# data[].attributes.headline
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.subject
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.body
발표방법과 발표자료에 들어갈 내용 및 대본에 들어갈 내용 올려주기!

예) 발표방법 - PPT
발표내용 : 두 나라의 관계 및 역사, 전쟁이 일어난 원인, 과정(전쟁 범죄, 피해상황 등), 현재 모습, 앞으로 어떻게 될까?(예측), 주변 나라들의 반응 등등

# data[].attributes.headline
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.subject
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.body
발표방법과 발표자료에 들어갈 내용 및 대본에 들어갈 내용 올려주기!

예) 발표방법 - PPT
발표내용 : 두 나라의 관계 및 역사, 전쟁이 일어난 원인, 과정(전쟁 범죄, 피해상황 등), 현재 모습, 앞으로 어떻게 될까?(예측), 주변 나라들의 반응 등등

# data[].attributes.headline
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.subject
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.body
발표방법과 발표자료에 들어갈 내용 및 대본에 들어갈 내용 올려주기!

예) 발표방법 - PPT
발표내용 : 두 나라의 관계 및 역사, 전쟁이 일어난 원인, 과정(전쟁 범죄, 피해상황 등), 현재 모습, 앞으로 어떻게 될까?(예측), 주변 나라들의 반응 등등

# data[].attributes.headline
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.subject
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.body
발표방법과 발표자료에 들어갈 내용 및 대본에 들어갈 내용 올려주기!

예) 발표방법 - PPT
발표내용 : 두 나라의 관계 및 역사, 전쟁이 일어난 원인, 과정(전쟁 범죄, 피해상황 등), 현재 모습, 앞으로 어떻게 될까?(예측), 주변 나라들의 반응 등등

# data[].attributes.headline
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.subject
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.body
발표방법과 발표자료에 들어갈 내용 및 대본에 들어갈 내용 올려주기!

예) 발표방법 - PPT
발표내용 : 두 나라의 관계 및 역사, 전쟁이 일어난 원인, 과정(전쟁 범죄, 피해상황 등), 현재 모습, 앞으로 어떻게 될까?(예측), 주변 나라들의 반응 등등

# data[].attributes.headline
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.subject
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.body
발표방법과 발표자료에 들어갈 내용 및 대본에 들어갈 내용 올려주기!

예) 발표방법 - PPT
발표내용 : 두 나라의 관계 및 역사, 전쟁이 일어난 원인, 과정(전쟁 범죄, 피해상황 등), 현재 모습, 앞으로 어떻게 될까?(예측), 주변 나라들의 반응 등등

# data[].attributes.headline
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.subject
발표방법과 발표내용도 올리기(선생님이 쓴 것)

# data[].attributes.body
발표방법과 발표자료에 들어갈 내용 및 대본에 들어갈 내용 올려주기!

예) 발표방법 - PPT
발표내용 : 두 나라의 관계 및 역사, 전쟁이 일어난 원인, 과정(전쟁 범죄, 피해상황 등), 현재 모습, 앞으로 어떻게 될까?(예측), 주변 나라들의 반응 등등

# data[].attributes.body
역사적 이유- 신예준
전쟁으로 인한 피해 및 범죄- 심현서
갈등의 원인- 고하윤
전쟁모습 + 현재상황-최가온
+앞으로의 전망- 다같이

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우크라 전쟁의 원인 찾기,우크라 뉴스 찾기 :임현욱
전쟁의 현재 상황 알기,전쟁의 전망 알기:박세원
전쟁의 참혹함 알기,관련 사진 찾기:이민욱

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여러분은 참혹한 갈등 속에서

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여러분은 참혹한 갈등 속에서 진실을 전하는 종군기자로 임명되었습니다. 우리가 알아보고 취재하는 것은 세상을 밝히는 하나의 진실이 될 것입니다.

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https://youtu.be/lnfDpVjYeVE

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러시아-우크라이나에 대해 알아야 할 3가지 히스토리 / 연합뉴스 (Yonhapnews)

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https://youtu.be/OxoI9ZjTNxo

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21세기를 뒤흔드는 대사건 발발! 러시아 VS 우크라이나 전쟁, 수많은 인명 피해를 낳은 참혹한 비극의 현장  #highlight #벌거벗은세계사 EP.44

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https://youtu.be/nibjNtORp1Q

우크라, 러시아 점령지 헤르손 탈환

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우크라이나, 헤르손 수복 축제 분위기...러, 댐 등 SOC 파괴 / YTN

# data[].attributes.body
김신형 : 갈등 원인, 역사적 이유
박지율 : 역사적 이유, 앞으로의 전망
윤종현 : 전쟁모습, 현재 상황
정여은 : 피해 및 범죄, 전쟁모습

# data[].attributes.body
지민우_갈등의 원인,역사적 이유
김소율_전쟁으로 인한 피해 및 범죄,전쟁 모습
창이안_현재 상황,앞으로의 모습

# data[].attributes.body
성시우:피해, 범죄
이찬율:원인, 상황
조하율:전망, 국제사회의 시선

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https://youtu.be/GcTkAIRHI9M

러시아의 폴란드 미사일 발사? 러시아 "고의가 아니다"

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폴란드에 '러 추정 미사일' 파문 확산...나토 긴급회의 소집 / YTN

# data[].attributes.headline
김규리 : 역사적 이유박서윤 

# data[].attributes.body
김규리 : 역사적 이유
박서윤 : 전쟁 모습
심이현 : 현재 상황
정하진 : 앞으로의 전망, 국제 정세, 전쟁으로 인한 피해 및 범죄, 갈등의 원인

# data[].attributes.body
박성현 : 전쟁으로 인한 피해,현재 모습

오시찬 : 앞으로의 전망,범죄

이원재 : 전쟁모습

이정민 : 갈등원인 ,역사적 사실

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
러시아‐우크라이나 전쟁, 그 연원을 거슬러 올라가면

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
우크라이나에서 결국 전쟁이 발발했다. SNS를 통해 반인권적인 공격 행위를 실시간으로 목격한 세계 시민은 러시아를 한목소리로 규탄하고 있다. 시시각각 변하는 전황이 각종 미디어를 통해 쏟아지는 지금, 『대학신문』은 시야를 넓혀 우크라이나 위기의 배경이 무엇인지 살펴봤다. 전쟁의 임계점을 넘다국제법을 어기고 우크라이나의 주권을 부정한 러시아의 침공은 그 어떤 설명으로도 정당화할 수 없다. 그러나 그와는 별개로 러시아가 전쟁을 개시할 수 있었던 배경을 짚어 볼 필요가 있다. 두 국가의 마찰은 어제오늘의 일이 아니기 때문이다. 양국의 갈

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네이버 블로그 | 평화를 사랑하는 이들/평사이People Loving Peace

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블라디미르 푸틴 러시아 대통령은 "러시아는 돈바스 지역에서 특별 군사작전을 진행할 것"이라고 선언했습니다.

러시아 현지시간으로는 새벽 5시 50분 경(우크라이나 기준 4시 50분) 국영방송을 통해 군사작전을 승인한다는 긴급 연설을 한 것이죠.

푸틴 러시아 대통령의 군사 작전 개시 명령 이후 러시아는 우크라이나 전역에 폭격을 퍼붓기 시작했습니다.

우크라이나 수도 키의 우를 비롯해 동남북으로 동시에 침공, 탄도미사일과 순항미사일로 연이어 폭격하면서 우크라이나 전역에는 공습경보가 발령됐습니다.

우크라이나는 곧바로 계엄령을 선포하며 루슬란 스테판 추크(국회 의장)은 국회의원 전원에게 키의 우를 떠나는 것을 금지, 어길 시 반역자로 여길 것이라 말했습니다.

러시아는 이날 항공, 군사시설, 발전소 등을 주로 공격해 장악했습니다.

군사 작전 이틀째, 러시아군은 체르노빌 원자력 발전소를 점령했습니다.

또 러시아 곳곳과 영국 등 세계 각지에서는 전쟁 반대(No to War) 시위가 벌어졌습니다. 다만 러시아에서는 방위군이 시위대를 체포했으며, 개인 시위 진행자들 또한 체포 대상에 포함돼 구금했습니다.

2월 27일: 유럽의 우크라이나 지원, 러시아 제재, 제3국가 시민 사망

우크라이나 정부는 공식 SNS로 암호화폐를 통해서도 후원을 받는다고 밝혔습니다.

독일은 우크라이나에 대전차 유탄발사 기와 스팅어 지대공미사일을 지원하기로 결정했습니다.

우크라이나와 모든 유럽 국가들은 러시아를 국제금융 결제망 SWIFT에서 퇴출시키기로 합의했습니다.

마리우폴에서 러시아군의 공습으로 인한 그리스 국적의 민간인 10명이 사망하고 6명이 부상당했으며 이는 제3국가의 시민이 사망한 최초의 사례였습니다.

러시아 국방부는 핵전력 강화 태세에 돌입했으며 전략미사일 부대와 북해·태평양함대, 장거리 항공 사령부 등 인력을 강화하고 전투 임무를 수행하기 시작했습니다. 이는 대륙간 탄도미사일(ICBM), 잠수함 발사 탄도 미사일(SLBM), 항공 발사 순항 미사일(ALCM) 등, 소위 말하는 Nuclear Triad, 핵전력 3축이라 불리는 것들이며, 러시아 핵전쟁 능력의 전부를 가동한다는 의미였습니다. (쿠바 미사일 위기 이후 처음)

미국 국제 신용평가사 스탠더드 앤드푸어스 (S&P)가 러시아 신용등급을 BB+에서 CCC-로 8단계 강등시켰습니다.

코카콜라가 러시아에 대한 생산 라인을 전면 가동 중단

삼성전자가 러시아 내 스마트폰 생산을 중지

NATO가 우크라이나에 대전차미사일 17,000기, 스팅어 지대공미사일 2,000기를 지원

넷플릭스가 러시아 서비스를 전면적으로 중단

세계은행 위원회가 우크라이나에 7억 2300만 달러의 지원을 결정

마리우폴 시 당국자의 주장에 따르면 러시아의 침공 이래 약 1,300명의 민간인이 사망했다고 합니다. 시신이 너무 많아 공동묘지에 더 이상 매장할 수가 없으며 보디 백에 담긴 시신을 구덩이에 집단으로 묻는 모습이 포착됐습니다.

유니클로 러시아 영업중단

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우크라이나 전쟁 상황 일자별 정리, 러-우 협상내용은?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
블라디미르 푸틴 러시아 대통령은 "러시아는 돈바스 지역에서 특별 군사작전을 진행할 것"이라고 선언했습니다. 러시아 현지시간으로는 새벽 5시 50분 경(우크라이나 기준 4시 50분) 국영방송을 통해 군사작전을 승인한다는 긴급 연설을 한 것이죠. 푸틴 러시아 대통령의 군사 작전 개시 명령 이후 러시아는 우크라이나 전역에 폭격을 퍼붓기 시작했습니다.

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푸틴은 전쟁범죄로 처벌받을 수 있을까? - BBC News 코리아

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전쟁범죄란 무엇이며 푸틴 대통령은 전쟁범죄로 처벌받을 수 있을까?

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러시아VS우크라이나 군사력 비교 / 2차대전 이후 최대의 무력충돌..? [지식스토리]

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우크라이나-러시아 전쟁의 원인으로 가장 많이 언급된 것은 러시아 측의 주장이었다. 1989-91년 국제 냉전이 종결된 후 서방의 군사동맹인 나토가 러시아를 향해 계속 동진해 러시아가 안보 위협을 느꼈기에 어쩔 수 없이 그것에 맞섰다는 주장이다.

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https://m.ytn.co.kr/news_view.php?key=202208241430104255&s_mcd=0104

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[더뉴스] 러시아, 우크라이나 침공 6개월...전황과 피해는?

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■ 진행 : 김영수 앵커, 엄지민 앵커■ 출연 : 박노벽 / 한국외대 국제지역학 초빙교수* 아래 텍스트는 실제 방송 내용과 차이가 있을 수 있으니 보다 정확한 내용은 방송으로 확인하시기 바랍니다. 인용 시 [YTN 더뉴스] 명시해주시기 바랍니다. [앵커] 우크라이나에 하루빨리 평화가 찾아왔으면 좋겠는데요. ...

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우크라이나: CCTV에 촬영된 러시아군의 민간인 살해… 전범 재판은 언제? - BBC News 코리아

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https://youtu.be/xGiFCMKAcnc

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우크라이나: CCTV에 촬영된 러시아군의 민간인 살해… 전범 재판은 언제? - BBC News 코리아

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우크라군, 남부 헤르손 500㎢ 탈환…흔들리는 러시아군 / 연합뉴스TV (YonhapnewsTV)

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[자막뉴스] "러시아군 전쟁 범죄 직접 목격"...한국인의 증언 / YTN

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러시아의 전쟁 범죄 - 한국인의 증언

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러시아의 전쟁 범죄 - 한국인의 증언

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[자막뉴스] "러시아군 전쟁 범죄 직접 목격"...한국인의 증언 / YTN

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https://youtu.be/ALC4iMzupKY
미국 정부, 뉴욕 타임즈가 만든 플랜 A,B,C,D

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우크라이나 전쟁 상황 라이브맵

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우크라이나 전쟁 상황 라이브맵

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https://soar.earth/maps/13735

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밟는 순간 대폭발…러 UR-77도 대전차 지뢰 앞엔 '속수무책' / 연합뉴스 (Yonhapnews)

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참고로 폴란드는 나토 가입국이다!

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https://m.nocutnews.co.kr/news/5849164

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우크라이나를 침공한 러시아가 △에너지 △식량 △안보 등 세계적 위기의 '장본인'으로 떠오른 가운데 지구의 환경도 파괴했다는 주장이 제기됐다.

14일(현지시간) BBC방송에 따르면, 우크라이나는 이집트에서 열린 UN(국제연합‧유엔) COP27 기후정상회의에 참석해 러시아가 전쟁으로 3300만 톤의 온실가스를 배출했다고 주장했다.

이 같은 수치는 산림과 농경지에서 발생한 화재, 저장고 공격으로 인해 불에 탄 원유 등을 포함했다.

우크라이나는 "러시아는 우리의 자연 보호구역에 군사 기지를 만들었다"면서 "전쟁 때문에 우리는 기후 위기를 극복하기 위해 더 많은 것을 해야 한다"고 주장했다.

또 우크라이나 재건을 위해 4900만 톤의 이산화탄소 배출이 불가피하다는 입장이다. 따라서 이 책임은 러시아에 있다고 날을 세웠다.

우크라이나는 지난 2월 러시아가 침공한 이후 △산림 파괴 △유독가스 배출 △수도시설 파괴 등 3700만 유로(약 505억 3700만 원) 규모의 '환경 범죄'에 대한 2천건의 증거를 수집했다. 우크라이나는 이 같은 증거를 토대로 러시아에 보상을 요구할 계획이다.

이밖에 멸종 위기종을 포함해 600마리의 동물과 750종의 식물이 위험에 빠졌다고 덧붙였다. 지난 2월 이후 흑해에서 120마리의 돌고래가 숨졌는데 이 역시 전쟁과 관련 있다는 입장이다

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러시아 전쟁의 또다른 피해자...지구 환경도 파괴

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우크라이나를 침공한 러시아가 △에너지 △식량 △안보 등 세계적 위기의 '장본인'으로 떠오른 가운데 지구의 환경도 파괴했다는 주장이 제기됐다. 14일(현지시간) BBC방송에 따르면, 우크라이나는 이집트에서 열린 UN(국제연합‧유엔) COP27 기후정상회의에 참석해 러시아가 전쟁으로 3300만 톤의 온실가스를 배출했다고 주장했다. 이 같은 수치는 산림과 농경지에서 발생한 화재, 저장고 공격으로 인해 불에 탄 원유 등을 포함했다.

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러시아의 우크라이나 침공으로 인해 온실가스가 수천만t 방출되는 등 2000건의 '환경 범죄'가 일어났다는 주장이 나왔다고 BBC가 14일(현지시간) 보도했다.

이날 이집트에서 진행 중인 제27차 유엔기후변화협약 당사국총회(COP27)에서 루슬란 스트레레츠 우크라이나 환경보호 장관은 "러시아가 벌인 전쟁으로 (지구 온난화의 주범인) 온실가스가 3300만t 배출됐다"고 주장했다. 그는 "이는 도로에 2년 동안 1600만 대의 자동차가 추가되는 것과 같은 효과"라고 말했다.

이 수치는 산불 등 화재로 인한 온실가스 배출, 에너지 저장소 공격 후 불타버린 석유량을 포함해 계산됐다.

우크라이나 측은 지난 2월 침공이 시작된 이후 러시아에 의한 산림 파괴, 유독가스 배출, 수도시설 파손 등 '환경범죄' 2000건과 관련한 증거를 수집했고 이를 바탕으로 러시아에 피해 보상을 요구할 계획이라고 밝혔다.

또 스트레레츠 장관은 우크라이나 재건 과정에서 4900만t의 이산화탄소 배출이 발생할 것이라고 전망했다. 그는 "러시아는 우크라이나 재건에 따른 이산화탄소 배출에도 책임이 있다"면서 "러시아가 벌인 전쟁 때문에 기후 위기가 더 심각해졌고, 이를 극복하기 위한 노력이 더 많이 필요하게 됐다"고 말했다.

BBC는 우크라이나 전쟁으로 인해 동물 600종, 식물 750종의 생존이 위협받았다고 전했다.

지난 10월에는 러시아 군함의 수중 음파 탐지기 탓에 흑해에 서식하는 돌고래 100마리가 집단 폐사했다는 연구 결과가 나왔다. 인간이 목격하지 못한 사례까지 포함하면 실제 죽은 돌고래는 5만 마리로 추정됐다.

연구진은 러시아군 음파 장비가 돌고래의 생존 수단인 반향 위치 측정을 방해해 떼죽음을 일으켰다고 분석했다. 돌고래는 음파 교란이 일어나면 먹이를 찾지 못해 굶어 죽거나 방향감각을 상실해 바위 등에 부딪혀 죽는 것으로 알려져 있다.

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러시아의 우크라이나 침공으로 인해 온실가스가 수천만t 방출되는 등 2000건의 '환경 범죄'가 일어났다는 주장이 나왔다고 BBC가 14일(현지시간) 보도했다. 이날 이집트에서 진행 중인 제27차 유엔기후변화협약 당사국총회(COP27)에서 루슬란 스트레레츠 우크라이나 환경보호 장관은 "러시아가 벌인 전쟁으로 (지구 온난화의 주범인) 온실가스가 3300만t 배출됐다"고 주장했다. 그는 "이는 도로에 2년 동안 1600만 대의 자동차가 추가되는 것과 같은 효과"라고 말했다.

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러시아-우크라이나 전쟁이 시작되며 러시아는 우크라이나의 곡물 수출 금지 조치를 내렸는데 이 여파로 세계의 곡물과 음식등 물가가 급등하며 세계 경기가 안좋아졌다

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https://youtu.be/-Hq60E4ct7I

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러시아군 머리 위로 '쾅'…참호 속 '혼비백산' 다 찍혔다 / 연합뉴스 (Yonhapnews)

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갈등의 원인,역사적 요인

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갈등의 원인,역사적 요인

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러시아 우크라이나 전쟁 상황(+이유, 원인) .. : 네이버블로그 (naver.com)

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쩡권의 건강이야기 : 네이버 블로그

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러시아의 침공으로 우크라이나 현지 환경이 심각한 수준으로 오염되고 있다는 조사결과가 나왔다. 침공 과정에서 배출된 오염 물질은 전쟁이 끝난 후에도 수십 년간 우크라이나를 비롯한 주변국에 악영향을 미칠 수 있어 우려가 커지고 있다.

월스트리트저널(WSJ)은 24일(현지시간) 복수의 환경·보건 전문가를 인용해 러시아의 공격 이후 우크라이나의 공기와 수질, 토양이 크게 오염됐으며 이로 인해 아동들의 발달 지연, 암과 호흡기 질환 등의 위험도가 높아졌다고 보도했다. 이같은 환경 오염은 러시아의 공격으로 우크라이나의 화학 공장과 댐, 정유 시설 등 수천 곳이 파괴되며 엄청난 양의 유독가스와 중금속, 먼지를 포함한 오염 물질이 배출된 탓이다. 환경보건 전문가들은 이를 정화하는데 수년이 걸릴 것으로 예상했다.

현지 오염 상태를 조사 중인 우크라이나 환경단체 '에코액션'에 따르면 수도 키이우(키예프)와 제2의 도시 하르키우, 동부 돈바스의 루한스크에서 등 격전이 벌어진 지역을 중심으로 오염 상황이 심각한 것으로 파악됐다.

서부 리비우의 동쪽 테르노필 지역에서는 지난 4일 러시아군의 미사일 공격으로 비료 저장고가 파괴된 뒤 인근 강물의 암모니아와 질산염 농도가 정상치보다 각각 163배, 50배 높게 검출됐다. 비료의 주성분인 암모니아가 인근 땅과 강으로 퍼져 나가 이 지역 주민들은 당분간 어업이 금지된 상태다. 키이우를 둘러싸고 격렬한 교전이 이어진 지난달 19일 키이우의 대기 중 오염물질 농도는 세계보건기구(WHO) 가이드라인의 30배 가까이 치솟았다.

폐수 문제도 심각하다. 우크라이나의 환경 피해 지역을 모니터링하는 환경 단체 팍스(PAX)는 지난 2월 개전 이후 지금까지 우크라이나의 댐을 포함한 12개 이상의 상수도 시설이 파괴되거나 손상을 입었으며 이로 인해 폐수가 그대로 강으로 방류되고 있다고 설명했다. 우크라이나 전역에 수백 개의 저수지에는 광업 및 산업 활동에서 발생하는 약 60억t의 액체 폐기물이 저장돼 있는데 이 시설들이 파괴될 경우 독성 화학물질이 인근 땅이나 강으로 유출돼 피해는 걷잡을 수 없이 확산될 수 있다.

러시아군이 최근 우크라이나 최대 광공업 지역인 돈바스 지역으로 공세를 집중하면서 우려는 더 커지고 있다. 러시아군은 우크라이나의 연료 저장소와 정유소를 공격 목표로 삼으며 대규모 화재와 그을름, 메탄·이산화탄소 등 유독가스 배출을 촉발시켰다. 돈바스는 대규모 석탄이 매장된 지역으로 탄광과 정유, 중화학 공업단지가 밀집해 있다.

돈바스 지역의 화학·정유 공장, 탄광 등이 파괴될 경우 납, 카드뮴과 같은 유해 중금속이 공기 중으로 퍼지거나 식수원인 지하수로 방출될 가능성이 높아진다. 이와함께 건물 붕괴로 배출되는 석면가루는 1급 발암물질로 비에도 녹지 않고 수십 년간 부유하다 폐암을 유발할 수 있다고 WSJ는 전했다.

전문가들은 오염물질이 바람과 하류를 타고 쉽게 이동하기 때문에 환경 오염으로 인한 피해가 우크라이나 국경을 넘어 주변국으로 번질 가능성이 크다고 경고했다. 실제로 1990년대 초 쿠웨이트에서 이라크 군인들이 수백개의 유전을 폭격했을 당시 전 세계 이산화탄소 배출량의 2%에 달하는 탄소가 배출됐는데 몇 년 후 수백 마일 떨어진 티베트 빙하의 얼음 샘플에서 탄소가 발견된 적이 있다. 전쟁이 끝난 후에도 환경 오염의 후유증은 오랜 기간 남아 사람들의 건강을 위협할 수 있다는 얘기다.

팍스의 윌렘 즈바이제부르크 프로젝트 리더는 "전시 중 환경 피해를 무시하는 경우가 많다"며 "환경은 다른 무엇보다 사람들에게 직접적인 영향을 미치기 때문에 전쟁에 따른 환경 오염을 면밀히 추적해야 한다"고 말했다.

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전쟁터 된 우크라이나 환경 오염 심각···강물 속 오염물질 163배 치솟아

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러시아의 침공으로 우크라이나 현지 환경이 심각한 수준으로 오염되고 있다는 조사결과가 나왔다....

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러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 6개월, 현황과 전망은? [기자 눈Noon] / KBS  2022.08.26.

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https://www.edaily.co.kr/news/read?newsId=01863046632525720&mediaCodeNo=257&OutLnkChk=Y

https://www.nocutnews.co.kr/news/5849164

https://www.news1.kr/articles/4864373

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[글로벌 나우] 우크라이나 “러시아 전쟁범죄 벌여”

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"남편 살해 후 성폭행"…러시아군 만행 폭로한 우크라 여성 / 연합뉴스 (Yonhapnews)

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러시아가 우크라이나를 침공하는 이유

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2개월 전

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[뉴스라이브] 러시아 침공 6개월, 지금 우크라이나는 / YTN

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러-우 전쟁의 본질: 러시아와 우크라이나의 전쟁은 사실상 러시아와 미국의 전쟁입니다. 미국이 러시아를 견제하기 위해 (과거 소련 연방이었던) 동유럽 국가들을 북대서양조약기구(러시아에 대항하기 위한 군사 조약)에 가입하도록 허용하면서 러시아가 반발한 것이 러시아와 우크라이나 전쟁의 본질입니다. 물론 이것을 서방의 시각에서 보면 나토의 존재 자체가 러시아의 서방 진출을 막기 위한 것이므로 러시아의 서진 욕구가 우크라이나와의 충돌을 일으킨 것으로 해석되기도 합니다.

이 전쟁의 승패가 어느 쪽 승리로 귀결되든 이 전쟁의 과정에서 가장 놀란 나라는 중국입니다. 최근 사우스차이나모닝포스트에 실린 이 칼럼 은 중국이 왜 이번 전쟁으로 놀라고 걱정하게 됐는지를 설명해줍니다.

외환보유액 몰수된 러시아 : 러시아의 우크라이나 침공 후 미국을 중심으로 한 서구 국가들은 대러 경제 제재를 결정했는데, 그중 가장 주목할 만한 것은 러시아가 보유한 외환보유액을 몰수한 것입니다. 정확히 말하면 몰수가 아니라 계좌 동결이지만 결국은 같은 말입니다. 러시아는 그동안 쌓아놓은 국부를 갑자기 사용하지 못하게 된 것입니다.

러시아는 석유와 지하 자원 등을 수출해 돈을 벌어들이고 그 돈을 달러나 유로, 위안, 금 등으로 바꿔서 보관해놓는데 달러나 유로는 미국과 유럽의 돈이므로 미국과 유럽의 금융회사에 예치해놓을 수밖에 없습니다. 러시아든 어디든 돈을 맡긴 고객이 언제든지 그 돈을 인출하려고 할 때 얼마든지 인출해줄 수 있는 곳은 그 돈을 찍어낼 수 있는 미국과 유럽뿐이기 때문입니다.

이번엔 중립 안 지킨 금융회사들 : 그런데 미국과 유럽이 러시아의 그 돈을 꺼낼 수 없도록 압류해버렸습니다. 이건 매우 이례적이면서도 놀라운 일인데, 왜나하면 과거에는 국가 간 분쟁이 있더라도 금융회사들은 그 분쟁에서 중립을 지키는 것이 관행이거나 원칙이었기 때문입니다.

그런데 이런 일이 앞으로도 자주 생긴다면 이제는 미국과 대결할 가능성이 있는 나라들은 자국의 재산을 미국 달러화로 보관하기 어려워집니다. 미국 금융회사에 보관돼 있는 재산은 미국 정부와 대립하는 순간 휴지가 될 수 있다는 걸 보여줬기 때문입니다.

中의 우려 '서방에 쌓아놓은 자산은 갑자기 휴지가 될 수 있다!' : 예를 들어 우리는 범법 행위를 한 범죄자라도 식당에서 돈을 내고 음식을 사 먹을 수 있고 신용카드를 쓸 수 있습니다. 범죄 행위는 그 행위대로 처벌할 뿐 그의 나머지 재산이나 음식을 구매하는 행위를 제재할 이유가 없기 때문입니다. 그런데 만약 범죄자들에게는 음식을 팔지 않거나 신용카드를 사용할 수 없게 규제한다면 범죄를 저지를 가능성이 있는(사실상 전국민이 여기에 해당됩니다. 그 누구도 본의 아니게 또는 불가피하게라도 범죄를 저지를 가능성이 0이라고 장담하기는 어렵습니다) 사람들은 집에 비상 식량을 쌓아놓거나 재산의 상당 부분을 현금으로 쌓아놔야 합니다. 똑같은 고민을 이번 사건을 계기로 중국이 하기 시작했다는 게 앞서 인용한 칼럼의 요지입니다.

달러 대신 금으로 보관하면 될까? : 중국은 3조 달러의 외환 보유액을 대부분 달러로 보유하고 있는데 이건 미국과 대결하는 순간 그 외환 보유액이 휴지가 될 수도 있다는 걸 의미합니다. 그러나 그걸 아는 중국이라도 다른 대안이 없습니다. 무역 흑자를 통해 벌어들인 달러를 다른 자산으로 바꿔서 보관할 대안이 없습니다. 금 실물이 떠오르는 대안이지만 지구상의 금은 약 6조달러어치 뿐이고 이 중 2조달러어치는 이미 여러 나라 중앙은행들이 보유하고 있습니다. 나머지 금을 거의 전부 중국 정부가 사들여야 하는데 이건 불가능합니다.

중국이 일대일로 사업이라는 명분으로 중국의 주변국들에게 돈을 빌려주고 그 돈으로 인프라 구축을 하게 하는 것은 중국의 국부를 달러 자산 이외의 다른 형태로 분산하려는 노력이기도 합니다. 벌어들인 돈을 어떤 형태로 보관해야 하느냐는 고민, 달러나 유로화는 답이 아니라는 의심이 앞으로 세계 금융을 어떻게 바꾸어 놓을지는 매우 예민하면서도 귀추가 주목되는 주제입니다.

새로운 사실: 요즘 시중금리가 오르고 있습니다. 사실 시중금리라는 표현은 매우 모호해서 여러가지 금리 중에 어떤 금리를 의미하느냐를 구체적으로 지목해야 하는 경우가 많습니다. 중앙은행이 결정하는 기준금리, 은행이 결정하는 예금 또는 대출금리, 그리고 시장에서 결정되는 장기 또는 단기 국고채 금리 등이 그 '여러 가지 금리'에 포함됩니다.

국고채 금리가 오른다 : 요즘 오르고 있는 것은 국고채 금리입니다. 최근 수년간 국고채 3년물의 금리 흐름 을 보면 최근의 금리 수준은 2.5%로 7년 6개월 만에 가장 높은 수준입니다.

금리가 올라가는 이유는 미국이 계속 금리를 올리겠다는 공언을 하면서 미국의 시중금리가 올라가고 있고 한국에서는 코로나 피해 상인들에 대한 손실 보상을 위해 50조원의 재정 지출을 준비하고 있기 때문(이 돈은 시중에서 채권을 발행해서 끌어모아야하므로 돈의 수요가 늘어서 시중 금리가 올라갑니다) 입니다.

대출금리는 왜 내릴까 : 참고로 요즘 대출금리는 오히려 내려가고 있습니다. 이유는 지난해 하반기부터 올해 초까지 정부가 실제 금리 흐름과는 무관하게 과도한 고금리를 강제하면서 대출 조이기를 해온 것이 그 지속성을 잃었기 때문입니다.

놓치면 아까운 소식

🇯🇵 일본 엔화는 달러화 등 기축통화에 버금 가는 대표적 안전 자산으로 꼽혀왔죠. 그런데 이 엔화 가치가 최근 급속히 추락하고 있습니다. 24일(현지 시각) 뉴욕 외환 시장에서 엔-달러 환율은 122.4엔까지 치솟았습니다. 122엔을 넘긴 건 2015년 11월 이후 처음입니다. 원인은 미국의 금리 인상과 겹친 일본의 장기 저성장이 꼽힙니다. 미국 중앙은행이 이번달 3년 3개월 만에 금리를 올리면서 전반적인 달러 가치가 올랐죠. 우리나라 등 각국이 선제적으로 금리를 올리면서 자국 통화 가치 하락에 대비해온 것과 달리, 일본은 저금리 기조를 유지하며 경기 부양에 힘을 쏟고 있습니다.

⛽️ 정부가 이르면 다음달부터 휘발유 등에 부과되는 유류세 인하폭을 20%에서 30%로 확대한다는 뉴스 입니다. 30%는 정부가 유류세를 법적으로 인하할 수 있는 최대치입니다. 휘발유 기준 리터당 82원의 가격 인하 효과가 발생할 전망인데요. 앞서 정부는 작년 11월 중순부터 올해 4월까지 유류세를 20% 한시 인하하기로 했었습니다. 그러나 유가 추가 상승으로 에너지 가격 불안이 가라앉지 않자 해당 시한을 7월까지 연장했는데요. 그럼에도 에너지 가격이 계속 오르자 이번에 또 유류세 인하를 결정한 겁니다.

💻 웨이브·티빙 등 국내 OTT(온라인 동영상 서비스) 요금이 다음달부터 2000원가량 오릅니다. 삼성 갤럭시 등 안드로이드 스마트폰·태블릿 이용자가 대상인데요. 구글이 다음 달부터 새로운 앱 장터 수수료 정책을 적용하는 게 그 배경입니다. 앞서 구글은 앱 개발사들이 앱 장터에 자신들의 앱을 무료로 등록할 수 있도록 해주는 대신 앱에서 결제가 이뤄지면 최대 30% 수수료를 받아왔습니다. 이에 앱 개발사들은 외부 홈페이지나 별도 결제 앱으로 넘어가 결제하게 하는 수수료 회피책을 써왔습니다. 구글이 이 수수료 회피를 차단하기로 한 대신 수수료율을 15%로 낮추면서 요금 상승으로 이어진 겁니다. 대신 웨이브·티빙 등 OTT 홈페이지에 직접 들어가서 결제하면 기존 요금 그대로 결제할 수 있다네요.

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🧨 러-우 전쟁에 중국이 놀란 이유?

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러-우 전쟁의 본질: 러시아와 우크라이나의 전쟁은 사실상 러시아와 미국의 전쟁입니다. 미국이 러시아를 견제하기 위해 (과거 소련 연방이었던) 동유럽 국가들을 북대서양조약기구(러시아에 대항하기 위한 군사 조약)에 가입하도록 허용하면서 러시아가 반발한 것이 러시아와 우크라이나 전쟁의 본질입니다. 물론 이것을 서방의 시각에서 보면 나토의 존재 자체가 러시아의 서방 진출을 막기 위한 것이므로 러시아의 서진 욕구가 우크라이나와의 충돌을 일으킨 것으로 해석되기도 합니다.

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우크라이나 전쟁 전망 - 러시아의 핵 사용

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우크라이나 전쟁 전망 - 러시아의 핵 사용

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[단독] "6시간이면 러 패배"…푸틴, '핵 카드' 주저하는 이유 / SBS

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우크라이나 전쟁 전황 정리 11월 11일 - 헤르손 탈환...크림 반도가 코앞이다

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전쟁으로 인한 피해 및 범죄

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전쟁으로 인한 피해 및 범죄

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https://youtu.be/yq7X1q7uSE0

https://youtu.be/-DB-cJfedLg

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"여자 속옷이나 훔쳐가는 러시아군‥이러려고 전쟁 일으켰나?" (2022.04.14/뉴스데스크/MBC)

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[자막뉴스] "전쟁 종식의 시작"...기쁨의 눈물 흘린 젤렌스키 / YTN

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우크라이나 전쟁 전망 - 겨울전쟁

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2022년10월27일 현재 우-러 전쟁상황(뉴스와이드 스케치 NewsWide Sketch)

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"대놓고 전쟁범죄"...러 폭격에 우크라 1162개 도시 정전

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BY 전자신문] <17일(현지시간) 우크라이나 남부 미콜라이우에 있는 해바라기유 저장탱크가 러시아의 자...

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우크라군, 러 점령지 탈환 전투영상 공개 / 연합뉴스 (Yonhapnews)

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러시아 우크라이나 전쟁 범죄

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러시아 우크라이나 5분 정리｜크랩

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[우크라이나 전쟁 상황] 러 지휘부, 전투 끝난 수미지역 공격 지시 | 우, 결사 끝에 러 군 최강 전차부대 궤멸

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러시아 점령지를 탈환한 우크라이나군

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류리크가 지금의 벨리키 노브고로드에서 류리크 왕조를 세우고, 류리크 이후 제2대 대공에 오른 바랑인 올레그가 882년 지금의 우크라이나 지방을 정복하고 중심지를 이 곳으로 옮겨 키예프 공국을 세웠다. 이 나라가 우크라이나의 시초다. 이 키예프 공국은 동슬라브 3국의 정체성이 구별되기 전에 존재했던 나라로 러시아 역사의 시초이기도 하므로 러시아와 벨라루스, 우크라이나는 본래 한 뿌리였다. 당시 키예프 루스인들은 겨울철에 오늘날 러시아, 벨라루스에 속한 삼림 지역에서 벌목을 해서 만든 목재로 작은 배를 만들어 각기 특산물을 가지고 드니프로 강과 그 지류를 배를 타고 내려가 먼저 지류가 모이는 키예프로 집결한 후, 강을 따라 함께 흑해로 내려갔다. 키예프에서 집결했다가 한꺼번에 내려가는 이유는 튀르크계 페체네그족의 약탈과 습격을 피하기 위해서였다. 바랑인 스뱌토슬라프가 이끄는 키예프 공국이 10세기 사이에 하자르 칸국을 쳐부수고, 장악하던 흑해와 북유럽을 잇는 하천 교역로를 정복하였다.

이 시기, 키예프 루스를 구성하던 공국들은 동로마 제국으로부터 기독교를 받아들이기 시작했다. 동로마 제국의 명군인 바실리오스 2세 재위 시절 키예프 공국의 볼로디미르 1세는 동로마 제국으로부터 정교회를 받아들였다. 이는 유대교를 믿은 하자르 칸국이나 이슬람을 믿는 불가르족, 가톨릭을 믿는 폴란드 왕국[3]같은 이웃 경쟁자들과 키예프 공국을 차별화하려는 의도였다. 9세기 동로마 제국의 슬라브족 출신 선교사 키릴로스와 메토디오스 형제가 대 모라비아 왕국과 불가리아 제1제국에 선교를 하면서 만든 키릴 문자가 나중에 키예프 루스에도 도입되었다. 이 시기의 키예프 공국은 드니프로 강을 중심으로 스칸디아비아와 흑해를 잇는 교역을 바탕으로 상공업이 지속적으로 발전한 것은 물론, 아바스 칼리파조와 동로마 제국에서 직수입한 문물을 통해서 서유럽보다 더 발전된 문화를 자랑했다. 불가리아어를 바탕으로 한 교회 슬라브어로 중세 초부터 중세 말까지 러시아의 연대기가 작성되었다.

그러나 키예프 공국은 체계적인 세금 징수 시스템이나 행정 시스템이 잡혀있지 않았으며, 안정되지 않은 공위 계승권 문제로 잦은 내분에 시달리고 있었다. 중앙집권은 커녕 공위 계승권이 안정되지 않았기에 공위 계승권자들이 서로 다른 도시를 다스리며 내전을 벌이는 일이 흔했고, 흑해 연안의 페체네그인, 쿠만인들과 같은 유목민들과 지속적으로 힘겨루기를 하는 과정에서 확실한 우위를 점할 수가 없었다. 종종 야로슬라프 1세가 페체네그족 침략자들을 궤멸시키거나 블라디미르 모노마흐 같은 유능한 지도자들이 나타나 루스를 재결합할 때도 있었지만, 흑해와 스칸디나비아를 잇는 교역로가 쇠퇴하면서 국운이 기울기 시작했다. 키예프가 위치한 드니프로 강 일대의 비옥한 흑토 지대는 키예프 공국이 강성하던 당시에는 플러스 요인이었겠지만, 탁 트인 평야 지대인 특성상 유목민으로부터 방어하기 힘든 위치였다.

소련 치세에서 이런 우크라이나 탄압은 트로츠키와는 앙숙이었던 이오시프 스탈린 치하에서도 마찬가지였다. 특히 스탈린이 추진한 집단농장화 정책 때문에 소련 전역에서 아사자가 대량 발생했는데, 피해는 특히 우크라이나와 카자흐스탄에 집중되었다. 바로 1932년~1933년의 우크라이나 대기근이다.[30] 때문에 미국인들이 가진 대공황에 건 뿌리깊은 공포 이상으로 우크라이나가 기근에의 공포심은 크다. 현대 우크라이나의 반러감정의 직접적인 연원이기도 하다. 소련에서 집단농장화 정책을 펼 때 가장 반발이 심했던 지역이 우크라이나와 카자흐스탄이었는데[31] 기근의 피해가 유독 바로 그 우크라이나와 카자흐스탄에 집중되었으니, 일부러 소련에서 우크라이나인들을 작정하고 굶겨죽였다고 의심할 만했다. 동부 우크라이나는 제정러시아 시절부터 석탄의 주산지였는데, 스탈린의 무자비한 공업화 몰빵으로 엄청나게 산업화했다. 그러면서 이곳에 러시아인 인력이 다수가 이주해와서 살았다. 소련 공산당 서기장을 지낸 니키타 흐루쇼프도 러시아로 이주해온 광부였다.

우크라이나 태생으로 소련의 고위직에 오른 인물로는 트로츠키, 보로실로프, 즈다노프, 리즈코프 등이 있다.

제2차 세계대전 초기의 독소 불가침조약에 따른 폴란드 분할 당시, 폴란드에 속하던 서우크라이나 지역은 소련이 합병한다. 소련은 서부 우크라이나를 자국의 우크라이나 사회주의공화국에 편입시키면서 1921년 '빼앗긴' 영토를 수복한다는 명분을 내세웠다. 한편 서부의 우크라이나인들은 2차 대전 당시에 나치 독일에 협력하여 유대인들과 폴란드인들을 상대로 제노사이드를 벌였다. 폴란드인은 폴란드 정부에서 동화를 강요했으므로, 유대인은 경제의 대지분을 차지했으므로 불만을 가졌다. 이후 독소전쟁으로 독일이 전전의 폴란드 동부 영토로 밀고 들어오자 해당 지역의 우크라이나인들은 이에 협력하여 해당 지역의 유대인들을 학살하는 데에 적극 동참했다

1980년대 후반에 소련이 개혁개방에 나서자 그 동안 숨죽였던 우크라이나 독립운동이 목소리를 내기 시작했다. 소련 전체의 경기침체가 지속될수록 우크라이나 독립운동세력의 세는 커져갔고, 1990년 우크라이나 최고 소비에트 선거에서 상당수의 의석을 확보하며 약진했다. 하지만 이때까지도 소련 해체는 서부와 키이우에서만 지지를 받았을뿐, 동부에서는 여전히 우크라이나 독립에 대해 미적지근한 입장을 보였으며 1991년 소련 국민투표때까지도 독립을 하기보다는 소련에 잔류하자는 의견이 더 높은 지지를 보였다.

하지만 러시아에서 옐친이 대통령이 되어 중앙정부와 따로 놀려고하는 태도를 보였기 때문에 우크라이나도 좀더 독자적인 행보를 보여야된다는 의견이 점점 지지세를 늘렸고 그러던 도중에 8월 쿠데타가 벌어졌다. 쿠데타가 미수로 그쳤지만 중앙정부가 무력화되어 독립을 제어할 방해막이 제거된데다가 경기침체는 지속되었기에 독립의 목소리는 높아졌고, 동부지역에서도 서방으로부터 경제지원을 받기 위해 독립을 하는것이 낫다는 여론이 대세가 되어 1991년 우크라이나 독립투표에서 당초 독립반대 여론이 높을것으로 예상되었던 도네츠크와 루한스크 등 동부에서도 독립찬성이 압도적으로 다수를 차지했고 그나마 크림반도 정도만이 접전을 기록한 정도였다. 이러한 독립투표는 고르바초프의 재기할 발판을 완전히 제거했고, 크라우추크는 61%의 득표율을 확보하며 우크라이나의 초대 대통령이라는 타이틀을 달수있었다. 하지만 독립 후 우크라이나의 경제상황은 어려웠다. 우선 가격자유화로 초인플레이션이 터지면서 예금이 급속히 휴지조각이 되고, 복지제도도 마비되어 우크라이나 국민들의 구매력이 급속히 저하되었고, 지하경제도 판을 쳤으며, 서방의 지원도 예상보다 미적지근 했기 때문이었다. 이런 암울한 경제상황을 몇년간 지속되어 1994년에 임금지급을 요구하는 도네츠크 지역 광부들의 파업이 터지자 레오니드 크라우추크는 재신임 투표격으로 대통령 선거를 예정보다 일찍 치렀고 1994년 대통령 선거에서 레오니드 쿠치마가 집권했다. 레오니드 쿠치마는 화폐개혁을 통해 물가상승을 어느정도 잠재우는데 성공했고, IMF 외환위기 기간이 지나자 우크라이나의 경제성장률이 고공행진하기 시작하여 우크라이나의 경제난을 종식시키는 업적을 세웠다. 그러나 레오니드 쿠치마는 쿠치마 역시 부패에서 자유로운 정치인은 아닌지라 민영화 과정에서 올리가르히들과의 유착이 많았고, 거기에 더해 2001년에는 기자살해사건이 폭로되면서 쿠치마에 대한 반대시위가 대대적으로 일어나며 쿠치마에 대한 민심은 바닥에 떨어졌다.

하지만 쿠치마에 대한 반대세력은 좌로는 우크라이나 공산당에서 우로는 우크라이나 민족주의 세력에 이르기까지 다양했고, 이 때문에 이해관계도 복잡했던지라 쿠치마 정권에 대한 탄핵에까지는 이르지는 못했으며, 이후 야누코비치가 동부와 러시아계 주민들을 대상으로 지지세를 늘리며 정권재창출은 가능할 정도의 지지세는 확보하게 되었다. 한 편 반 쿠치마 진영에서는 빅토르 유센코를 대안으로 내세웠고, 2004년 대선은 접전이었지만 야누코비치가 쿠치마의 후계자라는 한계때문에 유셴코가 다소 우세할것으로 보였다. 그러나 개표결과는 야누코비치의 근소한 표차 당선되었지만. 선거과정에서 많은 부정이 저질렀다는것이 알려지게 되면서 시위가 일어났고, 결국 재선거를 통해 유셴코가 당선되었다. 이것을 오렌지 혁명이라고 한다. 그러나 그럼에도 불구하고 야누코비치가 만만치 않은 지지를 얻었던것은 사실이었기 때문에 많은 동부유권자들이 억하심정을 드러내고있던데다가, 유셴코도 티모센코와 갈등이 일어나며 유셴코의 지지기반이 공중분해되어버렸으며 2006년 총선에서 야누코비치가 총리가 되는 일이 벌어지기도 했다가 의회해산을 통한 재총선을 통해 티모셴코가 2007년부터 2010년까지 총리를 역임하였지만 유셴코와 갈등을 벌였던것은 여전했고, 유셴코는 2008년 세계금융위기에 대한 대처에 실패해 지지율이 10%대에 불과했다. 2010년 대선은 접전으로 서북부는 티모셴코, 동남부는 야누코비치를 지지하는 현상이 극명히 나타났으며 야누코비치는 낙승이 예상된 당초 예상에 비해서 신승을 했지만 대통령직에 오르는데 성공했다. 하지만 대통령이 된 야누코비치 티모센코를 감옥에 보내는 악수를 냈고, 2011년으로 호전세를 보였던 경제도 2013년을 기점으로 외환위기가 닥쳐오면서 다시 악화될 조짐을 보이자 러시아의 경제지원을 받아들일려고 했다가 대규모 시위가 일어났고, 그간의 업보로 인해서 야누코비치가 유로마이단 혁명으로 축출되었다. 하지만 동부에서는 친서방 정치인들을 못믿겠다는 여론이 여전히 다수를 차지했고, 거기에 더해서 친서방 세력들이 동부를 자극하는 발언까지 보도되자, 일부지역에서는 아예 러시아와 붙겠다는 선택을 했고, 이로 인해서 안보위기가 발생하게 되었다.

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전쟁의 역사 참고 영상2

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전쟁의 역사 참고 영상2

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러시아와 우크라이나. 이 둘은 왜 대립할까? [러시아-우크라이나 갈등 총정리]

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러시아의 입장 : 우크라이나가 러시아를 위협하고 있다.
이유1 : 우크라이나가 나토(NATO)에 가입하려고 하는데 그러면, 미국의 무기와 군대가 러시아의 국경으로 오기 때문에
이유2 : 우크라이나는 세계3위 핵무기 국가였는데 1994년에 부각페스트 양해각서를 체결 함으로서 우크라이나는 핵을 포기했고, 지원을 받고, 침략을 안하겠다는 약속을 받아냈다. 그래서 우크라이나의 핵이 없어지자 침략이 가능해졌고, 결국 약속을 어기면서 침략을 했다.

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https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=p9aJKx7M6H0

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우크라-러시아: 조국의 전쟁을 바라보는 사람들 - BBC News 코리아

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https://youtu.be/ivW1NgFi9QM

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우크라이나 전장 다녀온 기자들의 이야기 (우크라이나 침공, 러시아, 전쟁, 종군기자, 특파원, 사진기자) / 연합뉴스 (Yonhapnews)

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우크라 러시아 앞으로의 전망

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우크라 러시아 앞으로의 전망

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https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=lFEUp-f_7Ds

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러시아, 우크라이나 사태 이후 세계 경제는 '이렇게' 바뀝니다 (박종훈 기자)

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https://youtu.be/Lc2gyzEeBQA

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우크라이나 전쟁 상황 라이브 맵 링크(11/20)

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우크라이나 전쟁 상황 라이브 맵 링크(11/20)

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https://soar.earth/maps/13811

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Explore and download satellite, aerial and drone imagery of the Earth.

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참고 자료: 영어 위키백과

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참고 자료: 영어 위키백과

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Ukraine#History

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Prehistoric Ukraine, as a part of the Pontic steppe in Eastern Europe, played an important role in Eurasian cultural contacts, including the spread of the Chalcolithic, the Bronze Age, Indo-European migrations and the domestication of the horse.

After a 1648 rebellion of the Cossacks against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky agreed to the Treaty of Pereyaslav in January 1654. The exact nature of the relationship established by this treaty between the Cossack Hetmanate and Russia remains a matter of scholarly controversy. The agreement precipitated the Russo-Polish War of 1654-67 and the failed Treaty of Hadiach which would have formed Polish-Lithuanian-Ruthenian Commonwealth. In consequence, by the Treaty of Perpetual Peace, signed in 1686, the eastern portion of Ukraine (east of the Dnieper River) was to come under Russian rule, 146,000 rubles were to be paid to Poland as compensation for the loss of the Right Bank of Ukraine, and the parties agreed not to sign a separate treaty with the Ottoman Empire. The treaty was strongly opposed in Poland and was not ratified by the Polish-Lithuanian Sejm until 1710. The legal legitimacy of its ratification has been disputed. According to Jacek Staszewski, the treaty was not confirmed by a resolution of the Sejm until its 1764 session.

A chaotic period of warfare ensued after the Russian Revolutions of 1917, as well as a simultaneous war in the former Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria following the dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy after World War I. The partially-recognised Ukrainian People's Republic emerged from its own civil war of 1917-1921. The Soviet-Ukrainian War (1917-1921) followed, in which the Bolshevik Red Army established control in late 1919. The Ukrainian Bolsheviks, who had defeated the national government in Kyiv, established the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, which on 30 December 1922 became one of the founding republics of the Soviet Union. Initial Soviet policy on Ukrainian language and Ukrainian culture made Ukrainian the official language of administration and schools. Policy in the 1930s turned to Russification. In 1932 and 1933, millions of people, mostly peasants, in Ukraine starved to death in a devastating famine, known as Holodomor. It is estimated that 6 to 8 million people died from hunger in the Soviet Union during this period, of whom 4 to 5 million were Ukrainians. Nikita Khrushchev was appointed the head of the Ukrainian Communist Party in 1938.

After the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany invaded Poland in September 1939, the Ukrainian SSR's territory expanded westward. Axis armies occupied Ukraine from 1941 to 1944. During World War II the Ukrainian Insurgent Army fought for Ukrainian independence against both Germany and the Soviet Union. In 1953, Nikita Khrushchev, a Russian, succeeded as head of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union enabled a Ukrainian revival, and in 1954 the republic expanded to the south with the transfer of Crimea from Russia. Nevertheless, political repressions against poets, historians and other intellectuals continued, as in all other parts of the USSR.

Ukraine became independent again when the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991. This started a period of transition to a market economy, in which Ukraine suffered an eight-year recession. Subsequently however, the economy experienced a high increase in GDP growth until the economy plunged during the Great Recession.

Prehistory

Settlement in Ukraine by members of the genus has been documented into distant prehistory. The Neanderthals are associated with the Molodova archaeological sites (45,000-43,000 BC) which include a mammoth bone dwelling. The earliest documented evidence of Modern humans are found in Gravettian settlements dating to 32,000 BC in the Buran-Kaya cave site of the Crimean Mountains.

In the late Neolithic times, the Cucuteni-Trypillian Culture flourished from about 4,500-3,000 BC. The Copper Age people of the Cucuteni-Trypillian Culture resided in the western part, and the Sredny Stog Culture further east, succeeded by the early Bronze Age Yamna (" Kurgan") culture of the steppes, and by the Catacomb culture in the 3rd millennium BC.

During the Iron Age, these peoples were followed by the Dacians as well as nomadic peoples like the Cimmerians (archaeological Novocherkassk culture), Scythians and Sarmatians. The Scythian kingdom existed here from 750 to 250 BC. Along with other ancient Greek colonies founded in the 6th century BC on the northeastern shore of the Black Sea, the colonies of Tyras, Olbia, and Hermonassa continued as Roman and Byzantine cities until the 6th century AD.[citation needed ]

In the Scythian campaign of Darius I, Darius' army subjugated several Thracian peoples, and virtually all other regions that touch the European part of the Black Sea, such as parts of nowadays Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, and Russia, before it returned to Asia Minor.

In the 3rd century AD, the Goths arrived in the lands of modern Ukraine around 250-375 AD, which they called Oium, corresponding to the archaeological Chernyakhov culture. The Ostrogoths stayed in the area but came under the sway of the Huns from the 370s. North of the Ostrogothic kingdom was the Kyiv culture, flourishing from the 2nd-5th centuries, when it was also overrun by the Huns. After they helped defeat the Huns at the battle of Nedao in 454, the Ostrogoths were allowed by the Romans to settle in Pannonia.[citation needed ]

Early Slavs

With the power vacuum created with the end of Hunnic and Gothic rule, Early Slavs, possibly emerging from the remnants of the Kyiv culture, began to expand over much of the territory that is now Ukraine during the 5th century, and beyond to the Balkans from the 6th century.

Many theories of the origins Early Slavs, although not known for sure, suggest they may have originated near Polesia.

Middle Ages

Early Middle Ages

In the 7th century, the territory of modern Ukraine was the core of the state of the Bulgars (often referred to as Old Great Bulgaria) with its capital city of Phanagoria. At the end of the 7th century, most Bulgar tribes migrated in several directions and the remains of their state were absorbed by the Khazars, a semi- nomadic people from Central Asia.

The Khazars founded the Khazar kingdom near the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus. The kingdom included western Kazakhstan and parts of Crimea, eastern Ukraine, southern Russia and Azerbaijan. The Khazars dominated enough of the Pontic-Caspian steppe such that there was a Pax Khazarica in terms of trade, which allowed long distance trade to occur in safety, including groups like the Radhanite Jews who traded as far as China to Tabriz, as well as the trade networks that surrounded Volga Bulgaria. This attracted other traders such as the Vikings in the Viking Age who would found Kievan Rus'.

In 941 AD, the Prince of Kyiv invaded the Byzantine Empire but was defeated in the Rus'-Byzantine War (941).

In the 11th century, Kievan Rus' was geographically the largest state in Europe, becoming known in the rest of Europe as Ruthenia (the Latin name for Rus'), especially for western principalities of Rus' after the Mongol invasion. It reached its highest importance during the reigns of Vladimir the Great and Yaroslav the Wise. Kievan Rus was never a fully centralized state, but rather a loose aggregation of principalities ruled by members of the Rurikovich dynasty.

Christianity

While Christianity had made headway into the territory of modern Ukraine before the first ecumenical council, the Council of Nicaea (325) (particularly along the Black Sea coast, with the clearest evidence being the Christianization of the Crimean Goths) and, in western Ukraine during the time of the Empire of Great Moravia, the formal governmental acceptance of Christianity in Rus' occurred in 988. The major promoter of the Christianization of Kievan Rus' was the Grand-Duke Vladimir the Great. His Christian interest was midwifed by his grandmother, Princess Olga. Later, an enduring part of the East-Slavic legal tradition was set down by the Kievan ruler, Yaroslav I, who promulgated the Russkaya Pravda (Truth of Rus') which endured through the Lithuanian period of Rus'.

In 1322, Pope John XXII established a diocese in Caffa (modern day Feodosia), which broke apart the Diocese of Khanbaliq (modern day Beijing), the only Catholic presence in all of the Mongol lands. For a few centuries, it would be the main see over an area that stretched from the balkans to Sarai.

Disintegration of Kievan Rus' and Mongol invasion

Conflict among the various principalities of Rus', in spite of the efforts of Grand Prince Vladimir Monomakh, led to decline, beginning in the 12th century. In Rus' propria, the Kyiv region, the nascent Rus' principalities of Halych and Volhynia extended their rule. In the north, the name of Moscow appeared in the historical record in the Principality of Suzdal, which gave rise to the nation of Russia. In the north-west, the Principality of Polotsk increasingly asserted the autonomy of Belarus. Kyiv was sacked by the Principality of Vladimir (1169) in the power struggle between princes and later by Cuman and Mongol raiders in the 12th and 13th centuries, respectively. Subsequently, all principalities of present-day Ukraine acknowledged dependence upon the Mongols (1239-1240). In 1240, the Mongols sacked Kyiv, and many people fled to other countries.

Galicia-Volhynia

A successor state to the Kievan Rus' on part of the territory of today's Ukraine was the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia. Previously, Vladimir the Great had established the cities of Halych and Volodymyr as regional capitals. The region was inhabited by the Dulebe, Tiverian and White Croat tribes[citation needed ]. Initially both Volhynia and Galicia were separate principalities, ruled by descendants of Yaroslav the Wise (Galicia by Rostislavich dynasty, and Volhynia initially by Igorevich and eventually by Iziaslavich dynasty). During the rule Yaroslav Osmomysl (1153-1187) Galicia extended to the Black Sea. Rulers of both principalites were trying to extend the rule over another. It was finally achieved by Roman the Great (1197-1205), who not only united both Galicia and Volhynia, but also extened his rule to Kyiv for a short period of time.

His death was followed by a period of turmoil that lasted until his son Daniel regained the throne in 1238. Daniel managed to rebuild his father's state, including Kiev. Daniel paid tribute to the Mongol khan, who appointed him baskak, responsible for collecting tribute from the Rus princes. In 1253 he was cronwed by a papal delegation "King of Rus'" ( Latin: rex Russiae); previously, the rulers of Rus' were termed " Grand Dukes" or "Princes."

Polish and Lithuanian rule

During the 14th century, Poland and Lithuania fought wars against the Mongol invaders, and eventually most of Ukraine passed to the rule of Poland and Lithuania. More particularly, Red Ruthenia, and part of Volhynia and Podolia became part of Poland. King of Poland adopted the tile of "lord and heir of Ruthenia" ( Latin: Russiae dominus et Heres). Lithuania took control of Polotsk, Volhynia, Chernihiv, and Kyiv following Battle of Blue Waters (1362/63), and the rulers of Lithuania then adopted the title of ruler of Rus'. Also the Genoese founded some colonies in Crimean coasts until the Ottoman conquest in the 1470s.

After the downfall of Kyivan Rus' and Galicia-Volhynia, their political, cultural and religious life continued under Lithuanian control. Ruthenian aristocrats, for example, the Olelkovich, joined the governing class of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as members of the grand duke's privy council, senior military leaders, and administrators. Despite Lithuanian being the native language of the ruling class, the main written languages within the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were Latin, Old Church Slavonic, as well as Ruthenian, with East Slavonic Chancery being replaced by Polish in the early modern period.

In 1490, due to increased oppression of Ukrainians at the hands of the Polish, a series of successful rebellions was led by Ukrainian Petro Mukha, joined by other Ukrainians, such as early Cossacks and Hutsuls, in addition to Moldavians ( Romanians). Known as Mukha's Rebellion, this series of battles was supported by the Moldavian prince Stephen the Great, and it is one of the earliest known uprisings of Ukrainians against Polish oppression. These rebellions saw the capture of several cities of Pokuttya, and reached as far west as Lviv, but without capturing the latter.

The 15th-century decline of the Golden Horde enabled the foundation of the Crimean Khanate, which occupied present-day Black Sea shores and southern steppes of Ukraine. Until the late 18th century, the Crimean Khanate maintained a massive slave trade with the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East, exporting about 2 million slaves from Russia and Ukraine over the period 1500-1700. It remained a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire until 1774, when it was finally dissolved by the Russian Empire in 1783.

Early modern period

Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth

After the Union of Lublin in 1569 and the formation of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Ukraine fell under the Polish administration, becoming part of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland. The period immediately following the creation of the Commonwealth saw a huge revitalisation in colonisation efforts. Many new cities and villages were founded & links between different Ukrainian regions, such as Halych Land and Volhynia were greatly extended.

Cossack era

The 1648 Ukrainian Cossack ( Kozak) rebellion or Khmelnytsky Uprising, which started an era known as the Ruin (in Polish history as The Deluge), undermined the foundations and stability of the Commonwealth. The nascent Cossack state, the Cossack Hetmanate, usually viewed as precursor of Ukraine, found itself in a three-sided military and diplomatic rivalry with the Ottoman Turks, who controlled the Tatars to the south, the Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania, and the Tsardom of Muscovy to the East.

The Zaporizhian Host, in order to leave the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, sought a treaty of protection with Russia in 1654. This agreement was known as the Treaty of Pereyaslav. Commonwealth authorities then sought compromise with the Ukrainian Cossack state by signing the Treaty of Hadiach in 1658, but-after thirteen years of incessant warfare-the agreement was later superseded by the 1667 Polish-Russian Treaty of Andrusovo, which divided Ukrainian territory between the Commonwealth and Russia. Under Russia, the Cossacks initially retained official autonomy in the Hetmanate. For a time, they also maintained a semi-independent republic in Zaporozhia, and a colony on the Russian frontier in Sloboda Ukraine.

In 1686, the Metropolitanate of Kyiv was annexed by the Moscow Patriarchate through the Synodal Letter of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Dionysius IV.

Russian Empire and Austria-Hungary

Russia, fearing separatism, imposed strict limits on attempts to elevate the Ukrainian language and culture, even banning its use and study. The Russophile policies of Russification and Panslavism led to an exodus of a number of Ukrainian intellectuals into Western Ukraine. However, many Ukrainians accepted their fate in the Russian Empire and some were able to achieve great success there.

Modern history

17th and 18th-century Ukraine

Ukraine emerges as the concept of a nation, and the Ukrainians as a nationality, with the Ukrainian National Revival in the mid-18th century, in the wake of the peasant revolt of 1768/1769 and the eventual partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Galicia fell to the Austrian Empire, and the rest of Ukraine to the Russian Empire.

Most of Ukraine fell to the Russian Empire under the reign of Catherine the Great; in 1793 right-bank Ukraine was annexed by Russia in the Second Partition of Poland.

Ukrainian writers and intellectuals were inspired by the nationalistic spirit stirring other European peoples existing under other imperial governments. Russia, fearing separatism, imposed strict limits on attempts to elevate the Ukrainian language and culture, even banning its use and study. The Russophile policies of Russification and Panslavism led to an exodus of a number some Ukrainian intellectuals into Western Ukraine, while others embraced a Pan-Slavic or Russian identity.

19th century

Ukraine under the reign of Alexander I (1801-1825) saw Russian presence only involving the imperial army and its bureaucracy, but by the reign of Nicholas I (1825-1855), Russia had by then established a centralized administration in Ukraine. After suppressing the November Uprising of 1830, the tsarist regime instituted Russification policies on the Right Bank.

The 2.4 million Ukrainians under the Habsburg Empire lived in eastern Galicia and consisted mainly of the peasantry (95%) with the remainder being priestly families. The Galician nobility were majoritively Poles or Polonized Ukrainians. Development here lagged behind Russian-ruled Ukraine and was one of the poorest regions in Europe.

The rise in national consciousness arose in the 19th century, with representation of the intelligentsia declining among the nobles and increasing towards commoners and peasants, they saw a process of nation-building to improve national rights and social justice but was uncovered soon after by the tsarist authorities. After the 1848 revolutions, Ukrainians established the Supreme Ruthenian Council, demanding autonomy, they also opened the first Ukrainian-language newspaper ( Zoria halytska). The 1861 emancipation greatly impacted Ukrainians as 42% of them were serfs. During the late 19th century, heavy taxes, rapid population growth and lack of land impoverished the peasantry. However the steppe regions managed to produce 20% of world production of wheat and 80% of the empire's sugar. Later, industrialization arrived with the first railway track constructed in 1866. Ukraine's economy by now was integrated into the imperial system and it saw much urban development.

20th century

Russian Revolution and War of Independence

Ukraine, which included Crimea, the Kuban, and portions of Don Cossack lands with large Ukrainian populations (along with ethnic Russians, and Jews), tried to break free from Russia after the February 1917 revolution in St. Petersburg. Historian Paul Kubicek states:

Between 1917 and 1920, several entities that aspired to be independent Ukrainian states came into existence. This period, however, was extremely chaotic, characterized by revolution, international and civil war, and lack of strong central authority. Many factions competed for power in the area that is today's Ukraine, and not all groups desired a separate Ukrainian state. Ultimately, Ukrainian independence was short-lived, as most Ukrainian lands were incorporated into the Soviet Union and the remainder, in western Ukraine, was divided among Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Romania.

Canadian scholar Orest Subtelny provides a context from the long span of European history:

In 1919 total chaos engulfed Ukraine. Indeed, in the modern history of Europe no country experienced such complete anarchy, bitter civil strife, and total collapse of authority as did Ukraine at this time. Six different armies-- those of the Ukrainians, the Bolsheviks, the Whites, the Entente [French], the Poles and the anarchists - operated on its territory. Kyiv changed hands five times in less than a year. Cities and regions were cut off from each other by the numerous fronts. Communications with the outside world broke down almost completely. The starving cities emptied as people moved into the countryside in their search for food.

The Soviet famine of 1930-33, now known as the Holodomor, left millions dead in the Soviet Union, the majority of them Ukrainians not only in Ukraine but also in Kuban and former Don Cossack lands.

Second World War

The Second World War began in September 1939, when Hitler and Stalin invaded Poland, the Soviet Union taking most of Eastern Poland. Nazi Germany with its allies invaded the Soviet Union in 1941. Some Ukrainians initially regarded the Wehrmacht soldiers as liberators from Soviet rule, while others formed a partisan movement. Some elements of the Ukrainian nationalist underground formed a Ukrainian Insurgent Army that fought both Soviet forces and the Nazis. Others collaborated with the Germans. Some 1.5 million Jews were murdered by the Nazis during their occupation. In Volhynia, Ukrainian fighters committed a massacre against up to 100,000 Polish civilians. Residual small groups of the UPA-partizans acted near the Polish and Soviet border as long as to the 1950s. Galicia, Volhynia, South Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Carpathian Ruthenia were added as a result of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in 1939 and the Soviet victory over Germany in the Second World War, 1939-45.

After World War II, some amendments to the Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR were accepted, which allowed it to act as a separate subject of international law in some cases and to a certain extent, remaining a part of the Soviet Union at the same time. In particular, these amendments allowed the Ukrainian SSR to become one of the founding members of the United Nations (UN) together with the Soviet Union and the Byelorussian SSR. This was part of a deal with the United States to ensure a degree of balance in the General Assembly, which, the USSR opined, was unbalanced in favor of the Western Bloc. In its capacity as a member of the UN, the Ukrainian SSR was an elected member of the United Nations Security Council in 1948-1949 and 1984-1985. The Crimean Oblast was transferred from the RSFSR to the Ukrainian SSR in 1954.

Independence

With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine became an independent state, formalised with a referendum in December 1991. On 21 January 1990, over 300,000 Ukrainians organized a human chain for Ukrainian independence between Kyiv and Lviv. Ukraine officially declared itself an independent country on 24 August 1991, when the communist Supreme Soviet (parliament) of Ukraine proclaimed that Ukraine would no longer follow the laws of USSR and only the laws of the Ukrainian SSR, de facto declaring Ukraine's independence from the Soviet Union. On 1 December, voters approved a referendum formalizing independence from the Soviet Union. Over 90% of Ukrainian citizens voted for independence, with majorities in every region, including 56% in Crimea. The Soviet Union formally ceased to exist on 26 December, when the presidents of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia (the founding members of the USSR) met in Białowieża Forest to formally dissolve the Union in accordance with the Soviet Constitution. With this, Ukraine's independence was formalized de jure and recognized by the international community.

Also on 1 December 1991, Ukrainian voters in their first presidential election elected Leonid Kravchuk. During his presidency, the Ukrainian economy shrank by more than 10% per year (in 1994 by more than 20%). The presidency (1994-2005) of the 2nd President of Ukraine, Leonid Kuchma, was surrounded by numerous corruption scandals and the lessening of media freedoms, including the Cassette Scandal. During Kuchma's presidency, the economy recovered, with GDP growth at around 10% a year in his last years in office.

Orange Revolution and Euromaidan

In 2004, Kuchma announced that he would not run for re-election. Two major candidates emerged in the 2004 presidential election. Viktor Yanukovych, the incumbent Prime Minister, supported by both Kuchma and by the Russian Federation, wanted closer ties with Russia. The main opposition candidate, Viktor Yushchenko, called for Ukraine to turn its attention westward and aim to eventually join the EU. In the runoff election, Yanukovych officially won by a narrow margin, but Yushchenko and his supporters alleged that vote rigging and intimidation cost him many votes, especially in eastern Ukraine. A political crisis erupted after the opposition started massive street protests in Kyiv and other cities ("Orange Revolution"), and the Supreme Court of Ukraine ordered the election results null and void. A second runoff found Viktor Yushchenko the winner. Five days later, Yanukovych resigned from office and his cabinet was dismissed on 5 January 2005.

During the Yushchenko term, relations between Russia and Ukraine often appeared strained as Yushchenko looked towards improved relations with the European Union and less toward Russia. In 2005, a highly publicized dispute over natural gas prices with Russia caused shortages in many European countries that were reliant on Ukraine as a transit country. A compromise was reached in January 2006.

By the time of the presidential election of 2010, Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko - allies during the Orange Revolution - had become bitter enemies. Tymoshenko ran for president against both Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych, creating a three-way race. Yushchenko, whose popularity had plummeted, persisted in running, and many pro-Orange voters stayed home. In the second round of the election, Yanukovych won the run-off ballot with 48% to Tymoshenko's 45%.

During his presidency (2010-2014), Yanukovych and his Party of Regions were accused of trying to create a "controlled democracy" in Ukraine and of trying to destroy the main opposition party Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko, but both have denied these charges. One frequently cited example of Yanukovych's attempts to centralise power was the 2011 sentencing of Yulia Tymoshenko, which has been condemned by Western governments as potentially being politically motivated.

In November 2013, President Yanukovych did not sign the Ukraine-European Union Association Agreement and instead pursued closer ties with Russia. This move sparked protests on the streets of Kyiv and, ultimately, the Revolution of Dignity. Protesters set up camps in Kyiv's Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square), and in December 2013 and January 2014 protesters started taking over various government buildings, first in Kyiv, and later in Western Ukraine. Battles between protesters and police resulted in about 80 deaths in February 2014.

Following the violence, the Ukrainian parliament on 22 February voted to remove Yanukovych from power (on the grounds that his whereabouts were unknown and he thus could not fulfil his duties), and to free Yulia Tymoshenko from prison. On the same day, Yanukovych supporter Volodymyr Rybak resigned as speaker of the Parliament, and was replaced by Tymoshenko loyalist Oleksandr Turchynov, who was subsequently installed as interim President. Yanukovych had fled Kyiv, and subsequently gave a press conference in the Russian city of Rostov-on-Don.

Western Integration

On 1 January 2016, Ukraine joined the DCFTA with the EU. Ukrainian citizens were granted visa-free travel to the Schengen Area for up to 90 days during any 180-day period on 11 June 2017, and the Association Agreement formally came into effect on 1 September 2017. Significant achievements in the foreign policy arena include support for anti-Russian sanctions, obtaining a visa-free regime with the countries of the European Union, and better recognition of the need to overcome extremely difficult tasks within the country. However, the old local authorities did not want any changes; they were cleansed of anti-Maidan activists ( lustration), but only in part. The fight against corruption was launched, but was limited to sentences of petty officials and electronic declarations, and the newly established NABU and NAPC were marked by scandals in their work. Judicial reform was combined with the appointment of old, compromised judges. The investigation of crimes against Maidan residents was delayed. In order to counteract the massive global Russian anti-Ukrainian propaganda of the "information war", the Ministry of Information Policy was created, which for 5 years did not show effective work, except for the ban on Kaspersky Lab, Dr.Web, 1С, Mail.ru, Yandex and Russian social networks VKontakte or Odnoklassniki and propaganda media. In 2017, the president signed the law "On Education", which met with opposition from national minorities, and quarreled with the Government of Hungary.

On May 19, 2018, Poroshenko signed a Decree which put into effect the decision of the National Security and Defense Council on the final termination of Ukraine's participation in the statutory bodies of the Commonwealth of Independent States. As of February 2019, Ukraine minimized its participation in the Commonwealth of Independent States to a critical minimum and effectively completed its withdrawal. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine did not ratify the accession, i.e. Ukraine has never been a member of the CIS.

On January 6, 2019, in Fener, a delegation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine with the participation of President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko received a Tomos on autocephaly. The Tomos was presented to the head of the OCU, Metropolitan Epiphanius, during a joint liturgy with the Ecumenical Patriarch. The next day, Tomos was brought to Ukraine for a demonstration at St. Sophia Cathedral. On January 9, all members of the Synod of the Constantinople Orthodox Church signed the Tomos during the scheduled meeting of the Synod.

On February 21, 2019, the Constitution of Ukraine was amended, with the norms on the strategic course of Ukraine for membership in the European Union and NATO being enshrined in the preamble of the Basic Law, three articles and transitional provisions.

On 21 April 2019, Volodymyr Zelenskyy was elected president in the second round of the presidential election. Early parliamentary elections on July 21 allowed the newly formed pro-presidential Servant of the People party to win an absolute majority of seats for the first time in the history of independent Ukraine (248). Dmytro Razumkov, the party's chairman, was elected speaker of parliament. The majority was able to form a government on August 29 on its own, without forming coalitions, and approved Oleksii Honcharuk as prime minister. On March 4, 2020, due to a 1.5% drop in GDP (instead of a 4.5% increase at the time of the election), the Verkhovna Rada fired Honcharuk's government and Denys Shmyhal became the new Prime Minister.

On July 28, 2020, in Lublin, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine created the Lublin Triangle initiative, which aims to create further cooperation between the three historical countries of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and further Ukraine's integration and accession to the EU and NATO.

On May 17, 2021, the Association Trio was formed by signing a joint memorandum between the Foreign Ministers of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Association Trio is tripartite format for the enhanced cooperation, coordination, and dialogue between the three countries (that have signed the Association Agreement with the EU) with the European Union on issues of common interest related to European integration, enhancing cooperation within the framework of the Eastern Partnership, and committing to the prospect of joining the European Union.

At the June 2021 Brussels Summit, NATO leaders reiterated the decision taken at the 2008 Bucharest Summit that Ukraine would become a member of the Alliance with the Membership Action Plan (MAP) as an integral part of the process and Ukraine's right to determine its own future and foreign policy without outside interference.

Ukraine was originally preparing to formally apply for EU membership in 2024, but instead signed an application for membership in February 2022.

Russo-Ukrainian War

In March 2014, the Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation occurred. Though official results of a referendum on Crimean reunification with Russia were reported as showing a large majority in favor of the proposition, the vote was organized under Russian military occupation and was denounced by the European Union and the United States as illegal.

The Crimean crisis was followed by pro-Russian unrest in east Ukraine and south Ukraine. In April 2014 Ukrainian separatists self-proclaimed the Donetsk People's Republic and Lugansk People's Republic and held referendums on 11 May 2014; the separatists claimed nearly 90% voted in favor of independence. Later in April 2014, fighting between the Ukrainian army and pro-Ukrainian volunteer battalions on one side, and forces supporting the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics on the other side, escalated into the War in Donbas. By December 2014, more than 6,400 people had died in this conflict, and according to United Nations figures it led to over half a million people becoming internally displaced within Ukraine and two hundred thousand refugees to flee to (mostly) Russia and other neighboring countries. During the same period, political (including adoption of the law on lustration and the law on decommunization) and economic reforms started. On 25 May 2014, Petro Poroshenko was elected president in the first round of the presidential election. By the second half of 2015, independent observers noted that reforms in Ukraine had considerably slowed down, corruption did not subside, and the economy of Ukraine was still in a deep crisis. By December 2015, more than 9,100 people had died (largely civilians) in the War in Donbas, according to United Nations figures.

On February 2, 2021, a presidential decree banned the television broadcasting of the pro-Russian TV channels 112 Ukraine, NewsOne and ZIK. The decision of the National Security and Defense Council and the Presidential Decree of February 19, 2021 imposed sanctions on 8 individuals and 19 legal entities, including Putin's pro-Russian politician and Putin's godfather Viktor Medvedchuk and his wife Oksana Marchenko.

The Kerch Strait incident occurred on 25 November 2018 when the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) coast guard fired upon and captured three Ukrainian Navy vessels attempting to pass from the Black Sea into the Sea of Azov through the Kerch Strait on their way to the port of Mariupol.

Throughout 2021, Russian forces built up along the Russia-Ukraine Border, in occupied Crimea and Donbas, and in Belarus. On February 24, 2022, Russian forces invaded Ukraine. Russia quickly occupied much of the east and south of the country, but failed to advance past the city of Mykolaiv towards Odesa, and were forced to retreat from the north after failing to occupy Kyiv, Chernihiv, Sumy, and Kharkiv. After failing to gain further territories and being driven out of Kharkiv Oblast by a fast-paced Ukrainian counteroffensive, Russia officially annexed the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic, along with most of the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia Oblasts on 30 September.

National historiography

The scholarly study of Ukraine's history emerged from romantic impulses in the late 19th century when German Romanticism spread to Eastern Europe. The outstanding leaders were Volodymyr Antonovych (1834-1908), based in Kyiv, and his student Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1866-1934). For the first time full-scale scholarly studies based on archival sources, modern research techniques, and modern historical theories became possible. However, the demands of government officials-Tsarist, to a lesser degree Austro-Hungarian and Polish, and later Soviet-made it difficult to disseminate ideas that ran counter to the central government. Therefore, exile schools of historians emerged in central Europe and Canada after 1920.[citation needed ]

Strikingly different interpretations of the medieval state of Kyivan Rus appear in the four schools of historiography within Ukraine: Russophile, Sovietophile, Eastern Slavic, and Ukrainophile. In the Soviet Union, there was a radical break after 1921, led by Mikhail Pokrovsky. Until 1934, history was generally not regarded as chauvinistic, but was rewritten in the style of Marxist historiography. National "pasts" were rewritten as social and national liberation for non-Russians, and social liberation for Russians, in a process that ended in 1917. Under Stalin, the state and its official historiography were given a distinct Russian character and a certain Russocentrism. Imperial history was rewritten such that non-Russian love caused an emulation and deference to "join" the Russian people by becoming part of the (tsarist) Russian state, and in return, Russian state interests were driven by altruism and concern for neighboring people. Russophile and Sovietophile schools have become marginalized in independent Ukraine, with the Ukrainophile school being dominant in the early 21st century. The Ukrainophile school promotes an identity that is mutually exclusive of Russia. It has come to dominate the nation's educational system, security forces, and national symbols and monuments, although it has been dismissed as nationalist by Western historians. The East Slavic school, an eclectic compromise between Ukrainophiles and Russophilism, has a weaker ideological and symbolic base, although it is preferred by Ukraine's centrist former elites.

Many historians in recent years have sought alternatives to national histories, and Ukrainian history invited approaches that looked beyond a national paradigm. Multiethnic history recognises the numerous peoples in Ukraine; transnational history portrays Ukraine as a border zone for various empires; and area studies categorises Ukraine as part of East-Central Europe or, less often, as part of Eurasia. Serhii Plokhy argues that looking beyond the country's national history has made possible a richer understanding of Ukraine, its people, and the surrounding regions. since 2015, there has been renewed interest in integrating a "territorial-civic" and "linguistic-ethnic" history of Ukraine. For example, the history of the Crimean Tatars and the more distant history of the Crimea peninsula is now integrated into Ukrainian school history. This is part of the constitutionally mandated "people of Ukraine" rather than "Ukrainian people". Slowly, the histories of Poles and Jews are also slowly being reintegrated. However, due to the current political climate caused by territorial sovereignty breaches by Russia, the role of Russians as "co-host" has been greatly minimized, and there are still unresolved difficult issues of the past, for example, the role of Ukrainians during the Holodomor.

After 1991, historical memory was a powerful tool in the political mobilization and legitimation of the post-Soviet Ukrainian state, as well as the division of selectively used memory along the lines of the political division of Ukrainian society. Ukraine did not experience the restorationist paradigm typical of some other post-Soviet nations, for example the three Baltic countries - Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, although the multifaceted history of independence, the Orthodox Church in Ukraine, Soviet-era repressions, mass famine, and World War II collaboration were used to provide a different constitutive frame for developing Ukrainian nationhood. The politics of identity (which includes the production of history textbooks and the authorization of commemorative practices) has remained fragmented and tailored to reflect the ideological anxieties and concerns of individual regions of Ukraine.

Canadian historiography on Ukraine

In Soviet Ukraine, twentieth-century historians were strictly limited in the range of models and topics they could cover, with Moscow insisting on an official Marxist approach. However, émigré Ukrainians in Canada developed an independent scholarship that ignored Marxism, and shared the Western tendencies in historiography. George W. Simpson and Orest Subtelny were leaders promoting Ukrainian studies in Canadian academe. The lack of independence in Ukraine meant that traditional historiographical emphases on diplomacy and politics were handicapped. The flourishing of social history after 1960 opened many new approaches for researchers in Canada; Subtelny used the modernization model. Later historiographical trends were quickly adapted to the Ukrainian evidence, with special focus on Ukrainian nationalism. The new cultural history, post-colonial studies, and the " linguistic turn" augmenting, if not replacing social history, allowed for multiple angles of approach. By 1991, historians in Canada had freely explored a wide range of approaches regarding the emergence of a national identity. After independence, a high priority in Canada was assisting in the freeing of Ukrainian scholarship from Soviet-Marxist orthodoxy-which downplayed Ukrainian nationalism and insisted that true Ukrainians were always trying to reunite with Russia. Independence from Moscow meant freedom from an orthodoxy that was never well suited to Ukrainian developments. Scholars in Ukraine welcomed the "national paradigm" that Canadian historians had helped develop. Since 1991, the study of Ukrainian nation-building became an increasingly global and collaborative enterprise, with scholars from Ukraine studying and working in Canada, and with conferences on related topics attracting scholars from around the world.

References

Bibliography

Surveys and reference

Encyclopedia of Ukraine (University of Toronto Press, 1984-93) 5 vol; from Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, partly online as the Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine.

Doroshenko, Dmytro, History of the Ukraine. Institute Press (Edmonton, Alberta), 1939: Online.

Hrushevsky, Mykhailo. A History of Ukraine (1986 [1941]).

Hrushevsky, Mykhailo. History of Ukraine-Rus' in 9 volumes (1866-1934). Available online in Ukrainian as "Історія України-Руси" (1954-57). Translated into English (1997-2014).

Ivan Katchanovski; Kohut, Zenon E.; Nebesio, Bohdan Y.; and Yurkevich, Myroslav. Historical Dictionary of Ukraine. Second edition (2013). 968 pp.

Kubicek, Paul. The History of Ukraine (2008) excerpt and text search

Liber, George. Total wars and the making of modern Ukraine, 1914-1954 (U of Toronto Press, 2016).

Magocsi, Paul Robert, A History of Ukraine. University of Toronto Press, 1996 ISBN 0-8020-7820-6

Manning, Clarence, The Story of the Ukraine. Georgetown University Press, 1947: Online.

Plokhy, Serhii (2015). The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine, Basic Books. ISBN 978-0465050918.

Reid, Anna. Borderland: A Journey Through the History of Ukraine (2003) ISBN 0-7538-0160-4

Snyder, Timothy D. (2003). The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569-1999. Yale U.P. ISBN 9780300105865. pp. 105-216.

Subtelny, Orest (2009). Ukraine: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-8390-6. A Ukrainian translation is available online.

Wilson, Andrew. The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation. Yale University Press; 2nd edition (2002) ISBN 0-300-09309-8.

Yekelchyk, Serhy. Ukraine: Birth of a Modern Nation (Oxford University Press 2007)[ISBN missing ]

Topical studies

Luckyj, George S. Towards an Intellectual History of Ukraine: An Anthology of Ukrainian Thought from 1710 to 1995. (1996)

Shkandrij, Myroslav. Ukrainian Nationalism: Politics, Ideology, and Literature, 1929-1956 (Yale University Press; 2014) 331 pages; Studies the ideology and legacy of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists Especially by Dmytro Dontsov, Olena Teliha, Leonid Mosendz, Oleh Olzhych, Yurii Lypa, Ulas Samchuk, Yurii Klen, and Dokia Humenna.

1930s, World War II

Applebaum, Anne. Red Famine: Stalin's War on Ukraine (2017); 496 pp online review

Boshyk, Yuri (1986). Ukraine During World War II: History and Its Aftermath. Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. ISBN 0-920862-37-3.

Berkhoff, Karel C., Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine Under Nazi Rule. Harvard U. Press, 2004. 448 pp.

Brandon, Ray, and Wendy Lower, eds. The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony, Memorialization. (2008). 378 pp. online review

Conquest, Robert. The Harvest Of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivisation and the Terror-Famine (1986)

Gross, Jan T. Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (1988).

Kudelia, Serhiy. "Choosing Violence in Irregular Wars: The Case of Anti-Soviet Insurgency in Western Ukraine," East European Politics and Societies (2013) 27#1 pp 149-181

Lower, Wendy. Nazi Empire-Building and the Holocaust in Ukraine. U. of North Carolina Press, 2005. 307 pp.

Manning, Clarence, Ukraine under the Soviets. Bookman Associates, New York, 1953: Online.

Narvselius, Eleonora. "The 'Bandera Debate': The Contentious Legacy of World War II and Liberalization of Collective Memory in Western Ukraine," Canadian Slavonic Papers (2012) 54#3 pp 469-490.

Redlich, Shimon. Together and Apart in Brzezany: Poles, Jews, and Ukrainians, 1919-1945. Indiana U. Press, 2002. 202 pp.

Zabarko, Boris, ed. Holocaust In The Ukraine, Mitchell Vallentine & Co, 2005. 394 pp.

Recent history

Historiography and memory

Himka, John-Paul. "The National and the Social in the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1920- The Historiographical Agenda." Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, vol 34 (1994): 95-110.

Hrushevskyi, Mykhailo (1904). "The traditional scheme of "Russian" history and the problem of a rational organization of the history of the East Slavs". Articles on Slavistics (in Ukrainian). 1, 2 (55, 2): 35-42, 355-364. Wikidata Q28703759.

Krawchenko, Bohdan. "Ukrainian studies in Canada." Nationalities Papers 6.1 (1978): 26-43.

Reid, Anna. "Putin's War on History: The Thousand-Year Struggle Over Ukraine" Foreign Affairs (May/June 2022) 101#1 pp 54-63. excerpt

Velychenko, Stephen, National history as cultural process: a survey of the interpretations of Ukraine's past in Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian historical writing from the earliest times to 1914 (Edmonton, 1992)

Velychenko, Stephen, Shaping identity in Eastern Europe and Russia: Soviet-Russian and Polish accounts of Ukrainian history, 1914-1991 (London, 1993)

Verstiuk, Vladyslav. "Conceptual Issues in Studying the History of the Ukrainian Revolution." Journal of Ukrainian Studies 24.1 (1999): 5-20

Wade, Rex A. "The Revolution At Ninety-(One): Anglo-American Historiography Of The Russian Revolution Of 1917" Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 1.1 (2008): vii-42.

Yekelchyk, Serhy. "Studying the Blueprint for a Nation: Canadian Historiography of Modern Ukraine." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5.1 (2018).

Teaching and study guides

Primary sources in English

Luckyj, George S. Towards an Intellectual History of Ukraine: An Anthology of Ukrainian Thought from 1710 to 1995. (1996)

Ukrainian language

External links

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Prehistoric Ukraine, as a part of the Pontic steppe in Eastern Europe, played an important role in Eurasian cultural contacts, including the spread of the Chalcolithic, the Bronze Age, Indo-European migrations and the domestication of the horse. After a 1648 rebellion of the Cossacks against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky agreed to the Treaty of Pereyaslav in January 1654.

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9월 21일 러시아의 30만명 목표 예비군 부분동원령

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Указ_Президента_России_№647

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워싱턴포스트: 전쟁의 서막

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워싱턴포스트: 전쟁의 서막

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https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/interactive/2022/ukraine-road-to-war/

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sxa_HfTQY9Y

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러시아의 우크라이나 침공! 워싱턴포스트가 전하는 그날의 이야기 | 워싱턴 포스트, 우크라이나, 러시아

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푸틴의 러시아 - 우크라이나 민족에 관련된 글

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푸틴의 러시아 - 우크라이나 민족에 관련된 글

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http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/66181

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https://kyivindependent.com/

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The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe

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News, analyses, investigations, opinions, podcasts and more. On-the-ground reporting from Ukraine

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https://www.bbc.co.uk/search?q=Russia-Ukraine+War&d=HOMEPAGE_GNL

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Lemekhani Nyirenda's sister tells the BBC she wants to know why her brother was fighting for Russia.

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우크라이나의 독립운동 역사(키이우 인디펜던트)

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우크라이나의 독립운동 역사(키이우 인디펜던트)

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https://kyivindependent.com/explaining-ukraine/ukraines-struggle-for-independence

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On a cold day in 1918, a young student battalion began digging trenches to fortify their positions near Kyiv.

They were filled with dreams of independent Ukraine and stood up to another of Russia's attempts to subjugate their land.

As about 5,000 Bolshevik troops came to seize Kyiv, about 500 students courageously faced them in an unequal fight now known as the Battle of Kruty.

Ukraine has existed under different names for over a millennium but was independent only for brief periods. Its territories were mostly divided between the neighboring empires such as the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire.

After the Russian Empire collapsed in late 1917, Ukraine used the chaotic moment to finally break free. The newly formed Central Rada government in Kyiv declared Ukraine's independence on Jan. 22 and broke ties with Russia.

With a quickfire Russian advance looking likely, the Ukrainian state relied on volunteers to make up numbers in a decisive battle for the young nation. But the Bolshevik army was significantly larger and cities such as Kharkiv and Poltava were quickly captured.

As the Russian forces drew closer to Kyiv, a small Ukrainian contingent of students got ready. The battle ended in their defeat on Jan. 30, and Kyiv was eventually captured by the Red Army. But the fight slowed the invading forces' advance and became emblemetic of Ukraine's will to be independent.

Hryhoriy Pipsky, a teenager who was among the 27 students captured by the Bolsheviks and later shot dead, sang the national anthem as a sign of defiance - and other students followed.

"Ukraine is not yet dead, nor its glory and freedom," the lyric goes. "Upon us, fellow compatriots, fate shall smile once more."

The short-lived independent state was subjugated by the Bolsheviks and eventually turned into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, a member of the Soviet Union, in 1922.

Ukraine's anthem would later be banned under Soviet rule.

How did Ukraine declare independence in 1991?

It took decades for the historical anthem to be restored in Ukraine.

What followed the formation of Soviet Ukraine was a dark period, with the artificial famine known as Holodomor, World War II, and endless Soviet repressions.

Ukraine as a fully independent country emerged only decades later.

When the Berlin Wall was brought down in 1989, it was clear that the Soviet Union would soon face a bigger crisis.

With many republics already departing the Soviet Union and the waning of centralized power, it was another chance for Ukraine to break free.

Following a failed Soviet coup in Moscow, the Ukrainian parliament declared independence on Aug. 24. In a sea of blue and yellow flags, a noisy crowd gathered near the parliament building to celebrate.

Leonid Kravchuk, the head of the Ukrainian parliament who was de facto leading the country, held Ukraine's referendum in December to formalize its independence. It passed with 90% support. That same day, he was elected president.

The Soviet Union ceased to exist later that month.

What happened after Ukraine achieved independence?

The idea of living in a free, independent nation was something new to Ukrainians at the time.

A period of uncertainty began, as the economy was collapsing.

Despite the challenges, the rise of Ukraine was a big accomplishment for the nation. Ukrainians started to increasingly explore their cultural and political identity.

For the world, the independence of Ukraine, a large state with a 52-million population then, altered the geopolitical map of Europe. The young nation was a highly developed industrial base with rich agricultural capabilities, and with nuclear weapons on its territory at the time.

Ukraine was already active in the international arena back then, with its government seeking both bilateral and multilateral recognition since August 1991. It attempted to maintain relations with Russia while also signing consular agreements with its other neighbors.

Canada and Poland were the first countries to recognize Ukraine's independence, soon opening embassies in Kyiv.

Why does Ukraine still need to fight for independence today?

Russia's dictator Vladimir Putin has always been open about his imperialist ambitions regarding Ukraine. He has claimed that Ukraine is a fiction created by communist Russia and that it isn't a real country. He says that Ukrainians and Russians are one people.

Russian threats to Ukrainian sovereignty have intensified as Ukraine shifted away from Russian control and grew closer to the West.

During the 2013-2014 EuroMaidan Revolution, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Kremlin President Viktor Yanukovych and demanded that their country pursue integration with the European Union. Losing hold of Ukraine, the Kremlin occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula and invaded the country's eastern Donbas region.

Eight years later, on Feb. 24, Putin ordered an escalation of the localized conflict in the eastern Donbas into a full-scale war.

Nearly a century after the courageous young battalion fought back a much larger Bolshevik army in 1918, Russian forces once again began advancing towards Kyiv.

Russia planned to seize Kyiv in three to four days and install a puppet regime in the capital, a Washington Post investigation revealed.

Despite fighting against a much bigger army, the Ukrainian military held off the invading forces and kept them out of the capital until they eventually withdrew from the area.

A mass number of Ukrainian soldiers and civilians have already been killed as Russia continues to wage war in Ukraine. The Kremlin continues to seek to extinguish Ukrainian statehood aspirations.

Independence is something that millions in Ukraine have sacrificed their lives for and what its people are still fighting for today.

How do people celebrate Independence Day in Ukraine?

Independence Day, which comes the day after National Flag Day on Aug. 23, is a national holiday in Ukraine. But unlike in many other European countries, most places such as shops, restaurants, and cafes are open till late in the evening on this day.

Though everyone has their own way of celebrating Independence Day, many Ukrainians spend it with their friends and family. There are various types of events held across the country, from a grand concert with well-known artists to a rave party event.

Kyiv's main Independence Square, Maidan Nezalezhnosti, and almost every corner of central Kyiv are usually bustling with crowds of people celebrating the day. A Ukrainian national salute, "Slava Ukraini, translated as glory to Ukraine," can be heard across the city. People wear vyshyvankas, traditional Ukrainian embroidered shirts or dresses, and carry Ukrainian flags.

When Ukraine celebrated its 30th anniversary in 2021, it held a massive military parade where units of the Ukrainian army, tanks, armored personnel carriers, and air defense systems marched along the central street of Kyiv. In the southern city of Odesa, a parade of Ukrainian Navy units took place in the Black Sea port.

In 2022, amid Russia's ongoing invasion, mass gatherings were banned in Kyiv and many other cities have taken precautions to protect their residents from the possible threat of Russian missile strikes. But Ukraine still found a way to enlighten the public.

Destroyed Russian tanks and military vehicles were lined up across Khreshchatyk Street in Kyiv, where many locals have visited for a photo opportunity and to praise the Ukrainian military's achievements.

As the full-scale war reached the six-month mark, Ukrainians were once again reminded of the price of defending freedom in their country.

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On a cold day in 1918, a young student battalion began digging trenches to fortify their positions near Kyiv. They were filled with dreams of independent Ukraine and stood up to another of Russia's attempts to subjugate their land. As

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우크라이나가 설명하는 오렌지 혁명(키이우 인디펜던트)

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우크라이나가 설명하는 오렌지 혁명(키이우 인디펜던트)

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https://kyivindependent.com/explaining-ukraine/ukraines-orange-revolution

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Ukraine's Orange Revolution was a series of protests, held mostly in Kyiv, that lasted from November 2004 to January 2005 as a response to election fraud.

After reports that the results of the Nov. 21, 2004, presidential election run-off between ex-Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko and then Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych had been rigged, favoring the latter, mass protests swelled in Kyiv's downtown Independent Square as well as in other cities around the country.

Within days, an estimated 500,000 protestors gathered in downtown Kyiv, waving orange flags and wearing orange clothing, the chosen color of Yushchenko's campaign and the subsequent revolution.

Shortly after the revolution began, a tent city appeared on Independence Square, known as Maidan. Ukrainian musicians performed and celebrities made appearances. While riot police were deployed to Kyiv's central streets, the protests were largely peaceful and the police didn't use force.

In early December, Ukraine's Supreme Court ruled that the level of fraud had rendered the election results null and void making it impossible to determine the winner, thus forcing a revote.

Yushchenko's ultimate victory and inauguration the following January concluded the revolution.

What sparked the revolution?

Election fraud sparked mass protests all across Ukraine.

According to exit polls, pro-Western candidate Yushchenko received a commanding 52% of the popular vote. Moscow-backed Yanukovych received only 43%. But when the official results came in, Yanukovych had apparently won the run-off a vote by 2.5%.

In the eastern part of the country, Ukraine's Donbas region from where Yanukovych hailed, voter turnout suddenly jumped, differing drastically from what exit polls had recorded. Independent election monitors began sounding the alarms about widespread election fraud and voter tampering.

But as is the case with any revolution, the election fraud was simply the last straw. Yanukovych and his circle's ties to Russian political and criminal groups were well known.

It became clear early on in the campaign that then-President Leonid Kuchma and his favored successor, then-Prime Minister Yanukovych, would possibly try to rig the election.

Yushchenko, who was seen as a beacon of hope by many Ukrainians, faced constant political harassment. His campaign was the victim of a barrage of negative press on government-controlled television.

Yushchenko was almost killed on Sept. 6, 2004, when he became severely ill and suffered scarring on his face. It was later revealed that he had suffered from dioxin poisoning.

When the election was rigged, the public was ripe to react, having witnessed the corrupt political elite's attempts to stop the Yushchenko campaign for months.

Why was the revolution successful?

People wanted change, and the widespread and obvious support for Yushchenko made it impossible to stop the revolution without the use of force. President Kuchma decided to restrain from doing so.

Many in Ukraine had grown impatient with widespread corruption and slow economic growth at the time. Civil society groups had started sprouting up quickly and organizing all over the country.

The assassination of Georgiy Gongadze, a Ukrainian journalist and the founder of Ukrainska Pravda, in 2000 sparked widespread outrage. An audiotape was published in which a man, alleged to be Kuchma, ordered his allies to "deal with Gongadze."

Kuchma's reputation was tarnished, while the civil society groups who had coalesced in part around opposition to Kuchma's presidency had the networks to create the foundation for widespread public opposition to the incumbent regime.

Ukraine's Orange Revolution also represented political visions and goals that went beyond free and fair elections. One of the main visions for a better future for Ukraine that figured in the revolution was Ukraine's "European choice," reflected in the slogans during the revolution and writings of leading writers and public intellectuals at the time.

Young people in Ukraine, born in the 80s and growing up in the 90s looked westward for culture, music, and freedom, including intellectual freedom, Taras Kuzio, a political expert on Ukraine noted at the time.

These young people had begun traveling to the West as tourists and students and had a negative view of the authorities, who were leaning towards closer ties with an increasingly autocratic Russia, according to Kuzio.

It was the politically motivated and western-leaning youth who provided the foot soldiers for the revolution and a pro-European civic nationalism.

Observers at the time also noted that the symbol of Europe was a major mobilizing force for Ukraine's civil society. If at the mass level in Ukraine at the time, eastern-leaning, pro-Russian views existed, they proved difficult to use to bring people together, while Ukrainians that leaned toward a pro-European national identity were easier to mobilize, Kuzio wrote of the political landscape of the time.

The youthful atmosphere among civil society and present at the Orange Revolution no doubt would also have been a more attractive proposition to many. Yanukovych, with his ties to Russia and criminal interests, was the antithesis of these proposals.

What was the revolution fighting for?

While it is often said that Ukraine's Euromaidan Revolution in 2014 was the moment that put Ukraine on the map, the world's major news organizations followed the Orange Revolution's developments closely. It was a major political event in post-communist and post-Soviet history and the world was gripped by a country known as corrupt standing up to the authorities.

Media reports about the Orange Revolution, however, had a tendency to cast the revolution as a battle between Ukrainian-speaking, pro-European Ukrainians, and Russian-speaking eastern Ukrainians. Writer and social commentator Oksana Zabuzhko pointed out in 2004 in an op-ed how "eagerly the Western press buys the made-in Russia political analysis of the current Ukrainian situation - the version that says Ukraine is "split into East and West."

Indeed, those inside and outside of Ukraine who favored Yanukovych were largely Russian speaking. Yanukovych's party was from Ukraine's eastern Donetsk and the political and economic ties the party had with Russia, even Putin himself was no secret. But this rendering of events largely obscured the larger goals of the Orange Revolution to build a freer, fairer, more European Ukraine.

The story which narrates the events of late 2004 as a Ukrainian-Russian divide fails to understand, as Zabuzhko wrote, that Yanukovych was "perceived not so much as being 'pro-Russian,' but as, first and foremost, being 'pro-criminal' - a Ukrainian Al Capone, who has under his belt two prison sentences for robbery and assault." To Zabuzhko, voting for Yushchenko was not simply Ukraine's European choice, but its chance "to slay the Ukrainian part of that old, corrupt, Soviet-era dragon on Sunday at the polls."

The values among the authorities at the time, authoritarian and criminal, were precisely the opposite of what the Orange Revolution demanded: democracy, freedom, and respect for citizens and their rights. It was these two visions for the present and future that collided.

What was the revolution's legacy?

Yuri Andrukhovych, writer and essayist, said in a speech to the European Parliament in December 2004 that Yushchenko's ultimate victory was "also a victory of Europe as an ethical system of value."

Immediately following the revolution it appeared real change was on the horizon, not just in Ukraine, but in the larger post-Soviet space. Soon after his inauguration in January 2005, Yushchenko signed a joint declaration with then-president of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili, saying at the time that the two countries were "shaping the new wave of liberty in Europe."

Nonetheless, the Orange Revolution is largely considered to have failed to bring about meaningful change and reforms in society. Yushchenko's presidency was marred by scandals and political dismissals.

In the 2010 elections, he was unable to garner enough support to even make it to the run-off elections, and his former political rival Viktor Yanukovych capitalized on Yushchenko's failures and people's discontent with the lack of results after the Orange Revolution to win the presidency.

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Ukraine's Orange Revolution was a series of protests, held mostly in Kyiv, that lasted from November 2004 to January 2005 as a response to election fraud. After reports that the results of the Nov. 21, 2004, presidential election run-off between

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우크라이나가 설명하는 유로마이단 혁명(키이우 인디펜던트)

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우크라이나가 설명하는 유로마이단 혁명(키이우 인디펜던트)

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https://kyivindependent.com/explaining-ukraine/euro-maidan-revolution

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The EuroMaidan Revolution is often credited with being the single most consequential event in Ukraine's modern history.

After pro-Kremlin President Viktor Yanukovych took power in 2010, the political and business landscape in Ukraine was gradually deteriorating.

In November 2013, Yanukovych refused to sign the long-awaited Association Agreement with the European Union, shortly thereafter receiving a loan from the Kremlin.

His refusal to sign the agreement sparked protests all over the country, with the largest demonstration taking place in Kyiv on Independence Square, known in Ukrainian as Maidan Nezalezhnosti.

The protests would turn into a revolution that lasted until February 2014, ending with Yanukovych fleeing to Russia.

More than 100 people, who are now known as the Heavenly Hundred, were murdered while standing up to tyranny. By ousting the pro-Kremlin regime, Ukrainians chose their own future with freedom of speech, rule of law, and democratic values.

What triggered the initial protests?

On Nov. 21, 2013, the government of Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, controlled by Yanukovych, suspended the preparations for the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. This halted Ukraine's pro-European trajectory in favor of pursuing closer ties with Russia and the Eurasian Customs Union, an economic-political union led by Russia.

Outraged by this decision, hundreds of people gathered on Independence Square that evening for a peaceful protest.

In the following days, the number of demonstrators on Maidan swelled to hundreds of thousands of people. Similar protests emerged in other Ukrainian cities including Lviv, Odesa, Mykolaiv, and Donetsk.

Many of the protesters were young people, including students, some of which started a strike and refused to attend classes.

How did it turn into a full-blown revolution?

At around 4 a.m. on Nov. 30, when a couple of hundred people (mostly students) stayed for the night on Maidan, the Ukrainian riot police, Berkut, encircled the protesters. Using excessive violence, Berkut forced the people out of the square, beating them up with batons and kicking those who fell down.

Some of the fleeing protesters sheltered at the nearby Mykhailivsky Cathedral.

On the morning of Nov. 30, Ukrainians woke up to shocking footage of the brutal beating. They didn't wait long to react.

That same day thousands took the streets to protest, demanding punishment for those responsible for the overnight attack.

On Dec. 1, the protesters moved back into and started setting up a camp on Independence Square and occupying government buildings in Kyiv.

All of the police's attempts to clear the streets ended up causing even a bigger backlash, bringing more and more people to join the uprising.

On Dec. 8, "A Million's March" took place in central Kyiv with around 1 million people demanding the resignation of Azarov's government. Protests continued all across Ukraine.

What were the revolution's demands?

The EuroMaidan initially began with people protesting the disruption of Ukraine's European integration. But as the authorities used force to repress peaceful demonstrations, people's demands changed.

Ukrainians opposed the widespread corruption, police violence, and abuse of power by Yanukovych and his allies, eventually demanding his resignation.

How did the revolution result in the murder of more than 100 protestors?

From the start, the pro-Kremlin government and riot police thought they could crush the protest by force. It didn't work, in turn, it caused more people to protest.

On Jan. 16, the government adopted a package of anti-democratic laws, restricting freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. Known as the "dictatorship laws," they aimed to criminalize the opposition and civil society. The adoption of these laws had the opposite effect.

The number of people outraged by the government's actions increased, while the riot police turned excessively violent.

The next day, several public organizations announced a full mobilization on Independence Square. More and more people camped in the square. They called for "massive and immediate resistance" to the "criminals in power."

On Jan. 19, the riot police and other forces tried to push protesters out of the camp, shooting firearms at them. The protesters built barricades, used Molotov cocktails, famously burned tires, and threw paving stones at law enforcement.

On Jan. 22, a sniper killed the first two protesters, Serhiy Nigoyan and Mykhailo Zhyznevskyi, the first of the Heavenly Hundred. Two more protesters were injured that day, eventually dying in the hospital.

On Feb. 18-20 violence in Kyiv escalated dramatically, with law enforcement firing at crowds of unarmed protesters, killing nearly a hundred of them.

A turning point came when on Feb. 20, the parliament, including lawmakers from Yanukovych's Party of Regions, voted to condemn violence against the demonstrators. The next day, protesters demanded Yanukovych's resignation.

Yanukovych soon fled Ukraine. His 140-hectare luxurious residence called Mezhyhirya just outside Kyiv was opened to the public.

On Feb. 22, the parliament removed Yanukovych from office. By then, Yanukovych's pro-Kremlin government had collapsed.

What is the legacy of the revolution?

The EuroMaidan Revolution was a defining moment in the history of modern Ukraine, a time when the Ukrainian people made a clear conscious decision that they want their country to grow into a full-fledged democracy and become a member of the EU.

In the following years, Ukraine signed an association agreement with the EU and received a visa-free regime with the bloc. In 2022, during Russia's all-out war, in a historic turn, the EU granted Ukraine candidate status.

The uprising also laid the foundation for the development of a strong civil society in Ukraine and ignited a cultural renaissance, as Ukrainians started to explore their history and identity more deeply.

Meanwhile, after losing influence over the Ukrainian government in 2014, Moscow launched a war against Ukraine in an attempt to pull Kyiv back into its orbit.

Russia occupied Crimea in March 2014. It soon launched an attack on Ukraine's eastern Donbas region, occupying parts of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts.

In February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, bombing cities all across the country.

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The EuroMaidan Revolution is often credited with being the single most consequential event in Ukraine's modern history. After pro-Kremlin President Viktor Yanukovych took power in 2010, the political and business landscape in Ukraine was gradually deteriorating. In November 2013, Yanukovych

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BBC의 우크라이나 전황 지도

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BBC의 우크라이나 전황 지도

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-60506682

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Ukraine's counter-offensive has now been under way for more than four months and may have now achieved a breakthrough ahead of the usually harsh winter.

Here are the latest developments:

Ukraine says its forces have gained a foothold on the eastern bank of the Dnipro river - potentially allowing it to transfer vital equipment across the river

Russia has been focusing its efforts on eastern Ukraine with fighting continuing around Bakhmut and near Donetsk

Ukraine's claims foothold across river

Ukrainian forces say they have gained a foothold on the eastern bank of the Dnipro river about 30km (19 miles) from the city of Kherson.

The river has separated Ukrainian and Russian forces since Moscow's troops withdrew from Kherson a year ago.

If the area is held it would mean a significant advance for Ukraine as it may be able to begin transferring armoured vehicles and air defence systems across the river putting it a step closer to breaking through to Crimea, the peninsula illegally annexed by Russia in 2014.

The success was claimed by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's chief of staff Andriy Yermak shortly after US-based experts said that marginal advances had been made into the village of Krynky, 2km (1.25 miles) inland from the river.

Russia conceded on 15 November that "small groups" of Ukrainian forces had set up positions in the village but insisted they had sustained heavy losses and had no chance of breaking through.

Vladimir Saldo, the Russian-installed official in charge of the Russian-occupied areas of the Kherson region, said they faced a "fiery hell", adding: "Our additional forces have now been brought in. The enemy is trapped in Krynky."

His admission that Ukrainian forces had gained a foothold came two days after Russian state media published and then swiftly retracted news of a retreat from positions on the eastern bank.

Ukrainian forces have conducted several raids in small boats across the Dnipro, Ukraine's longest river, during the spring and summer. However, Kyiv lacks air superiority, which made the task more difficult.

The battle for Bakhmut

Russia's main effort has been focused on eastern Ukraine, according to analysts from the US-based Institute for the Study of War (ISW).

The city of Bakhmut, which has endured some of the heaviest fighting of the war, has been under Russian control for several months and, although Ukraine gained some ground in the surrounding areas over the summer, including the villages of Kupyansk and Andriivka, the battles continue.

Russian forces are also claiming to have made advances around the town of Avdiivka near the city of Donetsk.

President Zelensky said on 14 November that fighting was escalating near the town but added that Russian forces were losing men and equipment trying to capture it.

The UK Ministry of Defence says Russia is "almost certainly attempting a pincer movement to encircle the town", and notes its proximity to Donetsk means it holds political importance to Russia.

The MoD assessment is that recent advances suggest Russian forces are closing in on the coke and chemical plant to the north of the town, which is still held by Ukrainian forces and occupies a key tactical position.

The plant dominates the main road into Avdiivka and, the MoD believes if Russian forces were to secure it, resupplying the town would "become increasingly difficult for Ukraine". However the building gives Ukraine a "localised defensive advantage" and the MoD says that Russian forces will probably suffer significant losses if they attempt to assault the facility.

Attacks on Crimea

As part of its counter-offensive Ukraine has also stepped up attacks on the Crimean peninsula - including a missile attack on the port of Sevastopol on 22 September which it says killed 34 Russian officers.

That attack came just over a week after another major attack on the same city, which is the headquarters of the fleet, that is thought to have destroyed a ship and a submarine.

It also caused significant damage to the dry docks, which are vital for maintenance of the entire Russian Black Sea fleet.

The next day Ukraine said it had succeeded in destroying a sophisticated Russian air defence system - the S-400 - on the peninsular.

Attacks in late August destroyed another S-400 and others knocked out Russian radar positions on offshore gas platforms.

Russia's Black Sea fleet is an important target for Kyiv - its ships have launched missiles at Ukraine causing devastating damage.

It has also been threatening to block the Black Sea shipping routes that Ukraine has been using to export grain - which is a particular sticking point for Kyiv currently.

Moscow pulled out of the internationally brokered Black Sea Grain Initiative in mid-July, which guaranteed safe passage of non-military vessels, arguing that Russia's own agricultural exporters were being disadvantaged.

In its place Ukraine exported a limited amount of grain using ships that hugged the western coast of the Black Sea - through Romanian and Bulgarian territorial waters - to evade Russian attack. Ukraine has also been exporting an increasing amount of grain from Reni and Izmail, on the Danube river.

The Black Sea route was previously used as a humanitarian corridor, to allow passage for empty ships which had been trapped in Ukraine's ports since the start of the conflict.

However, earlier in November Ukrainian officials said a harbour pilot had been killed and four other people injured after a Russian missile hit a civilian ship that was supposed to transport iron ore to China as it was entering Odesa.

More than a year of fighting

Russia's invasion began with dozens of missile strikes on cities all over Ukraine before dawn on 24 February 2022.

Russian ground troops moved in quickly and within a few weeks were in control of large areas of Ukraine and had advanced to the suburbs of Kyiv.

Russian forces were bombarding Kharkiv, and they had taken territory in the east and south as far as Kherson, and surrounded the port city of Mariupol.

But they hit very strong Ukrainian resistance almost everywhere and faced serious logistical problems with poorly motivated Russian troops suffering shortages of food, water and ammunition.

Ukrainian forces were also quick to deploy Western supplied arms such as the Nlaw anti-tank system, which proved highly effective against the Russian advance.

By October, the picture had changed dramatically and having failed to take Kyiv, Russia withdrew completely from the north.

More than a year since the invasion, Ukraine is now hoping its latest counter-offensive can turn the war in its favour.

By David Brown, Bella Hurrell, Dominic Bailey, Mike Hills, Lucy Rodgers, Paul Sargeant, Alison Trowsdale, Tural Ahmedzade, Chris Clayton, Kady Wardell, Mark Bryson, Zoe Bartholomew, Sean Willmott, Sana Dionysiou, Joy Roxas, Gerry Fletcher, Jana Tauschinsk, Debie Loizou, Simon Martin and Prina Shah.

About these maps

To indicate which parts of Ukraine are under control by Russian troops we are using daily assessments published by the Institute for the Study of War with the American Enterprise Institute's Critical Threats Project. To show key areas where advances are taking place we are also using updates from the UK Ministry of Defence and BBC research.

The situation in Ukraine is often fast moving and it is likely there will be times when there have been changes not reflected in the maps.

Copyright 2023 BBC. All rights reserved. The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites. Read about our approach to external linking.

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Ukraine in maps: Tracking the war with Russia

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Ukraine's counter-offensive may have achieved a breakthrough ahead of the expected harsh winter months.

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BBC의 러시아 패배 원인 분석

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BBC의 러시아 패배 원인 분석

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-56720589

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Has Putin’s war failed and what does Russia want from Ukraine?

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A year into Russia’s war, he has little to show for it but there is no sign of an end.

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영국 - 우크라이나 정상회담(리시 수낙 신임 총리 - 젤렌스키 대통령)

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영국 - 우크라이나 정상회담(리시 수낙 신임 총리 - 젤렌스키 대통령)

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-63687045

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"While Ukraine's armed forces succeed in pushing back Russian forces on the ground, civilians are being brutally bombarded from the air. We are today providing new air defence, including anti-aircraft guns, radar and anti-drone equipment, and stepping up humanitarian support for the cold, hard winter ahead.

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Ukraine war: Rishi Sunak visits President Zelensky in Kyiv as he pledges £50m in aid

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The UK prime minister has travelled to Ukraine for the first time since taking office.

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https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/3522
미국 의회 링크, 이 이후로 M142 HIMARS 등 무기 적극 지원됨

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발표 방법 : 스케치북
발표 내용 : 갈등 이유, 역사적 관계, 현재 상황, 피해 및 범죄, 전쟁 모습. 앞으로의 전망(예측)

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우크라이나와 러시아는 옛날부터 키이우 루스라는 나라였는데 키이우 루스가 몽골에 의해 멸망 됐는데 240년 동안 몽골의 지배에서 풀려난 뒤에도 여러 나라들이 노리는 땅이 되었다. 14세기에는 라투아니아가, 16세기에는 폴란드가 땅의 주인이 됐었다. 그러자 러시아에게 도움을 요청하는데 러시아가 배신해서 결국 폴란드와 러시아가 땅을 2개로 나눠가졌다. 그러다가 소련으로 들어가게 되었다. 하지만 소련의 정책으로 인해 대 기근을 맞고, 독립을 하기 위해 독일 편에 붙기까지 했다. 그러나 소련이 멸망하고 나서야 독립을 했다.