes de español. El acento de un país puede variar significativamente de otro.  Además, las estructuras gramáticas, el vocabulario, y las frases culturales usualmente son diferentes también.  Esto es la resulta de la separación geográfica de comunidades diferentes.

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Globetrotting en español: 6 Different Spanish Dialects From Around the World

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Many people think that Spanish can be broken down into two categories: Spain Spanish and Latin American Spanish. But oh, have we got a surprise for you! There are actually a lot of different Spanish dialects out there. Now, don't worry.

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Mozarabe fue una lengua hablada en las áreas musulmanes en la península ibérica durante el Siglo VIII a Siglo XIII.  Fue una lengua poética y se usó en las famosas Jarchas, los poemas populares del periodo.  Es derivada por latín, y también es influida por formas de árabe de África.

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The Sound of the Mozarabic / Andalusi Romance language (Numbers, Greetings & The Wren)

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Hoy en día hay español esta cambiando.  Es difícil para decir como va a sonar en el futuro, pero es posible que español e ingles se convertirán mas similar.  Debido a la globalización de los dos, español ha adaptado muchas palabras americanas y latinoamericanas.  El diccionario del Real Academia Española ajusta a estos cambiados porque ahora son más salientes a la cultura hispanohablante mundial.

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More than 150 academics, novelists, poets, scientists and other experts of language have descended on San Juan, Puerto Rico, this week to debate the future of Spanish - and whether words such as "selfie" will be admitted into the prestigious Diccionario de la Real Academia (Dictionary of the Royal Academy - like the Oxford English Dictionary for the Spanish language).

The confab, formally known as the VII International Congress for the Spanish Language, or CILE, includes among its attendees Chilean author Jorge Edwards, Puerto Rican essayist Luis Rafael Sánchez, Cuban crime novelist Leonardo Padura and King Felipe VI and Queen Letizia of Spain - along with various Latin American leaders.

(Gaston de Cardenas / EPA)

Held every three years, it offers a whole lot of pomp and circumstance for what is essentially a conference about etymology. But it is indeed a fascinating one.

For one, Spanish is a language that unites roughly 500 million people around the world, including millions in the United States. Moreover, part of the role of these sessions, organized in part by the Real Academia Española (Royal Spanish Academy) in Madrid, is to find etymological common ground among vastly different peoples in vastly different corners of the globe - from Los Angeles to Tierra del Fuego to Malabo in Equatorial Guinea, where one of the official languages is Spanish.

And the academy, along with its partner institutions in Latin America, must do this at a time when English words have a growing profile within the Spanish language. The last time the Diccionario was issued, in 2014, it featured words such as "hacker," "dron" (drone) and "tuitear" (to tweet).

It also, quite interestingly, included the words "bótox" and "pilates" - though, sadly, not the word "cuchibarbie," a Colombian slang that refers to a woman who has had oodles of plastic surgery. Not to mention all of the other Spanglish slang that is part of daily life in a place like Los Angeles. In L.A., for example, you drive a "troca" (truck) to go "hanguear" (hang out) and "Googelear" the latest hot restaurants.

Like a lot of academies that stand as the guardians of language (see: the Academie Française), there is always some grumbling about Spanish tradition being lost to English slang when it comes to the inclusion of English root words in the dictionary. Dario Villanueva, who heads the academy, told the Associated Press that perhaps a better word for "selfie" might be the phrase "auto-foto."

But David Pharies, an associate dean at the University of Florida and author of "A Brief History of the Spanish Language," says these efforts at preservation can be futile.

"There is a long history of linguistic institutions such as the Spanish Royal Academy trying to 'police' their languages' vocabularies or grammatical norms," he stated via email. "In general, it can be affirmed that over the long term all such efforts are doomed to failure, since a subset of today's innovations form the basis of tomorrow's norms. ... Sooner or later, language guardians are forced to abandon conservative positions in the face of relentless changes in usage."

In addition, Spanish, which is a descendant of Vulgar Latin - the informal, spoken versions of Latin that flourished in different parts of the Roman empire - already bears heavy traces of other tongues.

"Arabic contributed a number of words to the language as a result of the Muslim presence on the Iberian Peninsula from 711-1492," Pharies writes. "Arabic did not affect the grammar of the Spanish, but its political presence had important historical effects that helped determine the nature of Spanish."

Over the years, the Americas have contributed increasing numbers of words to the language and, as a result, the Royal Academy's dictionary. (These days, less than 10% of the world's Spanish speakers live in Spain, where the language originated.) Many of our continent's contributions are drawn from indigenous words. "Tomate," the Spanish word for tomato, for example, comes from "tomatl," the Nahuatl (Aztec) word for the fruit.

The last time the Diccionario was published, it contained more than 28,000 words of American origin - double the amount it contained in the previous edition.

Already, the Royal Academy's dictionary contains the popular Mexican slang "güey," which literally means ox, but generally means "fool" - depending on context and intonation. And this week it added a new Latin Americanism to its pages: "puertorriqueñidad," which translates roughly to "Puerto Rican-ness."

So far, however, the more Anglicized "Nuyorican" (New Yorker of Puerto Rican roots) remains off the books. That, however, may just be a matter of time.
Find me on Twitter @cmonstah.

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The future of the Spanish language is looking a lot more like English

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More than 150 academics, novelists, poets, scientists and other experts of language have descended on San Juan, Puerto Rico, this week to debate the future of Spanish - and whether words such as "selfie" will be admitted into the prestigious Diccionario de la Real Academia (Dictionary of the Royal...

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Gallega es una lengua hablada en el norte de España que emergió desde latín y sobrevivo hoy en día.  Se habla por 3 millones y se caracteriza a veces como un dialecto de español, aunque los gallegos dicen que es su propia lengua.  Es una lengua romance más escondido y preserva algunas características de latín que han sido perdidas en español.

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Galician is a Romance language (i.e., from Latin) spoken by about 3 million people in Spain's northwestern region of Galicia. Although it's most closely related to Portuguese-which is spoken south of the border-it shares many similarities with Castilian Spanish, including sounds and spelling.

If you're planning on spending any time traveling or living in this unique corner of Spain, or walking the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage route that ends here, even a tiny knowledge of Galician will help you get around and navigate menus, maps, etc. If you happen to speak Spanish, you're already 80% of the way to understanding Galician, and I'm serious! Getting a grasp on the grammatical and phonological differences will turbo boost you up to 90%.

To whet your appetite (both literally and linguistically), here's a little selection from the Galician Wikipedia's article on empanada, or meat pie:

Unha empanada é unha preparación culinaria consistente nunha masa e un recheo que se frixe ou coce no forno. Consiste nunha masa de fariña, elaborada máis ou menos como unha masa de pan rechea de carne ou outros produtos (tamén verduras peixes, ou mariscos variados), previamente cociñados de formas moi variadas segundo a gastronomía local, pero sendo con moita cebola frixida en aceite o modo tradicional en Galicia. Este é un tipo de alimento de orixe moi antiga que se da en case tódalas culturas.

And if you're trying to get an ear for the language, listen to this advertisement from Galician supermarket Gadis:

Galician's a really cool, unique language that's really easy to pick up on if you take a little time to figure out what makes it different. Like I said, if you already know Spanish, you can basically figure out what Galician means, even if you can't speak it yourself.

Fun facts

1) Articles (think "the") are simple vowels: o for masculine words and a for feminine ones. Where Spanish has el, la, los, las, Galician has o, a, os, as. Because Galician lost the initial L over the centuries as the Latin spoken by everyday people transformed into what we have today, this makes for some fun, and sometimes confusing, contractions.

2) Contractions-Galician's got a lot. I've used articles as the examples below, but pronouns also combine, too.
* with a ("to") and an article: ao, á, aos, ás
* with con ("with") and an article: co, coa, cos, coas
* with de ("of") and an article: do, da, dos, das
* with en ("in, on") and an article: no, na, nos, nas
* with por ("by, for") and an article: polo, pola, polos, polas
And so on...

3) I love Galician pronouns: "I" is eu, "you" is ti, "he, she" is el, ela, "we" is nós, "y'all" is vós, and "they" is eles, elas

4) And their possessive adjectives are even cooler, since the construction is literally "the my [thing]" and all the adjectives take gendered forms.
* "my cat": o meu gato
* "my university" a miña universidade
* "your mom" a túa nai
* "his/their house" a súa casa
* "our world" o noso mundo
* "y'all's apartment" o voso piso
5) Galician has more vowels and different diphthongs than Spanish. For example, where Spanish has tierra ("earth") and huerta ("garden"), Galician has the short vowels terra ("TEH-rrah" [ˈtɛ.ra]) and horta ("OHR-tah" [ˈɔɾ.ta]). Similarly, you will find two unique diphthongs (two vowels sounded together) all over the place in Galician: EI and OU. The word manera in Spanish ("way, manner") is maneira in Galician-"mah-NAY-EE-rah" [maˈnej.ɾa], and otro ("other") is outro in Galician-"OE-OO-troe" [ˈow.tɾo].

6) Unlike Portuguese, Galician has lost the nasalizations of its sister language. In Portuguese, to greet someone, you might say bom dia ("BOENG DEE-ah" [bõ ˈdi.a]), but in Galician it's a simple bos días-"BOES DEE-ahs" [bos ˈdi.as]. Similarly, a Portuguese "apple" is a maçã-"mah-SANG" [maˈsɐ̃] but in Galician it's the un-nasalized mazá -"mah-THAH" [maˈθa].

7) Galician is not a mixture of Spanish, Portuguese, or any other combination of languages. In the Middle Ages, when the vernacular Romance languages were emerging, Galician was one of many Latin-based languages spoken in northern Spain-along with Astur-Leonese, Castilian, Aragonese, and Catalan. Portuguese began to break off from medieval Galician around the same time Portugal gained its independence from Castilla.

8) Additionally, Galician is not a dialect of Spanish, nor is it badly-spoken Castilian. It simply shares a common source-Latin-with Spanish, just like French and Italian do. I'm comparing Galician with Spanish on this post because the two languages are very closely-related and many readers of this blog know Spanish. It just helps to point out where Galician is unique or different.

9) There's a little bit of rhotacization in Galician, a fancy word for "Ls-turning-into-Rs." Where Spanish has plaza ("city square") and blanco ("white"), Galician has praza and branco.

10) In the shift from Latin to Galician, many Ls and Ns were lost in the middle of words. These medial consonants vanished in words like lúa ("moon"; cf. Spanish luna) and quente ("hot"; cf. Spanish caliente).

11) Palatal consonants in Spanish-the LL and the Ñ-are often simply Ls and Ns in Galician. The Spanish word for yellow, amarillo, is amarelo in Galician, and pequeño ("little") is pequeno.

12) On the other hand, because of the extremely confusing process that nasalization and denasalization took in medieval Galician-Portuguese, where Spanish has a simple medial N, Galician often has a palatalized Ñ. For example, "wine" in Spanish is vino but is viño in Galician; "queen" is reina and raíña, respectively.

13) The Galician letter X represents the "SH" sound /ʃ/: xente for "people" (cf. Spanish gente), dixo for "he said" (cf. Spanish dijo), and xaneiro for "January" (cf. Spanish enero).

14) "No" is non.
15) Galician conserves the initial Latin F, whereas it was lost in Spanish. Compare the words for "oven"- forno & horno-"to talk"- falar & hablar-"flour"- fariña & harina-and "to boil"- ferver & hervir.

16) Object pronouns are stuck to the end of verbs. So, "he told me" is díxome (from dixo + me), unlike Spanish, where it's reversed: me dijo.

17) Galician is as "lispy" as Spain Spanish. You pronounce here in Santiago de Compostela as you would in Spanish, with the "TH" sound for the Z and the C.

18) Galician has no compound tenses. Compound simply means you add an auxiliary verb like "have" to create a new, nuanced tense, like "I had gone to bed when you called." Galician will have none of that, relying only on context for specifics.

19) The Latin word multus ("much/many") changed to mucho in Spanish but moito in Galician; similarly, the Latin lactus ("milk") became leche in Spanish but leite in Galician.

20) It even has its own font! Inspired by traditional stone inscriptions, you will often see restaurants or bars with signs hanging printed in this typeface, and you can download it for free here.

21) How to say thanks: graciñas ("grah-THEE-nyahs" [graˈθi.ɲas]). The diminutive ending in Galician, - iño, is adorable, and pops up in words like poquiño ("a little bit").

22) The plural ending is -S and that's all there is to it. More than one constitución? Then you've got some constitucións. Watch out for words that end in L, though. In a phenomenon related to the whole losing-medial-Latin-Ls thing, they become semivowels (an I) and an S is added. For example: animal >> animais (cf. Spanish animales).

If you've ever encountered one of the many minority languages of Spain, what did you observe or find interesting about them? Add your thoughts to the discussion below!

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22 Fun Facts About the Galician Language

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Galician is a Romance language (i.e., from Latin) spoken by about 3 million people in Spain's northwestern region of Galicia. Although it's most closely related to Portuguese-which is spoken south of the border-it shares many similarities with Castilian Spanish, including sounds and spelling.

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¿Cuándo tomaron control los Moros de la península ibérica?
A. 1492
B. 711
C. 302
D. 1

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Tenemos sinónimos y antónimos, pero hay muchas más relaciones léxicas posibles. Otra que pienso es muy interesante es el contrónimo, o el autoantónimo.  Esto describe un a palabra que tiene dos significados (homónimo), pero los dos significados son antónimos.  Un ejemplo en español es “limosnero”, que puede significar alguien que da caridad y también un mendigo.  Este video es de un programa cómica de Inglaterra y hablan de este tema y otros tipos de los juegos de palabras.  La discusión de autoantónimos empieza en 2:12.

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QI | What's The Opposite Of Inflammable?

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La teoría de Roles de Theta dice que la sintaxis es gobernada por una relación entre los verbos y los sustantivos.  Cada verbo requiere que ocurra con uno o mas de uno sustantivo que tiene un particular rol semántico.  Por ejemplo, para ser gramatical el verbo transitivo “comer” necesita un agente y un paciente.  En esta teoría, la versión transitiva de un verbo es considerada completamente diferente que el mismo verbo intransitiva.  Además, si el mismo sustantivo tiene un rol semántico diferente, son realmente palabras completamente distintas.

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Hay muchas maneras en que las palabras se pueden relacionar.  Otra interesante para mi es la meronimia.  Este tipo de relación es como un parte (el merónimo) a un conjunto (holónimo).  La nariz es un merónimo de la cara, y la cara es el holónimo de la nariz.

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Inicialmente, la polisemia y la homonimia parecen similar. La diferencia entre estos dos es que una palabra polisémica es una sola palabra con dos o más significados que dependen del contexto, mientras que los homónimos son dos o más palabras que se escriben igual pero significan cosas diferentes porque no tienen el mismo trasfondo etimológico. . Esto significa que los homónimos son palabras que se escriben igual por casualidad, no porque hayan evolucionado a partir de la misma palabra.

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Do you remember the blog about where we introduced you to the first of many Spanish words that have multiple meanings? Today, we'll continue exploring the phenomenon of words that are spelled the same but don't mean the same thing! We can categorize these words as:

Polysemic words - words that have one single origin, but when used in different contexts have different meanings.

Homonyms - two or more words that are spelled the same but don't have the same linguistic roots; they, therefore, have different meanings.

Helpful Vocabulary

The difference between these two is that a polysemic word is one single word with two or more meanings that depend on context, while homonyms are two or more words that are spelled the same but mean different things because they don't have the same etymological background. This means that homonyms are words that are spelled the same by chance, not because they have evolved from the same word.

For all you grammar nerds, Etymology is the study of the origin of words and their evolution throughout history.

Ahorita

We'll start with our first polysemic word; this one has caused the most trouble to all my English-speaking friends learning Spanish! In Mexico and Guatemala, we use the word ahorita. This is the diminutive form of ahora - we sure love our diminutives! Ahorita is a colloquial expression, which means that we use it in informal speech. There are two reasons why this word causes so much trouble:

1. As a part of informal speech, we use it all the time in conversations. So, it's really easy to misinterpret it as we really use it so often!

2. The meanings of ahorita are very contradictory. It can either mean:

1. Right now, like right now, now. Right this second.

2. Just a little bit ago.

3. In a little bit, or anytime between 5 minutes and a couple of hours.

4. In an indeterminate amount of time.

In order to understand what the other person means with ahorita, I've often needed to ask something like, "Are you leaving the house ahorita as in right this second, or ahorita as in a couple of hours?" I've also had friends who live only a 5-minute drive from me tell me they'll leave their house ahorita, only to come to my house 4 hours later! And once they arrived, I asked them, "Weren't you leaving ahorita? " To which they would usually reply with something like, "Oh, yeah, I did. I was just finishing something."

As you can see, the meaning of ahorita greatly varies depending on the context. This can cause a lot of frustration not only for people who are learning about a new language and culture but also to people who speak the language as a mother tongue. Don't ever feel bad about these misinterpretations! Remember that a language is not always an exact science!

While most of these words are not as confusing as ahorita, it's important to know them before you encounter them!

Spanish Polysemic Words

As we mentioned before, a polysemic word has one single etymological origin and multiple meanings that vary depending on the context in which we use the word. Let's have a look at some of these words:

A bag, purse or pouch

The stock exchange

The financial institution bank

Piece of furniture to sit on, stool or bench

An explosive, a bomb

A device that moves fluids, a pump

A saw to cut wood or other materials

Mountain range

Spanish Homonyms

As we mentioned above, homonyms are two or more words that are spelled the same but do not have the same etymological background, so they have various meanings. Let's look at some of them:

An organ of the body, the tongue

Written and/or oral language

The beverage wine

The verb venir (to come) conjugated in the third person singular, past tense: él vino (he came)

The camelid animal, a llama

Flame (of fire)

The verb llamar (to call) conjugated in the third person singular, present tense: ella llama (she calls)

The face of a person or the side of a thing

Feminine singular adjective meaning expensive: cara, caro, caras caros

A camping tent

A type of fish, a carp

The metal copper

The verb cobrar (to charge) conjugated in the first and third person singular subjunctive mood in present tense: yo cobre, él cobre (I should charge, he should charges)

A code, a password

The verb clavar (to nail) conjugated in the first and third person singular subjunctive mood in present tense: yo clave, él clave (I should nail, he should nail)

Takeaway

As you can see in all these examples, there are many Spanish words that we spell exactly the same way but that have more than one meaning! We understand what these words mean because of the context in which we're saying them. If someone said puedes bajar la llama de la estufa, they could mean two different things:

You can turn the llama down on the stove, or

You can get the llama off the stove

What is certain is that the person is most likely referring to turning down the flame on the stove, and not telling you to get the fluffy animal off the stove!

Let's have a look at some more examples! As you will see below, there are times when more than one sentence makes sense. This is why the context is so important! If you're sitting at a restaurant, you'll more likely ask for a menu than for a letter or a card. And while a baby is sure mono (cute, lovely, or adorable), he can't wear a monkey (monkey also means mono in Spanish - the right word here would be onesies).
Mis plantas están verdes Las carpas son de agua dulce

Tents live in freshwater

Carps live in freshwater

El mono le queda muy bien al bebé
If you have any questions regarding the use of any words, remember that you can always schedule a FREE class with us and we'll help you solve any doubts!

Ready to learn more Spanish grammar and vocabulary? Check these out!

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Do you remember the blog about where we introduced you to the first of many Spanish words that have multiple meanings? Today, we'll continue exploring the phenomenon of words that are spelled the same but don't mean the same thing!

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Aunque son idiomas separados, el ladino y el español están inextricablemente vinculados de tal manera que los hablantes de los dos idiomas pueden comunicarse entre sí, al igual que los hablantes de español y portugués pueden entenderse entre sí. Una gran diferencia en ladino es que la "k" y la "s" generalmente se usan para representar sonidos que a veces se representan en español con otras letras. Otra diferencia gramatical notable del ladino es que usted y ustedes, las formas del pronombre en segunda persona, faltan. Esos pronombres se desarrollaron en español después de que los judíos se marcharon.

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Most people have heard of Yiddish, a Hebrew and German hybrid language. Were you aware that there is another composite language, which contains Hebrew and other Semitic languages, that is an offshoot of Spanish, called Ladino?

Ladino is classified as a Judeo-Spanish Romance language. In Spanish, it's called djudeo-espanyol or ladino. In English, the language is also known as Sephardic, Crypto-Jewish, or Spanyol.

In the 1492 diaspora, when the Jews were expelled from Spain, they took with them Spanish of the late 15th century and expanded the lexicon with language influences from the Mediterranean, primarily where they settled.

Foreign words that mixed with Old Spanish derive mainly from Hebrew, Arabic, Turkish, Greek, French, and to a lesser extent from Portuguese and Italian.

The Ladino community population took a large hit when the Nazis destroyed most of the communities in Europe where Ladino had been the first language among Jews.

Very few of the people who speak Ladino are monolingual. Ladino language advocates fear that it could die out as speakers more often use the languages of the cultures around them.

It is estimated that about 200,000 people can understand or speak Ladino. Israel has one of the largest Ladino-speaking communities, with many words borrowed from Yiddish. Traditionally, Ladino was written in the Hebrew alphabet, writing and reading right to left. In the 20th century, Ladino adopted the Latin alphabet, used by Spanish and English, and the left-to-right orientation.

Although separate languages, Ladino and Spanish are inextricably linked in a way that speakers of the two languages can communicate with each other, much like Spanish and Portuguese speakers can understand each other.

Ladino retains Spanish vocabulary and grammar rules from the 15th century interspersed with many borrowed words. The spelling resembles Spanish.

For an example, the following paragraph about the Holocaust, written in Ladino, very closely resembles Spanish and would be understood by a Spanish reader:

En komparasion kon las duras sufriensas ke pasaron los reskapados de los kampos de eksterminasion nazistas en Gresia, se puede dizir ke las sufriensas de los olim en el kampo de Kipros no fueron muy grandes, ma despues de anyos de vida en los kampos de konsentrasion, en teribles kondisiones, eyos kerian empesar en una mueva vida en Erets Israel i sus planos eran atrazados agora por unos kuantos mezes.

A big difference in Ladino is that the "k" and "s" are usually used to represent sounds that are sometimes represented in Spanish by other letters.

Another notable grammatical difference from Ladino is that usted and ustedes, the forms of the second-person pronoun, are missing. Those pronouns were developed in Spanish after the Jews had left.

Other Spanish language developments that came after the 15th century, which Ladino did not adopt, included distinguishing different sound for the letters . After the diaspora, Spaniards had given the two consonants the same sound. Also, Ladino does not include the inverted question mark or the use of the .

Organizations in Turkey and Israel publish and maintain resources for the Ladino community. The Ladino Authority, an online resource, is based in Jerusalem. The authority proctors an online Ladino language course primarily for Hebrew speakers.

A combination of Jewish studies and language studies programs in universities and associations in the U.S. and globally offer courses, revival groups or encourage Ladino study woven into their studies.

Judeo-Spanish Ladino should not be confused with the Ladino or Ladin language spoken in part of northeastern Italy, which is closely related with the rumantsch-ladin of Switzerland. The two languages have nothing to do with the Jews or Spanish beyond being, like Spanish, a Romance language.

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What Language Is to Spanish as Yiddish Is to German?

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Most people have heard of Yiddish, a Hebrew and German hybrid language. Were you aware that there is another composite language, which contains Hebrew and other Semitic languages, that is an offshoot of Spanish, called Ladino? Ladino is classified as a Judeo-Spanish Romance language. In Spanish, it's called djudeo-espanyol or ladino.

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De verdad, estoy todavía confundida sobre la diferencia.  Esto me ayuda! En la terminología de pronunciación española, "distinción" se refiere a lo que también se describe como la pronunciación estándar de las letras s, c suave y z. La pronunciación estándar se encuentra principalmente en el centro y norte de España. El nombre "distinción" describe cómo cada una de estas letras tiene una pronunciación diferente y distinta entre sí en lo que se considera pronunciación estándar.

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Standard pronunciation of s, soft c and z plus variants "seseo" and "ceceo"

Distinción

In Spanish pronunciation terminology "distinción" refers to what is also described as the standard pronunciation of the letters s, soft c and z. Standard pronunciation is found mainly in central and northern Spain. The name "distinción" describes how each of these letters has a different and distinct pronunciation from each other in what is considered standard pronunciation.

This is how these words containing s, soft c and z are pronounced using the standard pronunciation:

There are regions, mainly Andalucía and the Canary Islands, and also Latin America where people do not follow this standard pronunciation of s, soft c and z. This phonetic phenomenom is called "seseo", where words that contain z or soft c (-ce-, -ci-) are pronounced as " s".

Here are some examples of how some words are pronounced with and without seseo:

With seseo:

Without seseo:

Some Spanish speakers pronounce the letter " s" as a soft c/z, this phenomen is called "ceceo". Again, this is frequently found in southern Spain, specifically Andalucía and in particular in rural areas, as well as more infrequently in some parts of Latin America.

Let's see some examples, pronounced with and without ceceo:

Many Spanish speakers have a negative opinion of ceceo.

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Distinción, Seseo and Ceceo: Pronunciation. How to use Distinción, Seseo and Ceceo in Spanish

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In Spanish pronunciation terminology "distinción" refers to what is also described as the standard pronunciation of the letters s, soft c and z. Standard pronunciation is found mainly in central and northern Spain. The name "distinción" describes how each of these letters has a different and distinct pronunciation from each other in what is considered standard pronunciation.

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Unas modas de distinguir entre dialécticas son el vocabulario único de una cultura.  La jerga es compartida entre una comunidad de hablar, y puede ser muy difícil de entender si no eres de la región.  Aquí es una lista de frases locales del norte de México, y de verdad no sabía la mayoría antes.

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When traveling in Spanish speaking countries, one of the best ways to befriend a native Spanish speaker is to have some knowledge of their local slang, which is why today we're going to teach you the very best Mexican slang.

Of course, it's a good idea to first know some basic Spanish words, or even better, learn the most common Spanish phrases for traveling.

Once you cover these, you'll want to make local friends and what better way to do so than to speak the local lingo.

Since our post on Colombia slang proved to be so popular, we figured that it was time to dedicate a post on teaching the most commonly used Mexican slang.

Recommended: How to Learn Spanish Fast in 2021
(Some of the following language is a little "colourful", and so we advise the easily offended to stop reading right now)
What are Mexican slang words you need to know?
1. Güey
This word is at the forefront of Mexican slang. Similar to "dude" in English, "güey" is commonly used for friends or acquaintances, and in some unpleasant situations, refers to strangers in a sarcastic way. Pronounced like "whey" in English.

Mira güey, ¿salimos hoy o que? - Hey dude, wanna go out today?

This is another one of those words that you will hear in movies, tv shows, or from some Mexican friends. It usually means "the truth", but when used interrogatively, it's understood as:

You can also refer to someone great by saying:

¡Eres la neta! - You rock!

When a friend tells you about some amazing event, or something that you don't know if it's real or not, you would say No manches! (Really? or Are you kidding?).

You can also use ¡No mames! which means the same thing, but is a little more colourful (similar to damn!).
4. ¡Órale!
This word has many different purposes: amazement, approval, enthusiasm and even to complement orders.

¡Órale! ¿Y tu desde cuando trabajas tanto? - Wow, since when do you work so much?
5. ¡Aguas!
As odd as this expression may seem, it has no relation to water. This expression refers to being alert or aware of your surroundings.
6. Pinche
Typically used as an adjective to label something as ugly, terrible or of bad quality. Can also be used as a curse word to enhance an insult and its characteristics (the same way "fucking" in English is used.

¡Jajaja! pinche Ricardo, siempre sales con esas cosas - Hahahah, fucking Ricardo, you always come up with stuff like this

Eres un pinche idiota, Ricardo - You're a fucking idiot, Ricardo
7. Chido
Mexicans love to use "chido" to describe something cool, or with good vibes. It can be used with people, objects or situations.

Esta bien chido ese regalo, gracias wey - That gift is really cool, thanks man

Let's start with "bronca", commonly used to refer to a problem or discomfort. So as you can imagine "no hay bronca", means that there is no problem - everything is fine.

Claro, yo te puedo prestar algo de dinero, no hay bronca - Sure, I can lend you some money, no problem

The most commonly used words to describe children, adolescents and young people in general. Similar to "kid" in English.

El chavo sigue en el colegio, debería buscarlo - The boy is still in school, I should pick him up
10. Naco
Mexican slang for someone with a tacky, or poor attitude, and is considered less sophisticated than your regular member of society. Most of the time, a naco acts unpleasantly, is not well-educated and uses certain colorful slang. Close equivalent to "ghetto" in English.

Naaah, te ves muy naco con eso, mejor cambiate - Nah, you look really trashy on that, go change

You probably recognize this word as "strawberry", but in Mexican slang, "fresa" is used to describe a person who is a snob, stuck-up and basically, thinks that they are better than everyone else. They'll likely speak with a distinct accent - which may or may not be fake.

Sabes que no me gusta salir con hombres como él, es demasiado fresa - You know I don't like going out with men like him, he's way too stuck up
12. Chicano
Natives use this word to describe people of Mexican origin born in the United States, or people who were born in Mexico but emigrated to the US at an early age.

Hay una población bastante grande de Chicanos en Los Angeles - There is a very important Chicano population in Los Angeles

Commonly heard in the southwest of the United States, "cholo" is a somewhat loosely defined term, but it generally refers to Mexican gangsters, with a very specific look - big white shirts, black baggy shorts, shaved heads, religious black ink tattoos, black shades, etc.

Tengo algunos primos cholos, pero prefiero no meterme en eso - I have a few cholo cousins, but I'd rather not get involved with that
14. Metiche
That person who always has his/her nose in other people's business. Not guaranteed to spread rumors, but still likes to keep tabs on everyone's business.

Hay demasiados metiches en mi trabajo, no los soporto - There are too many nosy people on my job, I can't stand them
15. Tocayo
Nickname given to anyone who shares your first name.

Ahí va el tocayo - There goes my tocayo
16. Prieto
While this may seem a little racist to an English speaker, in Mexico this word is seen as non-offensive slang to describe someone with darker skin.

¿Recuerdas quién es Daniel? Mi amigo prieto, estuvo acá el otro día - Remember who Daniel is? My black friend, he was there the other day
17. Vieja
Although this directly translates to "old lady", in Spanish and particularly Mexican slang, this word is used as an affectionate word for your mom.

Tengo que visitar a la vieja de vez en cuando, y darle algún regalito - I have to visit my mother from time to time, and give her some little present
18. Padre
Similarly, this literally translates as "father", but in Mexican slang means cool. You'll hear common phrases such as "que padre!" ("How cool!") or 'más padre' ('very cool'). Just like "chido", it can be used when talking about people, things or situations.

Está bien padre ese juego, ¿como se llama? - That videogame looks really cool, how's it called?
19. Chela
Chelas, or cheves are beers, and the word comes from a beer cocktail (michelada) that mixes beer with lime, chili and tomato juice.

Dame dos chelas para mi y mi compadre - Give me two chelas for me and my compadre.
20. Pomo
A rather short name for a bottle of any liquor that you might find, from vodka to some fine tequila.

Las chelas no van a alcanzar para todo el mundo, hay que abrir un pomo - Beers aren't going to be enough for everyone, we have to open a bottle
21. Malacopa
The lightweight person who gets drunk extremely easy or extremely fast - we all know someone like that.

Creo que el pomo no hacía falta, estos son muy malacopa - I think the bottle wasn't even necessary, these guys are extreme lightweights
22. Crudo
The imminent future of a "malacopa" is to have a hangover.

Esta mañana amaneci crudo - I woke up with a hangover today
23. Cantina
Sounds similar to a canteen, and they serve a similar purpose, since this term means "bar" for Mexican folk.

(A naco will probably describe a nightclub as "antros")

Hoy no tengo ganas de ir a la cantina, vayan ustedes - I don't want to go to the bar tonight, but you guys can go
24. Pedo
This word has 3 uses a) a fart b) being buzzed/drunk c) being a problem.

No pensé que fuesen a volver tan pedos wey - I didn't think you'd come home so drunk, man.
25. Chamba
A difficult and demanding job, or an unpleasant situation i.e. something you don't want to get stuck in for too long.

Mañana tengo que volver a mi chamba wey, o me despiden - I have to go back to my job tomorrow man, or I'll get fired
26. Changarro
The name given to small, wholesome family businesses - like the bodega (mom and pop store) on the corner of the street.

Ve al changarro ese y ve si tienen algunos dulces - Go to the store and see if they have any kind of candy
27. Chafa
Something that is of very low quality, disappointing or prone to causing frustration and have you screaming "¡Que chafa!" which means "what crap!".

Esa camisa está chafa - This t-shirt is bad quality (or fake)
28. Varos
Slang word for money, capable of replacing the word "pesos" since it can hold a numerical value, like "bucks".

Me pagaron esta semana, puedo poner unos cuantos varos más para la pizza - I got paid this week, I can help with a few more bucks for the pizza
29. Refresco
Commonly used slang term for sodas of any kind.

¿Quieres beber refresco o te sirvo algo más? - Do you want to drink some soda or do you want me to serve you something else?
30. Paro
This simply means favor, and will replace the word in most occasions.

¿Me puedes hacer un paro y recordarme eso? - Can you do me a favor and remind me of that?
31. Gacho
This is a substitute for "feo" (ugly), though both words are used in a much wider sense than for physical ugliness i.e. just general badness.

No seas gacho, déjalos ir al parque - Don't be so boring, let them go to the park
32. Jalada
A word for something that is completely unbelievable or overdone, like "The Fast and Furious" movie franchise.

No puede ser, que jalada toda esa historia, ¿como quieres que te crea? - That's a ridiculous story, how do you want anyone to believe you?
33. Chorro
When you have a stream of something, meaning you have large quantities of it (like "The Fast and Furious" boxset collection).

Tenemos un chorro de películas por ver esta vacaciones, deberíamos comenzar - We have a ton of movies to watch on vacation, we should get started
34. Ratero
In Mexico, "ratero" is used instead of "ladrón". Both words mean "thief".

Pues el teléfono me lo robó un ratero, así que no tengo - A thief robbed me off of my phone, so i don't have one
25. Vocho
Nickname for the old Volkswagen Beetle, a car you will see a lot in Mexico.

¿Por qué hay tantos vochos en la capital? - Why are there so many beetles in the capital city?
36. Chamarra
In Mexico, this word is slang for jacket or coat, and acts as a replacement for "chaqueta" which is used in every other Spanish speaking country.

That's because in some parts of Mexico, "chaqueta" is a slang term for masturbation or touching yourself.

So if you want to avoid an awkward (and possibly funny moment, the next time you go to buy a "jacket" in Mexico, it's best to use the slang term.

¿Me prestas tu chamarra? - Can I have your jacket for a minute?
37. Chanclas
A word for sandals and flip-flops, a common sight everywhere in the country.

Deberías ponerte algo mejor que esas chanclas para salir - You should put on something better than those flip-flops to go out
38. Camión
A slang word for both formal and informal route buses, even though it means "truck" in the rest of Latin America.

Apúrate que no vamos a alcanzar el camión - Hurry up or we won't catch the bus

________________________

By learning these Mexican slang terms, you'll have a better chance of endearing yourself to the locals - or at the very least make a Spanish speaker laugh.

For some slightly more NSFW words, make sure to read our ultimate guide to Spanish curse words here.

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38 Mexican Slang Words & Phrases You Should Know

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Have conversations faster, understand people when they speak fast, and other tested tips to learn faster. When traveling in Spanish speaking countries , one of the best ways to befriend a native Spanish speaker is to have some knowledge of their local slang, which is why today we're going to teach you the very best Mexican slang.

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Siempre he querido ir a cuba porque aprendí mucho de la historia durante escuela secundaria.  Aquí es una lista que me ayudara si venga.

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Fancy learning to chat and move like a real local?

If you want to learn how to speak Spanish like a Cuban, you've come to the right place!

If you consider this Caribbean island to be the capital of dance, you're certainly on to something. Havana is the birthplace of some of the most famous dances and dance is a huge part of Cuban culture. Cha Cha, Mambo, Salsa, Rumba and Bolero were all either created or refined in Cuba, and Havana is also home to the largest ballet school in the world.

But what does this have to do with language learning?

Cuba is a true fusion of African and European influences. It also uses a lot of vibrant slang- slang which you can learn here-making it a wonderful challenge for the more advanced Spanish learner to master and a great introduction to the diversity of the Spanish language for anyone who's traveling to Cuba or who has Cuban friends.

Download: This blog post is available as a convenient and portable PDF that you can take anywhere.Click here to get a copy. (Download)
Pronunciation and Speech
Much of Cuban speech can be seen as informal, a feature of most Caribbean Spanish varieties. Here are some of the relaxed pronunciations you might come across:

If a syllable ends in r or l, the sound becomes the same as the first sound of the next syllable. This might sound confusing, but it's a really easy one in practice. For example, Carlitos becomes Cal-li-tos.

If d is at the beginning of a syllable within a word, it might not be said at all, e.g. dedo (finger) is pronounced dé-o.

S at the end of a syllable is often aspirated, and occasionally it's omitted altogether.

Occasionally, r becomes l at the end of a syllable or end of a word.

Consonants at the beginnings of syllables are often spoken more softly than usual Spanish pronunciation dictates.

One of the main differences you'll find between Cuban Spanish and general Latin American Spanish is the nasal accent and rhythmic intonation. This is the influence of African settlers on the language and makes it sound very different from most other Spanish varieties.
Provinces and Language Differences
Cuba has sixteen provinces in modern day. Linguistically speaking, it's less complicated to consider the historical six provinces of Cuba. These are:

Pinar del Río - Here you're most likely to hear r become l at the end of a word or syllable, and occasionally the other way around. This can be hard to understand, so you might have to train your ear to it.

La Habana - Occasionally, speakers may be heard to speak as in Pinar del Río. The rest of the island outside of Havana is also referred to as campa in Havana.

Mantanzas and Las Villas - These two provinces in the middle of Cuba have no special Cuban dialect.

Camagüey - This place has some of the different vocabulary of the Oriente province but mostly follows the language of the rest of the island. They use balance instead of sillón for "rocking chair" and pluma or llave instead of faucet, which isused on the rest of the island for a tap.

Oriente - The language here is far more similar to Dominican Republic Spanish than the rest of the island. They also have a set of vocabulary words that's different from the rest of the Cuban island. For example, balde instead of cubo for bucket and guineo instead of plátano for banana/plantain. Here the s sound is also most likely to go unaspirated. The unusual intonation of this province may also be the last remnants of the indigenous language.
Cuban Spanish Grammar
There are some elements of Cuban Spanish grammar that are different to European and Latin American Spanish. These are some features you might want to be aware of:

Tú comes before the verb, not after it, in a question.

Example: ¿Qué tú haces aquí? (what are you doing here?)

Le and les become la and las when after se in a sentence.

Example: A Juana se la ve en la tienda todos los días. (Juana is seen in the store every day.)

Decir a is used to show the start of an action.

Example: Si el niño dice a crecer, tendremos que comprarle ropa nueva. (If the boy starts to grow, we'll have to buy him new clothes.)

Para instead of en for saying that someone is somewhere.

Example: Carmen está para la Habana. (Carmen is in Havana.)

The phrase ¡Cómo no! (Of course) is ¡Cómo que no! in Cuban Spanish.

Uno (one, number or pronoun) is used instead of the indefinite article una.

Example: Está uno cansada de tanto hablar. (Is one tired of talking.)

Más (more) comes before nada/nadie (nothing) to produce the phrase "nothing else."

Clarito, feo, fuerte and rapidísimo can all be used as adverbs (to describe an action) as well as adjectives (to describe a person or thing.) In European Spanish, each of these adjectives has an alternative equivalent adverb but these aren't used in Cuban Spanish.

-ico and -ica are used at the end of words instead of -ito and -ita to indicate a smaller or lesser version. This only applies to words ending in to/ta.

Example: Plato (plate) becomes platico (saucer.)
Cuban Slang Overview
Cuban slang, much like slang in many other languages, is a vibrant mix of constantly changing words and meanings.

Cuban slang derives some of its influences from African languages and also features quite a lot of anglicisms.

What we'll give you has a splash of everything, and they're all slang words that you might find useful in a Cuban club.
Basic Spanish Knowledge
Of course, you can't just rely on slang terms and grammar to get you by in a conversation. In order to use these terms and phrases effectively, you'll have to know basic Spanish grammar.

And there's no better way to learn than with the authentic, immersive content on FluentU.

23 Key Cuban Slang Words

1. Absorbente

This is something you might ask for in your mojito. Yep, it's a drinking straw! Pretty easy one to remember-just imagine yourself absorbing your drink through a straw. This is also a great word to practice aspirating your s with.

2. Aguajirarse

Maybe feeling a little aguajirarse (timid) is keeping you off the dance floor? Well, stop being shy and get out there! In typical Cuban style, the j is likely to be pronounced more softly than you'd expect.

3. ¡Alabao!

Couple of chicos (friendly term for peers) rocking the dance floor? Show your admiration by shouting ¡Alabao!

4. Ambia

Always a good idea to take your a mbia (friend) along to a club, for safety as well as fun.

5. Bachata

The bachata (party) is where it's at! This word can also be used for noise in a more derogatory way, so watch out for that.

6. Baracutey

If you identify yourself as a baracutey (a person who lives alone) you might not want the party to end if you're going home alone. The r here might become an l in pronunciation.

7. Baro

Make sure you take plenty of baro (money) with you for drinks.

8. Burumba

Another word for party, burumba can also mean to have fun. If last night was a burumba, it was a very good night. The r in this can also be pronounced as an l.

9. Caché

If you're looking totally caché (stylish/elegant) then you've done a good job.

10. Candela al jarro

If your dancing isn't quite what you'd like it to be, you must candela al jarro (persevere until you reach your goal).

11. Chola

Music hurting your chola (head)? Time to get a breath of fresh air!

12. Coger un aire

If you're wearing a little dress or a light shirt without a jacket, prepare to coger un aire (going out at night without proper clothing and being pained by the cold)!

13. Dar la punzada del guajiro

Drink your frozen daiquiri too fast and you'll definitely dar la punzada del guajiro (get a brain freeze). Don't fret, just put your tongue on the roof of your mouth and it will go away.

14. Darse tremendo tanganazo

Be careful on the dance floor. It can be easy to darse tremendo tanganazo (bump yourself.) This phrase is a good one to practice leaving the d out on tremendo, Cuban style.

15. De carretilla

Once you've spent enough time on the dance floor, you might know some of the steps de carretilla (by memory).

16. Drinqui

An obvious anglicism, drinqui (alcoholic drink) has quite a fun and unusual spelling.

17. Echar un tacón

If someone asks, you might like to echar un tacón (to dance).

18. Emperifollado

If you're ready to go out dancing and you're wearing your best clothes, you might say that you're emperifollado (polished up).

19. Fachao

If all that dancing has made you fachao (hungry), it's time to try some Cuban cuisine.

20. Jugar a los bomberos

After dancing all night and starting to ache, you might like to jugar a los bomberos (to take a bath.) This one is very fun to say. Don't forget the Cuban pronunciation of l for the letter r, and be sure to leave out the s in bomberos.

21. Machacar las teclas

It could really get on your nerves if someone were to machacar las teclas (play the piano badly). Tell them to stop or show them how it's done!

22. Vacilón

If you find that a Cuban party is a vacilón (something you enjoy a lot), then you'll love the rest of Cuban life.

23. Zurdo

Who cares if you're a zurdo (a really bad dancer.) Get out there and have fun!

Now that you have a vocabulary full of dancing slang and an introduction to general Cuban Spanish, it's time to get practicing!

Get out there, dance, enjoy.

And soak up every bit of Cuban language, culture and party life that you possibly can!

Download: This blog post is available as a convenient and portable PDF that you can take anywhere.Click here to get a copy. (Download)

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Cuban Spanish 101: Regional Twists, Accents and 23 Slang Words for Havana Nights

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Fancy learning to chat and move like a real local? If you want to learn how to speak Spanish like a Cuban, you've come to the right place! If you consider this Caribbean island to be the capital of dance, you're certainly on to something.

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Los pachucos son una contracultura asociada con la moda zoot suit, el jazz y la música swing, un dialecto distintivo conocido como caló, y el auto-empoderamiento al rechazar la asimilación en la sociedad angloamericana que emergió en El Paso a fines de la década de 1930.  Hoy en día, la ciudad de El Paso todavía se llama “Chuco” o “Chuco-town.”

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Aproximadamente seis de cada diez hispanos adultos en EE. UU. (62%) hablan inglés o son bilingües, según un análisis de la Encuesta Nacional de Latinos 2013 del Pew Research Center. Los hispanos en los Estados Unidos se dividen en tres grupos en lo que respecta al uso del idioma: el 36% son bilingües, el 25% usa principalmente el inglés y el 38% usa principalmente el español. Entre los que hablan inglés, el 59% son bilingües.

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Denota el uso simultáneo de más de un idioma, o variedad de un idioma, en la conversación. Los multilingües, personas que hablan más de un idioma, a veces usan elementos de varios idiomas cuando conversan con los demás.

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¿Que Es Un Cambio de Códigos?

Según La Universidad de Barcelona Departamento de Lingüística el significado de un cambio de códigos está definido como sigue:

"El cambio de código, también llamado cambio de lenguas o desplazamiento de código, es una característica del habla bilingüe que consiste en la alternancia entre dos lenguas, por parte un mismo hablante, dentro de un solo discurso, oración o constituyente."

Una población creciente de bilingües afecta mucha la

presencia del cambio de códigos.

Hecho Interesante!

Uno de los estudios más tempranos de antropología lingüística para combatir los retos de elección de lenguas y el cambio de códigos fue por George Barker en 1947 sobre el uso de lengua entre Mexicano-Americanos en Tucson, Arizona.

Por Favor

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Alcance

Según las reglas de la Diglosia, se puede encontrar con mucha frecuencia el Cambio de Códigos alrededor de los lugares que tienen una mezcla de dos o más lenguas en contacto. Un articulo, se llama "Spanish-English code-switching among US Latinos*" por Almeida Jacqueline Toribio (una lingüísta bien experimentado) afirma que la mayoría de este fenómeno ocurre en el Suroeste de los Estados Unidos, pero asimismo que estos cambios podrían manifestarse en otras ubicaciones de acuerdo con la ciudadanía local. Por ejemplo, según las estadísticas estatales sobre la población neoyorkino, más de 13% de nuestra gente platica en Español. De ellos, sólo un fragmento hablan ambos Inglés y Español, pero en el contexto de un muchedumbre tan grande, estimado a 2.416.126 gente, explica la importancia ubicua del Cambio de Códigos.

¿Dónde?

Los Cambios de Códigos ocurren por todas los rincones del mundo, sin embrago hay ciertas regiones más pobladas de la extranjera como Puerto Rico. En los Estados Unidos, el lugar con el número más grande de hispanohablantes está alrededor de Los Ángeles, que queda un tiro de piedra de Mexicali, una ciudad muy cerca de la frontera en que cruzan muchos Mexicanos a los Estados Unidos.

Explicación 1

En este video se puede ver que el Cambio de Códigos no solamente ocurre en el contexto de dos lenguas, pero lo podría ser extraído de un sola idioma con varios dialectos. Aunque no pertenece a la forma normal en que vemos el contacto entre lenguas, aún es considerado una forma de Cambio de Códigos.

Por ejemplo, los interlocutores cambian del Inglés Sureño a lengua vernácula de los Americanos Africanos. Este cambio se ha integrado por buen camino porque ambos dialectos son tan semejantes. Los anglohablantes en este video parecen tener control absoluto de cualquier dialecto que prefieren utilizar.

La anfitrión ejemplifica el Cambio de Códigos interoracional porque cambió entre dos dialectos en oraciones diferentes.

El cantante a los fines del video representa el Cambio de Códigos intraoracional porque cambió entre dos dialectos en un verso, una oración estándar para la música.

"My slang ain't your slang, but it's all the same"

Explicación 2

En este video hay otra forma, la forma más tradicional del Cambio de Códigos. Los hispanohablantes lo han nombrado "Spanglish", pero realmente es necesario distinguir que son el mismo fenómeno. "Spanglish" es la mezcla de palabras de ambos idiomas, y abarca los dos tipos del Cambio de Códigos.

En el caso de jóvenes bilingües, ellos ejemplifican el cambio de códigos interoracional . En una oración hablan inglés (con sus amigos), y el otro español (con sus padres), pero el uso de su lenguaje es separado por oraciones diferentes.

Al otro lado, la chica adolescente mostró la forma intraoracional , con su uso de ambos el Español y el Inglés adentro de una sola oración.

"I walked to the tienda."

Es la misma situación con el hombre viejo cerca del final, una oración intraoracional

"Es que hablamos half English y mitad Español"

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Cambio de Códigos - La Lingüística Española

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¿Que Es Un Cambio de Códigos? Según La Universidad de Barcelona Departamento de Lingüística el significado de un cambio de códigos está definido como sigue: "El cambio de código, también llamado cambio de lenguas o desplazamiento de código, es una característica del habla bilingüe que consiste en la alternancia entre dos lenguas, por parte un mismo hablante, dentro de un solo discurso, oración o constituyente."

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Hay mas o menos 43 millones hispanohablantes en los EEUU hoy en día, y en 2050 la población esperada es 138 millones.  Esta estadística es basada en la tasa esperada de la inmigración y no dice mucho sobre el desarrollo del idioma español en los Estados Unidos.  En realidad, los EEUU tiene un patrón de la muerte del idioma, y tenemos que mejorar las condiciones sociales para que idiomas extranjeras puedan sobrevivir.

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Pew Research Center's Hispanic Trends Project

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I. Overview

If current trends continue, the demographic profile of the United States will change dramatically by the middle of this century, according to new population projections developed by the Pew Research Center.

The nation's population will rise to 438 million in 2050, from 296 million in 2005, and fully 82% of the growth during this period will be due to immigrants arriving from 2005 to 2050 and their descendants. (Figure 1)

Of the 117 million people added to the population during this period due to the effect of new immigration, 67 million will be the immigrants themselves, 47 million will be their children and 3 million will be their grandchildren.

The Center's projections indicate that nearly one in five Americans (19%) will be foreign born in 2050, well above the 2005 level of 12%, and also surpassing the historic peaks for immigrants as a share of the U.S. population-14.8% in 1890 and 14.7% in 1910. (Figure 2)

By 2050, the nation's racial and ethnic mix will look quite different than it does now. Non-Hispanic whites, who made up 67% of the population in 2005, will be 47% in 2050. Hispanics will rise from 14% of the population in 2005 to 29% in 2050. Blacks were 13% of the population in 2005 and will be roughly the same proportion in 2050. Asians, who were 5% of the population in 2005, will be 9% in 2050.

Immigration is projected to be the key driver of national population growth in the coming half century, but it is important to note that possible future changes in immigration policy or other events could substantially alter the projected totals. These projections are based on trends over the past half century, during which immigration, both authorized and unauthorized, has played an escalating role in U.S. population growth. From 1960 to 2005, new immigrants and their U.S.-born descendants accounted for 51% of population increase. In the later part of that period, from 1980 to 2005, new immigration accounted for 58% of the 68 million additional people.

For the period from 2005-2050, new immigrants and their descendants will account for 82% of population increase. The contribution of new immigration to population change was derived by comparing our main projection with an alternative projection that assumes no new immigrants arrive after 2005. (See Contribution of Immigration to Population Change in Appendix.)

The heightening role of immigration contrasts with a decrease in fertility in recent decades. The average number of births per woman has declined markedly since the late 1950s, from more than 3.5 then to about 2 now. Also, a smaller proportion of women are of childbearing age now, compared with earlier decades. These two changes have made immigration a more prominent factor in population growth.

Methods and Assumptions

The Center's projections for the period from 2005 to 2050 are based on detailed assumptions about patterns in births, deaths and immigration-the three building blocks of population change. All population projections have built in uncertainties, especially for years further in the future, because they are based on assumptions about future behavior. In addition, these uncertainties can multiply because key aspects of population change are often interrelated-for example, a decline in immigration could also lead to a decline in the birthrate because immigrants tend to have larger families than do native born residents.
The Center has developed three different population projections for 2050, but the body of this report presents findings from the main projection (figures from projections based on lower or higher immigration levels are set forth in a section that starts on page 23). These projections consolidate and build upon past trends, present conditions, and factors affecting future behavior.

None of the projections should be treated as predictions. The country's policies may change, as may the factors that influence birth, death and immigration rates. Even given these caveats, however, population projections are an important analytical tool for planners. A rise or decline in the overall population-as well as in particular age groups-will have important impacts on the nation's tax base and workforce. Demographic change has major implications for government spending in key areas such as schools, health programs, community services, infrastructure and Social Security. Projections also provide business with a basis upon which to make judgments about future markets. And they are of increasing interest because of the role that population may play in climate change and other environmental concerns.
A Note on Methodology
The Center's projections use well established demographic methods and models to carry the population forward in time. The models and assumptions are disaggregated by race and by Hispanic origin, as are many projection models (e.g., Census Bureau, 2000). With regard to immigration, the Center's projections also incorporate methods developed by Edmonston and Passel (1992, 1994) that differentiate the population by generation, i.e., the first generation (foreign-born), the second generation (U.S. natives with at least one immigrant parent) and the third-and-higher generations (U.S. native children of two U.S. native-born parents). For more detail, see the "Methodology" Appendix to this report.

When incorporating birth estimates into the projections, the Center has assumed that the overall fertility rate will remain near the level it has been for the past three decades, with differing rates by race and ethnicity (Appendix, Figure A2). Birthrates are assumed to be well above average for immigrants, slightly above average overall for the second generation (U.S. natives with at least one immigrant parent) and below average for subsequent generations born in the United States. The Center's fertility rate projections are virtually identical to those of the Social Security trustees and slightly lower than those of the Census Bureau. (Census Bureau, 2004; Social Security Administration, 2007).

As for death rates, life expectancy is assumed to improve somewhat for all groups throughout the period covered by these projections. (Appendix, Figure A3) The Center's projections employ Census Bureau assumptions about life expectancy gains, which are higher than those of the Social Security Trustees.

Immigration to the United States has risen rapidly and steadily for decades as a result of increasing globalization and population movements, changes in U.S. immigration laws, the growing linkages of immigrant families within this country to communities abroad and labor market factors. Not only have the numbers of new U.S. immigrants increased over recent periods, but the rate of immigration also has risen steadily, whether measured from 1930, 1960 or 1980. In the face of these strong and persistent trends, most U.S. government projections, whether done by the Census Bureau (1996, 2000, 2004) or the Social Security Administration (2007) have assumed constant or even decreasing numbers of immigrants, implying sharp and sometimes immediate declines in the rate of immigration. As a result, official projections over the last several decades have consistently underestimated actual population growth.

The Pew Research Center projections have assumed that the annual immigration level, now about 1.4 million people, will increase slowly by 1% per year, reaching 2.1 million immigrants in 2050. (Figure 3)

This rate of growth is in line with, but somewhat slower than, the growth trends of the last several decades. These immigration levels are slightly higher than those projected by either the Census Bureau or the Social Security Trustees in the short run and substantially higher toward the end of the projection horizon.

With the Center's immigration assumption, the rate of immigration remains roughly constant over the 45-year projection horizon at 0.48% per year, or just under five immigrants per 1,000 population for each year. The rate is slightly below the rate for the first half of this decade and equal to the average for the last 35 years. (Figure 4)

The decades-long pattern of steady increases has been interrupted recently by year-to-year variation, including a spike in 1998-2001, a sharp decline in 2002-2004 (Passel and Suro, 2005), followed by a return to the long-term average in the last several years. The relatively steady growth of the last 70 years contrasts with substantial fluctuations that occurred in the 19th and early 20th centuries. (Figure 5)

Short-term fluctuations are likely to continue to occur, but the Center's projections assume that those variations will be less important than the long-term trends. Although the rate is held steady in the Center's projections, the number of new immigrants rises as the nation's total population goes up. The projections also assume that several hundred thousand foreign-born residents will leave each year, which is in keeping with trends of the past several decades. Reflecting recent trends, the Center's projections include a mix of new arrivals of legal permanent residents and unauthorized, or illegal, migrants, although the two groups are not broken out separately.

The issue of illegal immigration has become highly contentious in recent years. Last summer, Congress tried but failed to pass a comprehensive reform bill, and the debate over how to change immigration policies has become a major topic of the current presidential campaign. It is possible that a future Congress will enact laws that would sharply cut immigration flows. This has happened before. The Immigration Act of 1924 (along with an economic depression and a world war) drastically reduced immigrants as a share of the U.S. population from a 20th century peak of 14.7% in 1910 to a low of 4.7% in 1970.

This report offers two alternative population projections in addition to its main projection. The alternatives are based on immigration levels roughly 50% above and 50% below the baseline projection, but use the same fertility and mortality assumptions as the baseline projection. Under the lower-immigration scenario, the population would rise to 384 million in 2050, and new immigration would account for 71% of growth during the projections period. Under the higher-immigration scenario, the population would go up to 496 million, and new immigration would account for 87% of the increase. The baseline projection shows the population will rise to 438 million, and new immigration will account for 82% of the increase.

Population Trends

The Center's main projection indicates that the nation's population will grow 48% over the 2005-2050 period. That growth rate is lower than the 64% increase in the nation's population from 1960 through 2005. The projected annual growth rate of 0.9% equals that of the 1980s but is lower than the pace of growth during other decades since the 1960s.

The Center's projections also indicate that between 2005 and 2050 the number of elderly will increase more rapidly than either the number of children or working-age adults. Immigration and births to immigrants in the United States will be responsible for all growth of other age groups but will have little impact on the number of elderly, which is affected mainly by the aging of the post-World War II baby-boom generation.

The relationship between the size of the working-age population, on the one hand, and the young and elderly on the other hand, is sometimes referred to as a nation's "dependency ratio." The Center's projections show that the dependency ratio, which was 59 young and elderly for every 100 people of working age in 2005, will rise to 72 dependents per 100 people of working age in 2050. That means the costs per worker to support the young and elderly would go up. Under a lower-immigration scenario, the ratio would rise even higher, to 75 dependents per 100 people of working age. Under a higher-immigration scenario, it would be 69 dependents per 100 working-age people.

In terms of international comparisons, the United States will continue to be the world's third most populous nation in 2050, behind India and China, each with more than a billion people (United Nations, 2007). The projected annual growth rate for the United States will continue to exceed that in most other developed nations, which are growing at a slower pace, if at all. European countries generally are growing at no more than 0.5% a year, and some are losing population.

As is true in the United States, the immigrant populations in many other developed nations have been growing rapidly in recent decades. The United States has a larger foreign-born population than any other country, but U.S. immigrants were a smaller share of the 2005 population (12%) than those in a few countries with long histories of receiving immigrants-including Australia at 20% or Canada with 19% (United Nations, 2006). Although immigrants are a larger share of the U.S. population than in most of Europe, some countries have a share of immigrants approaching that of the United States, including France (11%) and the United Kingdom (9%).

This report begins by presenting the baseline projection for the total population from 2005 to 2050. The next sections go into detail about the projected estimates for key segments of the population, including the foreign born, Hispanics, blacks, Asians, non-Hispanic whites, working-age adults, children and the elderly. This report then examines how these changes will affect the size of the potential workforce relative to the number of elderly and young people. A final section presents the results of two alternative projections. This overview concludes with a summary of major projections.

Racial and Ethnic Groups

In the Center's projections, each person is included in only one race or Hispanic category. These projections assume that definitions of race and ethnic categories will remain fixed and that self-identification does not change over time. In reality, the growing numbers of births to parents of different racial and ethnic groups, as well as changing social norms about racial and ethnic self-identification, are serving to blur the boundaries of racial/ethnic categories. Consequently, the future sizes of race/ethnic groups could be higher or lower than the projection values even if the underlying demographic assumptions about the future prove to be correct.

Key Projections

Population and Immigration

Between 2005 and 2050, the nation's population will increase to 438 million from 296 million, a rise of 142 million people that represents growth of 48%.

Immigrants who arrive after 2005, and their U.S.-born descendants, account for 82% of the projected national population increase during the 2005-2050 period.

Of the 117 additional people attributable to the effect of new immigration, 67 million will be the immigrants themselves and 50 million will be their U.S.-born children and grandchildren

The nation's foreign-born population, 36 million in 2005, is projected to rise to 81 million in 2050, growth of 129%.

In 2050, nearly one in five Americans (19%) will be an immigrant, compared with one in eight now (12% in 2005).

The foreign-born share of the nation's population will exceed historic highs sometime between 2020 and 2025, when it reaches 15%. The historic peak share was 14.7% in 1910 and 14.8% in 1890.

Births in the United States will play a growing role in Hispanic and Asian population growth, so a diminishing proportion of both groups will be foreign-born.

Racial and Ethnic Groups

The Hispanic population, 42 million in 2005, will rise to 128 million in 2050, tripling in size. Latinos will be 29% of the population, compared with 14% in 2005. (Figure 6) Latinos will account for 60% of the nation's population growth from 2005 to 2050.

The black population, 38 million in 2005, will grow to 59 million in 2050, a rise of 56%. In 2050, the nation's population will be 13.4% black, compared with 12.8% in 2005.

The Asian population, 14 million in 2005, will grow to 41 million in 2050, nearly tripling in size. In 2050, the nation's population will be 9% Asian, compared with 5% in 2005. Most Asians in the United States were foreign born in 2005 (58%), but by 2050, fewer than half (47%) will be.

The white, non-Hispanic population, 199 million in 2005, will grow to 207 million in 2050, a 4% increase. In 2050, 47% of the U.S. population will be non-Hispanic white, compared with 67% in 2005.

Age Groups

The working-age population-adults ages 18 to 64-will reach 255 million in 2050, up from 186 million in 2005. This segment will grow more slowly over the projection period (37%) than the overall population. Future immigrants and their descendants will account for all growth in this group.

Among working-age adults, the foreign-born share, 15% in 2005, will rise to 23% in 2050. The Hispanic share, 14% in 2005, will increase to 31% in 2050. The non-Hispanic white share, 68% in 2005, will decline to 45% in 2050.

The nation's population of children ages 17 and younger will rise to 102 million in 2050, up from 73 million in 2005. The child population will grow more slowly in future decades (39%) than will the overall population. Future immigrants and their descendants will account for all growth in this population segment.

Among children, the share who are immigrants or who have an immigrant parent will rise to 34% in 2050 from 23% in 2005. The share of children who are Hispanic, 20% in 2005, will rise to 35% in 2050. Non-Hispanic whites, who make up 59% of today's children, will be 40% of children in 2050.

The nation's elderly population-people ages 65 and older-will grow to 81 million in 2050, up from 37 million in 2005. This group will grow more rapidly than the overall population, so its share will increase to 19% in 2050, from 12% in 2005. (Figure 7) Immigration will account for only a small part of that growth.

The dependency ratio-the number of people of working age, compared with the number of young and elderly-will rise sharply, mainly because of growth in the elderly population. There were 59 children and elderly people per 100 adults of working age in 2005. That will rise to 72 dependents per 100 adults of working age in 2050. (Figure 8)

Alternative Projection Scenarios

Under a lower-immigration scenario, the total population would rise to 384 million, the foreign-born share would stabilize at 13% and the Hispanic share would go up to 26% in 2050.

Under a higher-immigration scenario, the total population would rise to 496 million, the foreign-born share would rise to 23% and the Hispanic share would go up to 32% in 2050.

Under a lower- or higher-immigration scenario, the dependency ratio would range from 75 dependents per 100 people of working age to 69 dependents per 100 people of working age. Both of these ratios are well above the current value of 59 dependents per 100 people of working age.

A Note on Terminology

The terms "Hispanic" and "Latino" are used interchangeably in this report.

The terms "whites" "blacks" and "Asians" are used to refer to the non-Hispanic components of each population.

"Children" refers to people ages 17 and younger.

"Working-age" refers to people ages 18 64.

"Elderly" refers to people ages 65 and older.

"Foreign-born" refers to an individual who is not a U.S. citizen at birth or, in other words, who is born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories and whose parents are not U.S. citizens. The terms "foreign-born" and "immigrant" are used interchangeably.

The terms "unauthorized immigrants," "undocumented immigrants" and "illegal immigrants" are used interchangeably.

This report uses the following definitions of the first, second and third-and-higher generations:

First: Foreign-born or immigrant.

Second: U.S. native (born in the United States or territories), with at least one first-generation parent.

Third-and-higher: U.S. native (born in the United States or territories), with both parents native-born.

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If current trends continue, the demographic profile of the United States will change dramatically by the middle of this century, according to new population projections developed by the Pew Research Center. The nation's population will rise to 438 million in 2050, from 296 million in 2005, and fully 82% of the growth during this period will be due to immigrants arriving from 2005 to 2050 and their descendants.