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1941-2005 - Carmen Conteras Bozak (Kevin A)

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1941-2005 - Carmen Conteras Bozak (Kevin A)

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Carmen Conteras was a war veteran and historical figure born in Cayey, Puerto Rico on December 31, 1919 and lived a healthy life until January 30,2017. Carmen enlisted into the Women's Army Axillary Corps in 1942 participating and playing an important role in WWII as a telephone operator who transmitted encoded messages onto the battle field in both English and Spanish. After serving 18 months she was finally discharged as a Technician 4th grade, and earned several medals, including the European-African-Middle Eastern Campaign Medal, two Battle Stars, a World War II Victory Medal, an American Campaign Medal, a WAAC Service Medal and the Good Conduct Medal.   After coming back to America she was put into a hospital after contracting an eye infection where she met her future husband Theodore J. Bozak, another patient. In 1989 she started a WAC (Women Army Corp) Vets in Fort Lauderdale where she is the president and founder of this Society of Military Widows. When she isn't attending these meetings she is doing administrative work at Veterans of Foreign Wars meeting.
https://voces.lib.utexas.edu/collections/stories/carmen-conteras-bozak

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The Zoot Suit Riots were a series of violent conflicts that occurred from June 3 to June 8, 1943, in Los Angeles, California, during which U.S. servicemen attacked young Latinos and other minorities who wore zoot suits—outfits featuring balloon-legged trousers and long coats with wide lapels and exaggeratedly padded shoulders. While ostensibly blamed on the so-called “zoot suiters'” lack of “patriotism” during World War II, the attacks were actually more about race than fashion. Racial tensions at the time had been heightened by the Sleepy Lagoon murder trial, involving the 1942 slaying of a young Latino man in a Los Angeles barrio.

Source Link:
https://www.britannica.com/event/Zoot-Suit-Riots
https://research.pomona.edu/zootsuit/en/riots/
https://www.grunge.com/243079/the-messed-up-truth-about-the-zoot-suit-riots/
https://www.thoughtco.com/zoot-suit-riots-4843062

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1919 - 1945 Esteban Hotesse - carla clarke

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1919 - 1945 Esteban Hotesse - carla clarke

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video link: https://youtu.be/WyZfBMgsVJQ

Esteban Hotesse is a Dominican Republic native. When he began attending the Tuskegee Flight School Program in 1942, he had completed military training. He was a B-25 bomber pilot during this time. He received his training at Indiana's Freeman Airfield. The Tuskegee Airmen were a group of predominantly African American pilots and other airmen that fought in World War II and were divided into two units, one of which was the United States Army Air Forces' 477th Bombardment Group. This group included Esteban. Esteban opposed discrimination in the military by participating in the Freeman Field Mutiny, in which black officers in parties of twelve to twenty invaded the base's whites-only club and were imprisoned for violating the rules. Hotesse was one of 101 officers from the 477th Bombardier Group that were detained. By filing legal complaints, connecting with organizations such as the NAACP, and tipping off a local reporter, the police drew national attention. All of the officers were released by the US army's chief of staff. Many things changed as a result of the Freeman Field Mutiny. Promotional restrictions for the group were lifted, allowing African Americans to take their well-deserved positions. A law was created that outlawed racial segregation in military bases while also ensuring that discriminatory procedures were examined.

source links:
https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/tuskegee-airmen-blackpast-org/

https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/hotesse-esteban-1919-1945/

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Mendez Family vs Segregation - 1946 (Maya)

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Mendez Family vs Segregation - 1946 (Maya)

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Mexican Americans underwent segregation in Southern Californian school districts. Although segregation of Mexican Americans was not enforced by law, it was heavily encouraged socially. "Mexican schools" were significantly different from their American counterparts. Buildings were poorly maintained and children were not given the proper education that their parents were promised; instead, Mexican American students were being taught to work in fields and houses. Most schools were owned by wealthy citrus farm owners who capitalized off of Mexican American labor. Mexican American schools were typically separated from American schools either by a field or electric fence. Students could see the differences in how they were being treated and this idea of inferiority negatively affected the learning space. In 1946, the Mendez Family along with four other Mexican American families brought the case to court. Following the first small victory awarded by Judge Paul McCormick, the Santa Ana school districts appealed the decision and another trial had to be heard. The NAACP's lawyer Thurgood Marshall's assistant Robert Carter initially put forward all the arguments in court against the segregation of Mexican Americans in schools. Alas, victory was awarded once again by Justice (and Governor of California) Earl Warren in 1947. Finally, Governor Earl Warren outlawed segregation statewide of any kind and justice would be served.
Source link:
https://www.history.com/news/mendez-school-segregation-mexican-american#:~:text=Stories-,The%20Mendez%20Family%20Fought%20School%20Segregation%208%20Years%20Before%20Brown,the%20push%20against%20school%20segregation.&text=the%20Mendez%20Family-,Mexican%20American%20families%20in%20California%20secured%20an%20early%20legal,the%20push%20against%20school%20segregation.

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1955-1969-Crusade for Justice 1960s (Carl Clarke) 

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1955-1969-Crusade for Justice 1960s (Carl Clarke) 

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The Chicano community created a strong political and cultural presence in response to years of social oppression and discrimination. In The 1950s Chicanos were a really poor group of people that had a lack of political representation and economic support. This video explains how the formation of the crusade for justice was effective in mobilizing Mexican Americans to become active and demand their rights. The crusade for justice was created by Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales in April 1966. Gonzales formed this organization to fight for political, economic and social justice for the Chicano people. Gonzales graduated Emmanuel high school at age 16 and boxed his way out of poverty and decided to become involved in democratic politics  hoping to bring about changes in barrio. Over the years this crusade grew into an organization with dedicated volunteers and followers, now it had its own newspaper and its own legal  aid center. On the night of the first Chicano Youth liberation  Conference in 1969 Gonzales and the Crusade for justice stressed that students  take pride in their Mexican heritage. Gonzales also organized a resistance at West High School after a teacher made racist comments. These events later led to the creation of La Raza Unida party that was made to address the needs of the united states Chicano people created by Gonzales and in 1970 the Escuela Tlatelolco was born as a school for Chicano children.

Source: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Rodolfo-Gonzales

https://www.coloradovirtuallibrary.org/digital-colorado/colorado-histories/20th-century/rodolfo-corky-gonzales-boxer-writer-activist/

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1960-1985 The Chicano Movement (malena c)

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1960-1985 The Chicano Movement (malena c)

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Chicanos are people that are from Mexican descent, born in the U.S. The chicano movement started during the civil rights time period. The main points of the movement was to get more rights for farm workers, gaining mexican land grants, changing the casual discrimination against chicanos in the school system and gaining political empowerment. A guy who participated in the movement with the name of Ceaser Chavez, started the United Farm Workers which helped chicanos gain some political empowerment that they had been hoping for. United Farm Workers was there to help farmers gain more rights. Land grants was pretty important to chicanos. Originally some parts of the united states had belonged to Mexico. So, chicanos realized it would be a lot more fair if they were given those pieces of land. This was also not taught in the schools. This leads to the L.A and Denver walkout. These walkouts were protests against the ban on speaking Spanish at school, the high percent of dropout rates among the chicano community and other similar issues. Overtime chicanos obtain more political empowerment. They start to gain more laws protecting them such as the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare and the U.S. Supreme Court, making it unlawful to refuse to provide students who couldn’t speak English from getting the education they needed. Finally in 1968, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund was then formed to help protect the civil rights of Hispanics.
Sources:
https://www.history.com/news/chicano-movement
https://www.thoughtco.com/chicano-movement-brown-and-proud-2834583
https://www.albany.edu/jmmh/vol3/chicano/chicano.html

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Video link: https://ny.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/americon-vid-cesar-chavez/video/
Migrant farm workers in the United States were exploited routinely by the agricultural industry, which forced them to work in unsafe conditions for little pay. They had no political representation or advocates until Cesar Chavez established the United Farm Workers, the first successful union for farm laborers. Chavez was able to successfully organize a movement among some of America’s poorest and most oppressed workers. He organized a march on Sacramento in 1966, called for a national boycott of California table grapes in 1968, and went on a hunger strike in 1968, continuing the practice of non-violent protest. In 1970, the growers finally recognized the United Farm Workers union and signed labor contracts with the union.

Source link: https://ny.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/americon-lp-cesar-chavez/lesson-plan/

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Mexican American Youth Organization(MAYO) Ashley

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Mexican American Youth Organization(MAYO) Ashley

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MAYO was founded 1967 in San Antonio. The techniques MAYO used was “political confrontation and mass demonstration” to achieve their goals. The organizations purpose was to protest the injustice Hispanics got. MAYO organized 17-38 walkouts. Students in universities had walkouts because they wanted the employment of more Mexican American teachers and staff. The students also wanted to add Mexican American history into the curriculum. MAYO addressed that Mexican Americans need economic independence, control of their education and political strength. It was only until they held their first national conference, in 1969, that they gained attention.
Source
https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/mexican-american-youth-organization

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HIGHSCHOOL STUDENTS AND OTHER MEMBERS PARTICIPATING IN EAST L.A WALKOUTS

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1968, March THE EAST L.A WALKOUTS (ROSEMERI)

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1968, March THE EAST L.A WALKOUTS (ROSEMERI)

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The east side of L.A in the 60's the schools had a majority of 75% of the attendees being Latino. The conditions of the schools they were attending was atrocious. Teachers were unqualified, the buildings were rundown, and classes often didn't focus on academics but rather domestic training. Meanwhile non-Latino students were studying for college. This funneled Chicanos into laborious jobs, held them back from social advancement and dropout rates were high. Mexican American, Sal Castro was a social studies teacher who say this injustice and taught kids the history and culture of their heritage. With students now questioning their education they reached out to the local school administrators to demand equality.
In 1967 the administrators ignored students' pleas. As a result, Castro then organized the strikes and came up a list of demands to be met by the school board. The first walk out was planned for March 6th but there was an unplanned walkout prior on the first and 5th. After the school administrator failed to keep students in classes police became involved as intimidation. Regardless thousands of kids, parents and other members of the community still protested the lack of change in schools. This led to the formation of the Educational Issues Coordinating Committee (EICC) by protesters on the 11th. The Los Angeles Board of Education eventually agreed to consider their demands but claimed there was no money or funding to make those changes. So, protests didn't come to an end and on March 31st Castro and other walkout organizers were arrested for "disturbing the peace" but were released on bail in early June.

East L.A. walkouts | Summary, 1968, Demands, Significance, Aftermath, & Facts | Britannica

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Chicano activist leader Ronaldo "Corky" Gonzales 

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Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in 1969

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Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in 1969

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The 1969 Denver Youth Conference was a gathering led by Chicano activists leader Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales. It was the first time that so many Mexican-American youths, around 1500, gathered to talk about oppression, discrimination, and injustice. As a result of the conference, the philosophy “Chicanismo” and El Plan de Aztlan came to be. Chicanismo in the beginning was the cultural nationalism that united Mexican-Americans. El Plan de Aztlan had the main goal to use art in order to strengthen the cultural identity of the Chicano community. Both the term Chicanismo and El Plan de Aztlan are still followed but certain parts have changed over the years or are not being followed. Unlike in the past, the big goal was to institutionalize the art forms and to teach the ideologies of Chicanismo. The bigger issue now that we do have programs being taught in schools is to not lose the opportunity to inform because of defunding or removing the programs as a whole. Most youth today don’t know about Chicanismo or the whole movement unless they take a class of Chicanismo studies. Not a lot of youth from Mexican-American descent themselves know of the Chicanismo movement because of the way Mexicans are portrayed by the government. Though Chicanismo is not as acknowledged as it once was, it still plays a huge part in the way society sees Mexican-Americans today. Without the movement, they may not have been properly noticed as they were before the 1960’s-1970’s.

Sources:
https://www.kcet.org/history-society/defining-chicanismo-since-the-1969-denver-youth-conference#:~:text=Organized%20on%20March%2023%2C%201969,from%20throughout%20the%20United%20States.

https://www.kcet.org/shows/departures/plan-de-aztlan-early-chicano-activism

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Video Link of Former Communist Immigrant's views on this similar topic.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yTPtwx9uBf8

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1971 ~ U.S. branch of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party

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1971 ~ U.S. branch of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party

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The PSP (Puerto Rican Socialist Party) was originally designed with the same intentions as the Pro-Independence movement (or MPI), that took place in 1959.  The MPI had joined with nationalists and communists, all with the same thought in mind, Independence.  Colonialism was spreading at the time, right after WW2, it was thought that it is to be eliminated from the earth, particularly targeting the US. This group, like many others, were not liked by governments, and were repressed by the Puerto Rican Police, and even the FBI. This group still continues today to make themselves known in their country, and to try and make a change that they deem is necessary.
Source Link:
Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP) - Encyclopedia of Puerto Rico (enciclopediapr.org)

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Roldolfo "Corky" Gonzales (1928 - 2005): Shawn Elliott

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Roldolfo "Corky" Gonzales (1928 - 2005): Shawn Elliott

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Rodolfo, nicknamed Corky, Gonzales was a Mexican-American born on June 18th, 1928 at Denver General Hospital to his father, Federico Gonzales, and his mother, Indalesia Lucero, who died when he was only two. Being born during this time meant that Gonzales was accustomed to struggle, as the Great Depression had officially begun. Being born into a poor family of many siblings, Rodolfo often had to assist his father in beet fields at a young age in order to make ends meet. Along with this he was also known for his temper while young, which is why he was nicknamed "Corky" by his uncle--being that he was quick to make angry which compared to the popping of a cork.  After graduating high school, Gonzales had sought higher education and enrolled into the University of Denver to study engineering. However, the life of university was short-lived as financial issues arose. He had not gone back for a second semester, but a new term of his life was life was about to unfold. In 1944, Corky Gonzales began his training as a professional boxer at the Epworth Boxing Club in Denver. His professional career consisted of 65 total wins, 9 losses, and 1 draw. He was once even considered a top 3-5 boxer in his Featherweight class from 1947 until his retirement in 1952. His life after boxing, using his popularity to his advantage, was an inspiring life of politics and activism. After an unsuccessful politician run, including a defeat while running for Colorado State Representative, he coordinated the Viva Kennedy campaign in Colorado for the purpose of bringing John F. Kennedy into office, as well as bring together Chicano people to elect him. Because of his hard work and dedication, his district polled the highest in Denver and, as we know, John F. Kennedy became our 35th President of the United States. Politics continued to disappoint Gonzales, eventually leading to him breaking off from the Democratic Party and all major political affairs. He was fired from his duties with Youth Corps as well, after organizing a protest against a newspaper that was printing racist statements about Chicanos.  Another reason that he left politics was because he felt that Democrats were not doing enough for the Chicano people to warrant the votes Democrats received from them. Instead he focused on Civil Rights and activism, which was cause for the founding of the "Crusade for Justice" which had an aim to stop years of a lack of representation and Chicano neglect. One of his most prominent artforms was a poem called "Yo Soy Joaquín" which detailed a man in many different time periods, including using Aztec myths to promote and uplift his people. After many acts of activism during his later life, Gonzales was hit by a car, causing him complications with his heart. He eventually passed away at his home in Denver on April 12th, 2005. He was inducted into the Colorado Sports Hall of Fame and was the first Chicano ever to be included. All around, he was a very influential man and lived a very full life. He was able to fight professionally and then transition into activism, becoming a figure and the "fist" of many movements regarding Civil Rights.

Sources:
https://coloradoencyclopedia.org/article/rodolfo-"corky"-gonzales

https://www.britannica.com/biography/Rodolfo-Gonzales

https://www.coloradosports.org/hall-of-fame/athletes/1988-inductees/rodolfo-corky-gonzales/

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Alicia Escalante-1993- leading activist of the Chicano movement in the 1960's Alicia Escalante (Elijah M.)

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Alicia Escalante-1993- leading activist of the Chicano movement in the 1960's Alicia Escalante (Elijah M.)

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Alicia Escalante was born in El Paso Texas, in 1933 to what she describes as a traditional family. and she shared an intense bond with her mother. After 15 years of marriage, Escalante’s mother decided to divorce her father due to his infidelity, alcoholism and abuse. As Alicia entered adulthood and began to forge a life for herself, it became very clear that there were many inequalities that surrounded her, and over time As part of the Welfare Rights Movement and Chicano Movement she became very close with leaders like Corky Gonzalez and Gloria Arellanes. After political and legal persecution as a result of her activism, Escalante spent some time in Denver teaching Spanish and Welfare rights at Corky Gonzales’ Escuela Tlatelolco. She was also involved with protesting police brutality, the Vietnam War and researching world hunger.Escalante formed the East Los Angeles Chicana Welfare Rights Organization, an organization dedicated to assisting the Spanish-speaking community in particular. By advocating for and representing welfare recipients through implementation of existing laws that were the rights of recipients to begin with. She also advocated for new rights in relation to English Translation, Child Care and Job Training and implementing Affirmative Action

source: http://chicanapormiraza.org/chicanas/alicia-escalante

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The Young Lords is a radical wing organization founded by José “Cha Cha” Jiménez. Before Jimenez founded The Young Lords, he came from a street gang in Chicago and a 60-day county jail sentence after a drug-related charge. A black Muslim librarian influenced his interest in social justice after being taught about black revolutionaries by said Librarian. The Black Panthers influenced the group as they protested against the white-only society they were in; they later became allies with the Black Panthers. The organization was made up of mostly Puerto Ricans. Still, people from other communities were a part of it, such as Dominicans, Cubans, African Americans, and many more non-Boricua Latinx communities. The group used black, purple, and gold to represent themselves. The young lords tackle women's rights, gay rights, addiction recovery, pacifism, labor organizations, and many more. In the 60s, they cleaned up Harlem after the sanitation services weren’t doing their job. They worked hard to serve the community as best as they could since the people that were supposed to do it weren’t doing it; their motto was "Tengo Puerto Rico en mi Corazon" ("I have Puerto Rico in my heart").
Source links: https://remezcla.com/lists/culture/young-lords-activism-what-you-didnt-know/

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Young-Lords

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Dolores Huerta (1955 - Present Day): Gabriela Pena

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Dolores Huerta (1955 - Present Day): Gabriela Pena

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Dolores Clara Fernandez Huerta is one of the most influential activists of the 20th century, she's a co-founder of the United Farm Workers Association, and a leader of the Chicano civil rights movement.  After founding the FWA with Cesar Chavez she helped organize the 1965 Delano strike of 5,000 grape workers and was the lead negotiator in the workers’ contract that followed. In 1973 she led another strike with grape worker with amazingly led to California Agricultural Labor Relations Act of 1975 ,meaning that workers could bargain for better work conditions and wages. In the end Huetra has won many awards for activism like the Eleanor Roosevelt Human Rights Award in 1998 and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2012.

Source: https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/dolores-huerta

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Father Luis Olivares-1981-1989 (Adrianna V) 

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Father Luis Olivares-1981-1989 (Adrianna V) 

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Father Luis was a Roman Catholic priest who aided and opened up his church to El Salvadoran refugees. He lived to be 59, he was diabetic and was infected with H.I.V then he died of AIDS caused by H.I.V. From 1981-1989 he was a pastor of Our Lady Queen of Angels. In 1985 he declared his church a sanctuary for the El Salvadoran refugees. He insisted that he was going with his conscience. He left his church after announcing he had AIDS and became very fond of awareness for AIDS then later came to pass at age 59 in a medical center.
https://www.nytimes.com/1993/03/22/obituaries/luis-olivares-59-dies-priest-aided-refugees.html

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Fr Luis Olivares and Sanctuary. by edsirois on Mar 27, 2013 More

Fr Luis Olivares and Sanctuary.

by edsirois on Mar 27, 2013

"This 8 minute clip from "The Faithful Revolution: Vatican II" tells the story of a prophetic priest named Luis Olivares."

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Fr Luis Olivares and Sanctuary. by edsirois on Mar 27, 2013 More Fr Luis Olivares and Sanctuary. by edsirois on Mar 27, 2013 "This 8 minute clip from "The Faithful Revolution: Vatican II" tells the story of a prophetic priest named Luis Olivares."

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Women and the Chicana movimento 1960-1970's     (Jennifer Gonzalez)

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Women and the Chicana movimento 1960-1970's     (Jennifer Gonzalez)

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The Chicana movimento was a fightback against racial injustice being experienced by Mexican-Americans. In the 1960s because of organizations like the United Farm Workers Chicanos and Chicanas got a chance to speak and show their truth. Students started to rebel against their racist classmates and the school system. They would do walkouts and hold student clubs addressing the problems at the place. Later in the 1969 Chicano Youth Liberation Conference Chicanas specifically started to get a voice of their own. Feeling inspired from the conference the women went back with a new stronger mindset to inform those around them of their struggles as Chicanas. Advocating for their rights and officially declaring themselves part of the movement in May 1971.

sources-https://boomcalifornia.org/2021/11/02/chicana-chicano-agonists%EF%BF%BC/

http://websites.umich.edu/~ac213/student_projects07/latfem/latfem/whatisit.html

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Central American solidarity movement - 1970s(Nicholas P)

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Central American solidarity movement - 1970s(Nicholas P)

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The Central American solidarity was group that had multiple conflicts but one of the major issues was the war and the people in Honduras that talk about socialism and the war in Nicaragua. In this current context, the popular movements and the resistance in general in the region, and particularly in Honduras, is choosing nonviolence as a method of social change, so they are totally vulnerable and unprotected. In the 1980's Central America was going through a justice crisis where  civilians had issues with justice and equality and some were like under the US government and stuff like that. For example, in the 1980s it was really explicitly clear in Guatemala and El Salvador what the structures were and who the government actors were designing the policies and carrying out the repression. It was very clear that the United States was funding the Contras and that they were waging the war against people working for social change in Nicaragua. Now they are suffering with political problems and being kept in the dark by the government thinking its just drugs and like minor things  happening in Nicaragua. They continue to generate dynamics of extreme poverty and human suffering, and people organize and try to find solutions and try to resist and create a better reality, and the response is repression and an attempt to criminalize those efforts.

source:

https://nacla.org/article/central-american-solidarity-then-and-now-interview-jenny-atlee

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WAAD was formed in October 2013 it as formed to make a more inclusive Dominican society that embraces who they are and where they came from, and doesn't only go for Dominicans it also goes for Haitians to recognize their citizenship rights, it is filled with members of the Dominican and Haitian community that disagree with Dominican constitutional tribal to take away the rights of people that are undocumented and were born from undocumented parents. They made this group to stop the US from stripping the rights and nationality of Dominican/Haitian people, the government does not want to give them documents that they need to have an education, get a job or to even get married. This program is important because it gives Dominican/Haitian people a chance to have a new life and be able to have their rights and be a more inclusive Dominican society.

https://wearealldominicannyc.wordpress.com

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Julissa Reynoso was born in the Dominican Republic emigrated to the US in 1982 she remained in New York for her time being. Before she was selected for U.S. Representative to Spain and Andorra, she invested her time as a Collaborator to the President and Head of Staff to Dr. Jill Biden, and as the Co-Seat of the Orientation Strategy Chamber at the White House. During the Organization for Barack Obama, she filled in as Representative Partner Secretary of State in the Department of Western Half of the globe Issues. Then as U.S. Diplomat to Uruguay from 2012 to 2014. Ambassador Reynoso was an accomplice at the worldwide law office of Winston and Strawn in New York. She was on the personnel of Columbia College School of Law and the School of International and Public Affairs, she is an individual from the Council on Foreign Relations, the American Law Institute, and the Inter-American Dialogue. She is distributed in English and Spanish on a variety of issues such as regulation, community organizing, immigration policy, and Latin American politics for both press and scholastic diaries. She got her Four year certification in Government from Harvard College, Masters in philosophy from the College of Cambridge and her law degree from Columbia College School of Law. Representative Reynoso is participated in Madrid by her child Lucas and two canines named Celeste and Kika. She is a music aficionado, adores jazz, soul, classical music, boleros, rancheras, salsa, and merengue. She is a supporter of theater and the visual expressions.

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William C. Velásquez was the founder of the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project in 1974. He envisioned a time when Latinos would play an important role in the American Democratic process. His involvement with Latino organizations was extensive. From 1972 to July 1974, he concentrated his efforts on building the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project (SVREP). He enlisted the aid of Community organizers, together they launched hundreds of voter registIaIion and get-the-vote-out (GOTV) campaigns throughout the southwest. (SVREP) has cultivated 50,000 community leaders, successfully litigated 85 voting rights law suits and has conducted 2,300 non-partisan,voter registration and GOTV campaigns. But his vision involved more than just getting Latinos to the ballot box, charted in 1984, the Southwest Voter Research Institute was established to seek the opinions of the Latino electorate and to make those findings known. He felt Latino leaders should be held accountable to their constituencies. As part of the institute, he set out to collect and distribute information on public policy issues ranging from income and poverty to U.S. and Latin America relations.

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https://www.albany.edu/jmmh/vol3/chicano/chicano.html

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Chicano! History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement.Video. NLCC Educational Media, 1996.
T he 1960s was a turbulent decade in American history, fraught with conflicts over isssues from Civil Rights to the war in Vietnam. The Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, one of the least studied social movements of the 1960s, encompassed a broad cross section of issues—from restoration of land grants, to farm workers rights, to enhanced education, to voting and political rights. The video documentaryChicano! History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement , a four-part documentary series, corrects this oversight. Ground-breaking for the material it covers, the series is one of the few to address the history of Mexican Americans in general and that of the Chicano Movement in particular; it is an indispensable resource for scholars and students.
C hicano! gives one a sense of the growing unrest of the Mexican American population. We witness, literally before our eyes, the emerging awareness of collective history, the power of mass action, and the evolution of the Chicano Movement. We learn that it begins in New Mexico with Reies Lpez Tijerina and the land grant movement, is picked up by Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales in Denver who defines the meaning of Chicano through his epic poemI am Joaquin , embraces Csar Chvez and the farm workers, turns to the struggles of the urban youth, and culminates in growing political awareness and participation with La Raza Unida Party.
P art 1, "Quest for a Homeland," examines the beginnings of the movement by profiling Reies Lopez Tijerina and the land grant movement in New Mexico in 1966 and 1967. It shows how Tijerina's fight to convince the federal government to honor the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) galvanized Mexicans and Mexican Americans across the Southwest. It then moves on to discuss Rodolfo (Corky) Gonzales and his founding of the Crusade for Justice in Denver in 1966. Focusing on the importance of his poem I am Joaquin, it highlights how Gonzales reached out to Chicano youth. This segment is useful for its discussion of the roots of Chicano nationalism through its affirmation of cultural identity grounded in Aztec myths such as that ofAztln , the mythical Chicano homeland.
P art 2, "The Struggle in the Fields," examines the importance of Csar Chvez and his efforts to organize farm workers in the central valley of California. It delineates the various components of Chvez's strategy for farm worker self determination—strikes, boycotts, pilgrimages, fasts—and emphasizes his commitment to nonviolence and the importance of faith and prayer in achieving his goal.

P art 3, "Taking Back the Schools," is the best of the four parts. It covers the Los Angeles high school blow outs of 1968 thoroughly and with passion. Part 3 is also likely to be the most interesting to students because they can witness young people their own age forcefully agitating for change.
It is also striking because the catalysts for the walk outs—high drop out rate, crumbling schools, lack of Mexican American teachers—still resonate today. This segment is visually interesting as well because the filmmakers made a conscious effort to interview actual participants (which they do in all the segments). Here they actually go back and forth between a photo or video of a participant from the 1960s to that same person being interviewed today, and it is insightful to see how that individual changed in the intervening thirty years. For example, at one point the video discusses how the students were trying to garner outside support for their cause in order to legitimate it in the eyes of the school board. Robert Kennedy agrees to meet with student leaders and offer his support (he was running for president at the time and was in California to meet with Csar Chvez), and we see a picture of Kennedy surrounded by student leaders. The camera then focuses on a young Harry Gamboa -one of the walk-out leaders-standing next to Kennedy and the video then fades away to a current day interview with him.
P art 4, "Fighting for Political Power," discusses the creation of La Raza Unida Party as a third party force for political power and the importance of political rights. It culminates in the 1972 election and the Raza Unida convention, and the fragmentation of the party at the height of its membership and recognition.

E ach of these hour-long parts may be viewed individually. (It would, in fact, be very rare for a teacher to be able to devote all four hours to class time, even one specifically dealing with Chicano history.)
Nearly every segment, to its credit, treats the historical background surrounding the events. For example, "Quest for a Homeland" briefly discusses the Mexican American War and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and why Tijerina felt that he was right to fight for the land. Similarly, "Fighting for Political Power" explains the inequities of voting rights in Texas along with the history of unequal distribution of political power in Crystal City, Texas, the birth place ofLa Raza Unida Party . Despite the fact that Mexican Americans made up the majority of the population in the city, no one of Mexican descent held political office. Chicano! is very good at explaining the plight of Mexican Americans historically and during the Chicano Movement. The series provides a keen sense of what it was like to have brown skin in the 1960s. One interviewee, for example, remembers that farm workers were thought of as ignorant, lazy, stupid, and dirty. In another segment, a second interviewee recalls that being Mexican was a burden—Mexican Americans were not respected and were treated as second-class citizens.
A s with most documentaries, Chicano! makes excellent use of photo archives and film footage of the period. It succeeds where many documentaries fail in that the filmmakers were able to interview the actual participants in the events, as opposed to only scholars of the subject. Furthermore, the documentary series is to be commended for attempting to provide a balanced portrait of events. In the segment on the farm workers and Csar Chvez, we hear from farm owners whose produce was boycotted and land picketed at the height of the protests. Similarly, for the segment on the Los Angeles high school walk outs of 1968, the filmmakers interviewed both school board members and high school officials who were there at the time.

N ot only do the four segments illuminate distinct aspects of the movement (land, farm workers, politics, urban issues, education), but they also attempt to delineate the diversity of the Chicano Movement not merely through causes, but also through geography and demographics. The viewer learns of rural problems in California which are in stark contrast to those of New Mexico. The documentary distinguishes between issues surrounding the high school walk outs in L.A., as opposed to those behind theCrystal City , Texas walk outs. The former occurred over drop-out rates and lack of recognition of Chicano culture and history, the latter due to Chicanas being barred from cheerleading. The students from L.A. never really had their concerns addressed, while the students in Crystal City won their cause, leading in part to the galvanization of the Raza Unida Party. We learn of the differing political agendas of Chicano leaders across the Southwest: Colorado, Texas, New Mexico, and California (Arizona is conspicuously left out of the equation).

W hile the discussion of the broad spectrum of issues across the Southwest is a strength of the series, it is also a weakness. Those whose only exposure to Mexican American history is through this series, would be left with the impression that Mexican Americans only live in the Southwest and that only the states covered had active Chicano movements. This, of course, is not the case.
Strong Chicano and Mexican American communities exist throughout the country and nearly all of them, particularly those in the Midwest, agitated for change. They all had their own movements at the local level and participated in activities at the national level. This shortcoming is, of course, a function of the series' length, and the filmmakers do make token references to other parts of the country. For example, during a segment on the Crusade for Justice and the first Chicano Youth Conference in Denver in 1967, the poet Alurista remarks how he was amazed to see so many Chicanos from all over the country, even Kansas. "I didn't know," he remarks incredulously, "there were any Mexicans in Kansas!" Similarly, in the series' discussion of the growth of La Raza Unida Party, narrator Henry Cisneros notes that chapters of the party proliferated throughout the country, even in Nebraska.
W hat the individual videos do not do, however, is discuss the outcomes of the events in question or their significance.
In Part 1, "Quest for a Homeland," the filmmakers move from discussing Tijerina and the question of land grants to Corky Gonzales and the Crusade for Justice. The transition is fine, but we never find out what happened to Tijerina and his cause. The viewer is left hanging, with no information. This also occurs in Part 3 "Taking Back the Schools." This segment follows the sequence of events that led to the Los Angeles student walk outs of 1968, culminating in the galvanization of the community to have Sal Castro , a teacher who supported the walk outs, reinstated after being fired by the school board. We are treated to video of the students' take over and sit in of the school board and their ultimate success in having Castro re-hired, but we are never told what happened with the students' original demands of the school board (bilingual education, Mexican American history courses, more Mexican American teachers). The film would have you believe that the walk outs were a success because the community came together in support of Castro. It never goes on to explain that the state of the schools remained virtually the same. A lso, Chicano! never explains until the end of the final video the continuing and overarching significance of the Chicano Movement and its legacy. It defines these as the new awareness of farm workers, increased labor activism, and growing visibility of educational and community needs. According to the documentary, the Chicano Movement galvanized and trained a new generation of activists and leaders and brought to a national stage a variety of issues important to the Mexican American community. However, the significance of each event needs to be further highlighted at the end of each segment for it to be truly effective.
F or any one teaching about the Civil Rights Movement, Mexican American, Chicano, or Latino history, or the history of political activism, however, the series is a must see. Students will greatly benefit from this remarkable series about an extraordinary time in history.

Valerie Mendoza
University of Kansas

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Video Review of Chicano! History of the
Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. Comments |JMMH Contents
Copyright © 2000, 2001 by The Journal for MultiMedia History

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Chicano! A History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement.

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Chicano! History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. Video. NLCC Educational Media, 1996. T he 1960s was a turbulent decade in American history, fraught with conflicts over isssues from Civil Rights to the war in Vietnam.

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La Matanza was a mass murder that happened in (1910’s-1920’s) where about 5,000 Mexican Americans were killed (20% were lynched).Anyone who looked Mexican was a target, regardless of their influence nationality or social status etc.This carnage was done by Texas rangers who were an investigative law enforcement agency who worked as a paramilitary force to serve Texas.

https://pipiwiki.com/wiki/La_Matanza_(1910%E2%80%931920)

https://www.valleycentral.com/hidden-history/hispanic-heritage-month/la-matanza-a-period-of-anti-mexican-violence-in-texas/