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Instagram and Body Image in Teenage Girls

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Instagram and Body Image in Teenage Girls

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Citation:

Milmo, Dan and Clea Skopeliti. “Teenage girls, body image and Instagram’s ‘perfect storm’ - The suffering of the photo-sharing app’s users came in focus this week with the leak of Facebook’s internal research ‘I felt my body wasn’t good enough’”. The Guardian. September 18, 2021. https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/sep/18/teenage-girls-body-image-and-instagrams-perfect-storm

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Teenage girls, body image and Instagram’s ‘perfect storm’

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The suffering of the photo-sharing app’s users came into focus this week with the leak of Facebook’s internal research

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Instagram causes eating disorders in teenage girls as a result of body dissatisfaction from what they see on Instagram. The image of the perfect body shown on social media causes women the desire to reach the thinness level through an eating disorder. On the other hand, Instagram simultaneously provides one of the most successful venues for the prevention of eating disorders.

Citation:

Thompson, Kevin and Leslie J. Heinberg. “The Media’s Influence on Body Image Disturbance and Eating Disorders: We’ve Reviled Them, Now Can We Rehabilitate Them?”. The A Journal of the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues. 1999. https://spssi.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/0022-4537.00119?src=getftr

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Instagram sets the standard for the ideal body image: women have to be slim and men have to be muscular. In young teenage girls, it was found that they are more likely to idealize a thin body. Idealization of a body causes negative feelings, self-discrepancy, and social comparison. Also, emotional stress and anxiety. To have a thinner body is the idea of the perfect storm teenage girls are stuck in. They feel like they have to be perfect because of what they see posted on Instagram.

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Instagram makes users who are teenage girls desire to have thinner bodies as a result of comparing themselves to unrealistic beauty standards. They negatively view their body. In a study, the results were that users of Instagram were more likely to desire a “thinner body” after using the app. This shows that Instagram is causing users to want to change their bodies and appearances as a result of seeing unrealistic body standards and questioning their body image. This extends the complexity of the idea from the source that mentions how 40% of teenagers felt unattractive after using the app.

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Abstract

The literature on body image ramifications of girls' uses of appearance-focused social media (ASM) is limited, and even non-existing in terms of TikTok uses. With this brief report, we aimed to fill this gap in the literature by analyzing three waves of data on girls' ASM use and body image-related constructs (i.e., internalization of beauty ideals and body image self-discrepancy) using random-intercept cross-lagged panel models (RI-CLPMs). The total sample consisted of 229 girls ( = 1.50). Controlling for age and M = 15.12, SD body mass index (BMI), the RI-CLPMs revealed that neither TikTok nor Instagram were predictive of subsequent increases or decreases in internalization of beauty ideals and body image self-discrepancy. Lower scores on body image self-discrepancy at W2 (i.e., wanting to have a thinner body) did predict higher uses of Instagram at W3. No evidence for between-person effects was garnered. The results enrich our knowledge on long-term implications of girls' Instagram and TikTok use for their body image. They further underline the need for research that more specifically disentangles the role of different appearance-related activities on social media and their impact on girls' body image constructs.

Introduction

Recent reports showing that adolescents spend almost 1.10 h per day on social media (Rideout & Robb, 2019). Girls report spending typically more time on social media than boys, especially with regards to appearance-focused social media (ASM) (Mingoia et al., 2019). Given girls' developmental sensitivities with regards to body image (Abreu & Kaiser, 2016), scholars have expressed concerns about the impact of ASM, such as Instagram, and the relatively novel video sharing mobile application TikTok (Nesi, 2020).

Reviewing the literature on girls' ASM use and body image constructs, it seems that cross-sectional and experimental studies on Instagram have dominated this research in the past years (Faelens et al., 2021). Studies on the novel popular platform TikTok have just started to emerge (e.g., Vall-Roqué et al., 2021). Research exploring body image ramifications of ASM over time are thus limited, and, even, non-existing in terms of TikTok uses (Huang et al., 2021). Moreover, of the scarce amount of literature that did focus on body image ramifications of ASM use over time, to our knowledge only the study of Steinsbekk et al. (2021) paid attention to distinguishing within-and between-person level relations. Within-person level relations reflect fluctuations in the level of an outcome for a single person over time. Between-person level relations are more stable, trait-like differences between individuals (Hamaker et al., 2015). In this view, Steinsbekk and colleagues (2021) highlight the added value of paying attention to within-person level relations since they found that changes in a girl's social media use at any given time point were related to changes in that same girl's appearance-esteem. These changes are thus not due to social media users being more likely to display low appearance esteem for a variety of reasons, such as common BMI and personality (i.e., between-person). These results underline the necessity of disentangling within-from between-person effects. Therefore, the current study aims to add to the current literature by examining reciprocal relations between general TikTok and Instagram use and (a) internalization of beauty ideals (IBI) and (b) body image self-discrepancy (BISD) over time via disentangling within-and between-person level relations.

Features of social media platforms, such as Instagram and the recently popular video-sharing application TikTok, increase the likelihood that adolescents use these social media in a more appearance-focused way. In particular, the literature (Baker et al., 2019, Hülsing, 2021) suggest that these ASM promote unattainable and narrow beauty standards among female users (e.g., slender physique). The sociocultural tripartite influence model (Thompson & Heinberg, 1999) explains that interactions with such sociocultural messages about appearance (in the current context via using ASM) increases individuals' awareness of contemporary beauty ideals. This awareness may lead to the internalization of beauty ideals (IBI), which generally refers to the degree to which one considers societal ideals of beauty as being the sole indicators of beauty. ASM use has already been demonstrated to be positively linked to individuals' IBI in cross-sectional (e.g., Fardouly et al., 2018) and experimental research (e.g., Anixiadis et al., 2019). Longitudinal studies exploring these relations over time among girls are non-existing in terms of TikTok uses and rare for other ASM. An exception is Jarman et al. (2021) who found that adolescents' ASM was positively related to internalization of beauty ideals over one year. To address this caveat in the literature, this brief report will therefore test the following hypothesis:

H1: Girls' higher Instagram and TikTok use will predict greater IBI over time.

Further, self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987) postulates that using ASM can stimulate girls to reflect about their actual appearances, but also form beliefs about their ideal appearances. Such ideal appearances often align with sociocultural ideas of beauty. Girls may experience body image self-discrepancy (BISD) when noticing that their actual appearances are not similar to their ideal appearances. Indeed, the link between ASM use and BISD has already demonstrated in cross-sectional (e.g., Ahadzadeh et al., 2017) and experimental research (e.g., Anixiadis et al., 2019; Hendrickse et al., 2020). Yet, research exploring such relations over time among girls are lacking. Hence, we also aim to investigate the following hypothesis:

The Selective Exposure Self-and Affect-Management (SESAM) model (Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015) further highlights the transactional nature of relations between ASM use and body image-related components. More specifically, the model postulates that dispositional factors of individuals are predictive of their media use selection. In the context of the current study, this implies that girls who have higher IBI and experience a heightened BISD, can be expected to interact more frequently with ASM. Cross-sectional research (e.g., Stewart & Clayton, 2021) has already confirmed this link. Yet, again, longitudinal research is missing in this area. As such, we hypothesized that:

Lastly, differences exist between TikTok or Instagram. On Instagram, mainly still images are present (Fardouly et al., 2018), while TikTok only distributes moving content of maximum two minutes (Masciantonio et al., 2021). This implies that when using TikTok, users can interact with appearance-focused content for a longer time and, perhaps, in more intense sessions. When using Instagram, girls will scroll through still images swiftly, which also means that they will interact with more appearance content. Further, a great proportion of videos include users engaging in physical activities, such as dancing or doing challenges, in combination with music (Shutsko, 2020). In this way, TikTok content draws users' and creators' attention to moving bodies.

These differences in usage experiences on ASM may be reflected in differences regarding body image-related effects over time. Yet, to our knowledge, no existing studies have compared girls' uses of TikTok and Instagram in the context of their body image constructs. Hence, we further aimed to answer the following research questions:

Section snippets

Sample and procedure

Between January 2020 and October 2020, a 3-wave panel study with intervals of five months was conducted with 12-18 year-olds from 16 schools in Flanders, Belgium. At wave 1 (W1), adolescents participated via paper-and-pencil surveys in the presence of a researcher at school. For waves 2 (W2) and 3 (W3), adolescents filled in an online survey at home since physical distancing measures during the COVID-19 pandemic did not allow for the researcher to visit schools. The institutional review board

Measures

Demographic variables. Adolescents reported their age, and their height and weight at W1 to calculate BMI (kg/m ²).

TikTok use. Respondents used a 7-point Likert scale to indicate how long they used TikTok on a daily basis ( 1 = Never, 7 = More than 3 h). The measure was stable across waves, r = 0.53-0.84, p < .001.

Instagram use. Respondents used a 7-point Likert scale to indicate how long they used Instagram on a daily basis ( 1 = Never, 7 = More than 3 h). The measure was stable across waves, r

Analytical strategy

Descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations were calculated using SPSS. Using Mplus version 8.7. (Muthén & Muthén, 2018), we ran two RI-CLPMS (Hamaker et al., 2015) to test the two hypotheses: TikTok use, Instagram use, and IBI (Model 1, H1, see Fig. 1) and TikTok use, Instagram use, and BISD (Model 2, H2, see Fig. 2). In the Supplementary Materials, a detailed overview of the construction of the models can be found. To test RQ1 (i.e., difference between TikTok and Instagram), difference

Descriptive statistics

Zero-order correlations, means, and standard deviations for variables across waves are presented in Table 1.

RI-CLPM

The RI-CLPM model as hypothesized in Fig. 1 showed an excellent fit to the data, χ ² (3) = 0.71, p = .87, RMSEA = 0.00 (90% CI = [.00-0.06]), CFI = 1, TLI = 1. Fig. 3 shows that Instagram use at respectively W1 and W2 did not significantly predict adolescents' IBI at W2, p = .95, and W3, p  = .37. Also TikTok use at respectively W1 and W2 did not significantly predict adolescents' IBI at

Discussion

We explored the dynamics between Instagram and TikTok use and adolescents' IBI and BISD over time. First, the autoregressive paths of Instagram use appeared to be non-significant. Thus, occasions on which a girl who scored above her expected score on Instagram use are not per se followed by occasions on which she scored above or below the expected score on Instagram use. Autoregressive paths were significant for TikTok though, meaning that that for girls who experience an increase in their

Conclusions

This brief report explored adolescent girls' reciprocal relations between their Instagram and TikTok use and body image constructs (i.e., internalization of beauty ideals, body image self-discrepancy). Neither TikTok nor Instagram were predictive of subsequent increases or decreases in girls' internalization of beauty ideals and body image self-discrepancy over time. Lower body image self-discrepancy scores at W2 (i.e., wanting to have a thinner body) did predict higher uses of Instagram at W3.

Funding sources

This work was supported by Bijzonder Onderzoeksfonds under grant number C14/18/017.

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Chelly Maes: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Visualization, Writing - original draft, Writing - review & editing. Laura Vandenbosch: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Supervision, Writing - original draft, Writing - review & editing.

Conflict of interest

The coauthor and I hereby confirm that this manuscript consists of unpublished work which is not under consideration for publication in any other print or electronic journal. No conflicts of interest are to be declared.

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Adolescent girls' Instagram and TikTok use: Examining relations with body image-related constructs over time using random intercept cross-lagged panel models

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The literature on body image ramifications of girls' uses of appearance-focused social media (ASM) is limited, and even non-existing in terms of TikTo...

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What is the brain activity that provokes strong emotions?

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What is the brain activity that provokes strong emotions?

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In the early 2000s, it was brought to researchers that there is brain activity provoking strong emotions in teenagers. The limbic system in the brain evokes a strong emotional response. It is proven that adolescents will by swayed by emotions and let them take over. Adolescents rely heavily on the emotional part of their brain causing them to be overbeared by the emotions and letting them influence their decisions. Also, self-regulatory parts of the brain are still maturing, causing them to be more vulnerable. Through societal expectations, teenagers are exposed to the media and it easily influences them and causes them to feel emotions. Because of the way the adolescent brain works, teenagers are more likely to experience these heavy emotions, weighing out rational solutions causing them to develop eating disorders and constantly stimulate themselves to compare their bodies with the ideal beauty they see when scrolling through Instagram.

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Abstract

Adolescence is the developmental epoch during which children become adults - intellectually, physically, hormonally, and socially. Adolescence is a tumultuous time, full of changes and transformations. The pubertal transition to adulthood involves both gonadal and behavioral maturation. Magnetic resonance imaging studies have discovered that myelinogenesis, required for proper insulation and efficient neurocybernetics, continues from childhood and the brain's region-specific neurocircuitry remains structurally and functionally vulnerable to impulsive sex, food, and sleep habits. The maturation of the adolescent brain is also influenced by heredity, environment, and sex hormones (estrogen, progesterone, and testosterone), which play a crucial role in myelination. Furthermore, glutamatergic neurotransmission predominates, whereas gamma-aminobutyric acid neurotransmission remains under construction, and this might be responsible for immature and impulsive behavior and neurobehavioral excitement during adolescent life. The adolescent population is highly vulnerable to driving under the influence of alcohol and social maladjustments due to an immature limbic system and prefrontal cortex. Synaptic plasticity and the release of neurotransmitters may also be influenced by environmental neurotoxins and drugs of abuse including cigarettes, caffeine, and alcohol during adolescence. Adolescents may become involved with offensive crimes, irresponsible behavior, unprotected sex, juvenile courts, or even prison. According to a report by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the major cause of death among the teenage population is due to injury and violence related to sex and substance abuse. Prenatal neglect, cigarette smoking, and alcohol consumption may also significantly impact maturation of the adolescent brain. Pharmacological interventions to regulate adolescent behavior have been attempted with limited success. Since several factors, including age, sex, disease, nutritional status, and substance abuse have a significant impact on the maturation of the adolescent brain, we have highlighted the influence of these clinically significant and socially important aspects in this report.

Keywords: myelinogenesis, neurocircuitry, molecular imaging, drug addiction, behavior, social adjustment

Introduction

Significant progress has been made over the last 25 years in understanding the brain's regional morphology and function during adolescence. It is now realized that several major morphological and functional changes occur in the human brain during adolescence.1 Molecular imaging and functional genomics studies have indicated that the brain remains in an active state of development during adolescence.1 In particular, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) studies have discovered that myelinogenesis continues and the neurocircuitry remains structurally and functionally vulnerable to significant increases in sex hormones (estrogen, progesterone, and testosterone) during puberty which, along with environmental input, influences sex, eating, and sleeping habits. Particularly significant changes occur in the limbic system, which may impact self-control, decision making, emotions, and risk-taking behaviors. The brain also experiences a surge of myelin synthesis in the frontal lobe, which is implicated in cognitive processes during adolescence.1

Brain maturation during adolescence (ages 10-24 years) could be governed by several factors, as illustrated in Figure 1 . It may be influenced by heredity and environment, prenatal and postnatal insult, nutritional status, sleep patterns, pharmacotherapy, and surgical interventions during early childhood. Furthermore, physical, mental, economical, and psychological stress; drug abuse (caffeine, nicotine, and alcohol); and sex hormones including estrogen, progesterone, and testosterone can influence the development and maturation of the adolescent brain. MRI studies have suggested that neurocircuitry and myelinogenesis remain under construction during adolescence because these events in the central nervous system (CNS) are transcriptionally regulated by sex hormones that are specifically increased during puberty.

Neurobehavioral, morphological, neurochemical, and pharmacological evidence suggests that the brain remains under construction during adolescence,1,2,3,7,12,21,22,23,27,49 as illustrated in Figure 2 . Thus, the consolidation of neurocybernetics occurs during adolescence by the maturation of neurocircuitry and myelination. Although tubulinogenesis, axonogenesis, and synaptogenesis may be accomplished during prenatal and immediate postnatal life, myelinogenesis remains active during adolescent life. Neurochemical evidence suggests that glutamatergic neurotransmission is accomplished during prenatal and immediate postnatal life while gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA)ergic neurotransmission, particularly in the prefrontal cortex, remains under construction during adolescence.2 Hence, delayed development of GABAergic neurotransmission is held responsible for neurobehavioral excitement including euphoria and risk-taking behavior, whereas dopaminergic (DA)ergic neurotransmission, particularly in the prefrontal area, is developmentally regulated by sex hormones and is implicated in drug-seeking behavior during adolescence;3 thus, brain development in critical areas is an ongoing process during adolescence. Indeed, adolescents are risk-taking and novelty-seeking individuals and they are more likely to weigh positive experiences more heavily and negative experiences less so than adults. This behavioral bias can lead to engagement in risky activities like reckless driving, unprotected sex, and drug abuse.1⁻3 In fact, most drug addictions initiate during adolescence, and early drug abuse is usually associated with an increased incidence of physical tolerance and dependence. The hormonal changes in puberty contribute to physical, emotional, intellectual, and social changes during adolescence. These changes do not just induce maturation of reproductive function and the emergence of secondary sex characteristics, but they also contribute to the appearance of sex differences in nonreproductive behaviors. Physical changes, including accelerated body growth, sexual maturation, and development of secondary sexual characteristics occur simultaneously along with social, emotional, and cognitive development during adolescence. Furthermore, the adolescent brain evolves its capability to organize, regulate impulses, and weigh risks and rewards; however, these changes can make adolescents highly vulnerable to risk-taking behavior. Thus, brain maturation is an extremely important aspect of overall adolescent development, and a basic understanding of the process might aid in the understanding of adolescent sexual behavior, pregnancy, and intellectual performance issues.

There are several other crucial developmental aspects of adolescence that are associated with changes in physical, cognitive, and psychosocial characteristics, as well as with attitudes toward intimacy and independence, and these may also influence brain maturation; these will also be discussed in the present report. Furthermore, we emphasize the deleterious effects of drug abuse and the clinical significance of nutrition from fish oils and fatty acids in adolescent brain maturation.

Neuronal plasticity and neurocircuitry

The term "plasticity" refers to the possible significant neuronal changes that occur in the acquisition of new skills.1⁻3 These skills initiate the process of elaboration and stabilization of synaptic circuitry as part of the learning process. Plasticity permits adolescents to learn and adapt in order to acquire independence; however, plasticity also increases an individual's vulnerability toward making improper decisions because the brain's region-specific neurocircuitry remains under construction, thus making it difficult to think critically and rationally before making complex decisions. Moreover, the neurocircuitry may be forged, refined or weakened, and damaged during plasticity. Thus, neuronal proliferation, rewiring, dendritic pruning, and environmental exposure are important components of brain plasticity during adolescence. A significant portion of brain growth and development occurring in adolescence is the construction and strengthening of regional neurocircuitry and pathways; in particular, the brain stem, cerebellum, occipital lobe, parietal lobe, frontal lobe, and temporal lobe actively mature during adolescence. The frontal lobes are involved in movement control, problem solving, spontaneity, memory, language, initiation, judgment, impulse control, and social and sexual behavior. Furthermore, the prefrontal cortex, which is implicated in drug-seeking behavior, remains in a process of continuous reconstruction, consolidation, and maturation during adolescence.

The adolescent brain

It is well established that various morphological and physiological changes occur in the human brain during adolescence. The term "adolescence" is generally used to describe a transition stage between childhood and adulthood. "Adolescence" also denotes both teenage years and puberty, as these terms are not mutually exclusive. The second surge of synaptogenesis occurs in the brain during the adolescent years. Hence, adolescence is one of the most dynamic events of human growth and development, second only to infancy in terms of the rate of developmental changes that can occur within the brain. Although there is no single definition of adolescence or a set age boundary, Kaplan4 has pointed out that puberty refers to the hormonal changes that occur in early youth, and adolescence may extend well beyond the teenage years. In fact, there are characteristic developmental changes that almost all adolescents experience during their transition from childhood to adulthood. It is well established that the brain undergoes a "rewiring" process that is not complete until approximately 25 years of age.5 This discovery has enhanced our basic understanding regarding adolescent brain maturation and it has provided support for behaviors experienced in late adolescence and early adulthood. Several investigators consider the age span 10-24 years as adolescence, which can be further divided into substages specific to physical, cognitive, and social-emotional development.5,6 Hence, understanding neurological development in conjunction with physical, cognitive, and social-emotional adolescent development may facilitate the better understanding of adolescent brain maturation, which can subsequently inform proper guidance to adolescents.7

Longitudinal MRI studies have confirmed that a second surge of neuronal growth occurs just before puberty.1,7 This surge is similar to that noticed during infancy and consists of a thickening of the grey matter. Following neuronal proliferation, the brain rewires itself from the onset of puberty up until 24 years old, especially in the prefrontal cortex. The rewiring is accomplished by dendritic pruning and myelination. Dendritic pruning eradicates unused synapses and is generally considered a beneficial process, whereas myelination increases the speed of impulse conduction across the brain's region-specific neurocircuitry. The myelination also optimizes the communication of information throughout the CNS and augments the speed of information processing. Thus, dendritic pruning and myelination are functionally very important for accomplishing efficient neurocybernetics in the adolescent brain.

During adolescence, the neurocircuitry strengthens and allows for multitasking, enhanced ability to solve problems, and the capability to process complex information. Furthermore, adolescent brain plasticity provides an opportunity to develop talents and lifelong interests; however, neurotoxic insult, trauma, chronic stress, drug abuse, and sedentary lifestyles may have a negative impact during this sensitive period of brain maturation.8,9

Out of several neurotransmitters in the CNS, three play a significant role in the maturation of adolescent behavior: dopamine, serotonin, and melatonin.3,8,9 Dopamine influences brain events that control movement, emotional response, and the ability to experience pleasure and pain. Its levels decrease during adolescence, resulting in mood swings and difficulties regulating emotions. Serotonin plays a significant role in mood alterations, anxiety, impulse control, and arousal. Its levels also decrease during adolescence, and this is associated with decreased impulse control. Lastly, melatonin regulates circadian rhythms and the sleep-wake cycle. The body's daily production of melatonin increases the requirement for sleep during adolescence.8,9

Behavioral problems and puberty

It is now known that hormones are not the only explanation for erratic adolescent behavior; hence, investigators are now trying to establish the exact nature of the interrelationship between pubertal processes and adolescent brain maturation. Dahl has explained three main categories of brain changes related to puberty: (1) changes that precede puberty; (2) changes that are the consequence of puberty; and (3) changes that occur after puberty is over.9 The timing of these changes may underlie many aspects of risk-taking behavior. These changes, which are the consequence of puberty, occur primarily in the brain regions closely linked to emotions, arousal, motivation, as well as to appetite and sleep patterns. Brain changes independent of puberty are those related to the development of advanced cognitive functioning.

Animal studies have shown that sex hormones (estrogen, progesterone, and testosterone) are critically involved in myelination.12 These studies have provided a relationship between sex hormones, white matter, and functional connectivity in the human brain, measured using neuroimaging. The results suggest that sex hormones organize structural connections and activate the brain areas they connect. These processes could underlie a better integration of structural and functional communication between brain regions with age. Specifically, ovarian hormones (estradiol and progesterone) may enhance both corticocortical and subcorticocortical functional connectivity, whereas androgens (testosterone) may decrease subcorticocortical functional connectivity but increase the functional connectivity between subcortical brain areas. Therefore, when examining brain development and aging, or when investigating the possible biological mechanisms of neurological diseases, the contribution of sex hormones should not be ignored.10

A recent study has described how the social brain develops during adolescence.10 Adolescence is a time characterized by change - hormonally, physically, psychologically, and socially. Functional MRI studies have demonstrated the developmental changes that occur during adolescence among white matter and grey matter volumes in regions within the "social brain."1,7,12 Activity in the mesolimbic brain regions also showed changes between adolescence and adulthood during social cognition tasks. A developmental clock - along with the signals that provide information on somatic growth, energy balance, and season of the year - times the awakening of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) neurons at the onset of puberty. High-frequency GnRH release results in the disinhibition and activation of GnRH neurons at the onset of puberty, leading to gametogenesis and an increase in sex hormone secretion. Sex hormones and adrenocorticotropic hormones both remodel and activate neurocircuits during adolescent brain development, leading to the development of sexual salience of sensory stimuli, sexual motivation, and expression of copulatory behavior. These influences of hormones on reproductive behavior depend on changes in the adolescent brain that occur independently of gonadal maturation. Reproductive maturity is therefore the product of developmentally timed, brain-driven, and recurrent interactions between steroid hormones and the adolescent nervous system.11,12

Limbic system

The limbic system is a group of structures located deep within the cerebrum. It is composed of the amygdala, the hippocampus, and the hypothalamus. These brain regions are involved in the expression of emotions and motivation, which are related to survival. The emotions include fear, anger, and the fight or fight response. The limbic system is also involved in feelings of pleasure that reward behaviors related to species survival, such as eating and sex. In addition, the limbic system regulates functions related to memory storage and retrieval of events that invoke a strong emotional response. Neuroimaging studies have revealed that when interacting with others and making decisions, adolescents are more likely than adults to be swayed by their emotions.12⁻16 In addition, adolescents often read others' emotions incorrectly. These studies involved comparing a teen brain to an adult brain determined that adolescents' prefrontal cortices are used less often during interpersonal interactions and decision making than their adult counterparts. In fact, adolescents relied more on the emotional region of their brains when reading others' emotions, which is more impulsive when compared to a logical or measured interpretation. Thus, an understanding of how the limbic system and the prefrontal cortex are used has provided a partial explanation for certain characteristics of adolescents and adolescent behaviors, such as quickness to anger, intense mood swings, and making decisions on the basis of "gut" feelings. Because adolescents rely heavily on the emotional regions of their brains, it can be challenging to make what adults consider logical and appropriate decisions, as illustrated in Figure 3 .

Prefrontal cortex

Recently, investigators have studied various aspects of the maturation process of the prefrontal cortex of adolescents.17,18 The prefrontal cortex offers an individual the capacity to exercise good judgment when presented with difficult life situations. The prefrontal cortex, the part of the frontal lobes lying just behind the forehead, is responsible for cognitive analysis, abstract thought, and the moderation of correct behavior in social situations. The prefrontal cortex acquires information from all of the senses and orchestrates thoughts and actions in order to achieve specific goals.

The prefrontal cortex is one of the last regions of the brain to reach maturation, which explains why some adolescents exhibit behavioral immaturity. There are several executive functions of the human prefrontal cortex that remain under construction during adolescence, as illustrated in Figures 3 and ​and4. 4 . The fact that brain development is not complete until near the age of 25 years refers specifically to the development of the prefrontal cortex.19

MRI studies have discovered that developmental processes tend to occur in the brain in a back-to-front pattern, explaining why the prefrontal cortex develops last. These studies have also shown that teens have less white matter (myelin) in the frontal lobes compared to adults, and that myelin in the frontal lobes increases throughout adolescence.1,7,21 With more myelin comes the growth of important neurocircuitry, allowing for better flow of information between brain regions.20,21 These findings have led to the concept of frontalization, whereby the prefrontal cortex develops in order to regulate the behavioral responses initiated by the limbic structures. During adolescence, white matter increases in the corpus callosum, the bundle of nerve fibers connecting the right and left hemispheres of the brain, which allows for efficient communication between the hemispheres and enables an individual to access a full array of analytical and creative strategies to respond to complex dilemmas that may arise in adolescent life. Hence, the role of experience is critical in developing the neurocircuitry that allows for increased cognitive control of the emotions and impulses of adolescence. Adolescents, who tend to engage in risky behaviors in relatively safe environments, utilize this circuitry and develop the skills to tackle more dangerous situations; however, with an immature prefrontal cortex, even if adolescents understand that something is dangerous, they may still engage in such risky behavior.21

Risk-taking behavior

The exact biological basis of risk-taking behavior in adolescents remains enigmatic. Adolescents are at their peak of physical strength, resilience, and immune function, yet mortality rates among 15-24 year olds are more than triple the mortality rates of middle school children. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has identified the leading causes of death and illness among adolescents,22,23,59 as illustrated in Figure 5 . It is generally held that adolescents take risks to test and define themselves, as risk-taking can be both beneficial and harmful. It can lead to situations where new skills are learned and new experiences can prepare them for future challenges in their lives. Risk-taking serves as a means of discovery about oneself, others, and the world at large. The proclivity for risk-taking behavior plays a significant role in adolescent development, rendering this a period of time for both accomplishing their full potential and vulnerability. Hence, acquiring knowledge regarding adolescent brain maturation can help understand why teens take risks, while keeping in mind that risk-taking behavior is a normal and necessary component of adolescence. This knowledge may help in developing physiologically and pharmacologically effective interventions that focus on reducing the negative consequences associated with risk-taking behavior among the adolescent population.22

Risk perception

It has been established that, around the age of 12 years, adolescents decrease their reliance on concrete thinking and begin to show the capacity for abstract thinking, visualization of potential outcomes, and a logical understanding of cause and effect.23 Teens begin looking at situations and deciding whether they are safe, risky, or dangerous. These aspects of development correlate with the maturation of the frontal lobe, and is marked by a shift from the development of additional neural connections to synaptic pruning, as well as by an increase in the release of hormones, all of which drive an adolescent's mood and impulsive behavior.

By the age of 15 years, there is little difference in adolescents' and adults' decision-making patterns pertaining to hypothetical situations. Teens were found to be capable of reasoning about the possible harm or benefits of different courses of action; however, in the real world, teens still engaged in dangerous behaviors, despite understanding the risks involved.22,23,59 Hence, both the role of emotions and the connection between feeling and thinking need to be considered while studying the way teens make decisions.

Investigators have differentiated between "hot" cognition and "cold" cognition.24 Hot cognition is described as thinking under conditions of high arousal and intense emotion. Under these conditions, teens tend to make poorer decisions. The opposite of hot cognition is cold cognition, which is critical and over-analyzing.25 In cold cognition, circumstances are less intense and teens tend to make better decisions. Then, with the addition of complex feelings - such as fear of rejection, wanting to look cool, the excitement of risk, or anxiety of being caught - it is more difficult for teens to think through potential outcomes, understand the consequences of their decisions, or even use common sense.26 The apparent immaturity of the connections between the limbic system, prefrontal cortex, and the amygdala provides further support for this concept.

Sensation seeking

The nucleus accumbens, a part of the brain's reward system located within the limbic system, is the area that processes information related to motivation and reward. Brain imaging has shown that the nucleus accumbens is highly sensitive in adolescents, sending out impulses to act when faced with the opportunity to obtain something desirable.27 For instance, adolescents are more vulnerable to nicotine, alcohol, and other drug addictions because the limbic brain regions that govern impulse and motivation are not yet fully developed.28 During puberty, the increases in estrogen and testosterone bind receptors in the limbic system, which not only stimulates sex drive, but also increases adolescents' emotional volatility and impulsivity. Changes in the brain's reward sensitivity that occur during puberty have also been explored. These changes are related to decreases in DA, a neurotransmitter that produces feelings of pleasure.29 Due to these changes, adolescents may require higher levels of DAergic stimulation to achieve the same levels of pleasure/reward, driving them to make riskier decisions.

Self-regulation

Self-regulation has been broadly classified as the management of emotions and motivation.30 It also involves directing and controlling behavior in order to meet the challenges of the environment and to work toward a conscious purpose. Self-regulation also entails controlling the expression of intense emotions, impulse control, and delayed gratification. As adolescents progress toward adulthood with a body that is almost mature, the self-regulatory parts of their brains are still maturing. An earlier onset of puberty increases the window of vulnerability for teens, making them more susceptible to taking risks that affect their health and development over a prolonged period.31

Behavioral control requires a great involvement of cognitive and executive functions. These functions are localized in the prefrontal cortex, which matures independent of puberty and continues to evolve up until 24 years of age. It has been suggested that, during this period, adolescents should not be overprotected, but be allowed to make mistakes, learn from their own experiences, and practice self-regulation. Parents and teachers can help adolescents through this period by listening and offering support and guidance.

Recently, Steinberg studied risk-taking behavior in teens and how this was influenced by their peers.32 He used a driving simulation game in which he studied teens deciding on whether or not to run a yellow light, and found that when teens were playing alone they made safer decisions, but in the presence of friends they made riskier decisions. When teens find themselves in emotionally arousing situations, with their immature prefrontal cortices, hot cognitive thinking comes into play, and these adolescents are more likely to take riskier actions and make impulsive decisions.

Societal influences

Mass media, community, and adult role models can also influence adolescent risk-taking behaviors. Teens are constantly exposed to emotionally arousing stimuli through multimedia, which encourages unprotected sex, substance abuse, alcohol abuse, and life-threatening activities.32,33 Even neighborhoods, friends, and communities provide teens with opportunities to engage in risky behaviors, although local law enforcement authorities regulate the purchase of cigarettes, access to and acceptability of guns, and the ability to drive cars. Even adults can have trouble resisting engaging in some of these risky behaviors; however, the temptation must be much harder for teens, whose judgment and decision-making skills are still developing.34

Recent functional MRI studies have demonstrated the extent of development during adolescence in the white matter and grey matter regions within the social brain. Activity in some of these regions showed changes between adolescence and adulthood during social cognition tasks. These studies have provided evidence that the concept of mind usage remains developing late in adolescence.1,21,33

Substance abuse

The mechanisms underlying the long-term effects of prenatal substance abuse and its consequent elevated impulsivity during adolescence are poorly understood. Liu and Lester34 have reported on developmentally-programmed neural maturation and highlighted adolescence as a critical period of brain maturation. These investigators have studied impairments in the DAergic system, the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, and the pathological interactions between these two systems that originate from previous fetal programming in order to explain insufficient behavioral inhibition in affected adolescents. In addition, Burke35 has examined the development of brain functions and the cognitive capabilities of teenagers. Specifically, these two sets of investigators have explored the effect of alcohol abuse on brain development, and the fundamental cognitive differences between adolescents and adults, and have suggested that the adultification of youth is harsh for those whose brains have not fully matured.

Cannabis

Cannabis is the most commonly consumed drug among adolescents, and its chronic use may affect maturational refinement by disrupting the regulatory role of the endocannabinoid system.36 Adolescence represents a critical period for brain development and the endocannabinoid system plays a critical role in the regulation of neuronal refinement during this period. In animals, adolescent cannabinoid exposure caused long-term impairment in specific components of learning and memory, and differentially affected emotional reactivity with milder effects on anxiety behavior and more pronounced effects on depressive behavior.37 Epidemiological studies have suggested that adolescent cannabis abuse may increase their risk of developing cognitive abnormalities, psychotic illness, mood disorders, and other illicit substance abuse later in life.36,38⁻40 Cannabis abuse in adolescence could increase the risk of developing psychiatric disorders, especially in people who are vulnerable to developing psychiatric syndromes. So far, only a few studies have investigated the neurobiological substrates of this vulnerability;56 hence, further investigation is required to clarify the molecular mechanisms underlying the effect of cannabis on the adolescent brain.

Nicotine

Recent studies have provided a neural framework to explain the developmental differences that occur within the mesolimbic pathway based on the established role of DA in addiction.41,42 During adolescence, excitatory glutamatergic systems that facilitate DAergic neurotransmisson are overdeveloped, whereas inhibitory GABAergic systems remain underdeveloped. DAergic pathways originate in the ventral tegmental area and terminate in the nucleus accumbens, where dopamine is increased by nicotine, but decreased during withdrawal. Thus, it has been hypothesized that adolescents display enhanced nicotine reward and reduced withdrawal via enhanced excitation and reduced inhibition of ventral tegmental area cell bodies that release DA in the nucleus accumbens.44,45 Although this framework focuses on both adolescents and adults, it may also apply to the enhanced vulnerability to nicotine in adults that were previously exposed to nicotine during adolescence, suggesting that the diagnostic criteria developed for nicotine dependence in adults (based primarily on withdrawal) may be inappropriate during adolescence, when nicotine withdrawal does not appear to play a major role in nicotine use.39 Furthermore, treatment strategies involving nicotine replacement may be harmful for adolescents because it may cause enhanced vulnerability to nicotine dependence later in adulthood. Adolescents that initiate tobacco abuse are more vulnerable to long-term nicotine dependence. A unifying hypothesis has been proposed based on animal studies, and it suggests that adolescents (as compared to adults) experience enhanced short-term positive effects and reduced adverse effects toward nicotine, and they also experience fewer negative effects during nicotine withdrawal.39 Thus, during adolescence, the strong positive effects associated with nicotine are inadequately balanced by the negative effects that contribute to nicotine dependence in adults.

Alcohol

Recently, the development of brain functions, the cognitive capabilities of adolescents, and the effect of alcohol abuse on brain maturation have been examined.49,50 Cognitive differences between adolescents and adults suggest that the adultification of youths is deleterious for youths whose brains have not fully matured. Adolescence is the time during which most individuals first experience alcohol exposure, and binge drinking is very common during this period.29,50,43 There is increasing evidence for long-lasting neurophysiological changes that may occur following exposure to ethanol during adolescence in animal models.50 If alcohol exposure is neurotoxic to the developing brain during adolescence, then understanding how ethanol affects the developing adolescent brain becomes a major public health issue. Adolescence is a critical time period when cognitive, emotional, and social maturation occurs and it is likely that ethanol exposure may affect these complex processes. During a period that corresponds to adolescence in rats, the relatively brief exposure to high levels of alcohol via ethanol vapors caused long-lasting changes in functional brain activity.51 The following observations were recorded: disturbances in waking electroencephalography; a reduction in the P3 wave (P3a and P3b) component of event-related potential measurements; reductions in the mean duration of slow-wave sleep; and the total amount of time spent in slow-wave sleep - findings that are consistent with the premature sleep patterns observed during aging.50

Sex differences

Sex differences in many behaviors, including drug abuse, have been attributed to social and cultural factors.43,46 A narrowing gap in drug abuse between adolescent boys and girls supports this hypothesis;52 however, some sex differences in addiction vulnerability refect biologic differences in the neurocircuits involved in addiction. A male predominance in overall drug abuse appears by the end of adolescence, while girls develop a rapid progression from the time of the first abuse to dependence, and this represents female-based vulnerability. Recent studies have emphasized the contribution of sex differences in the function of the ascending DAergic systems, which are critical in reinforcement.3,43 These studies highlight the behavioral, neurochemical, and anatomical changes that occur in the DAergic functions that are related to the addictions that occur during adolescence. In addition, these studies have presented novel findings about the emergence of sex differences in DAergic function during adolescence.43,46⁻48 Sex differences in drinking patterns and the rates of alcohol abuse and dependence begin to emerge during the transition from late puberty to young adulthood. Increases in pubertal hormones, including gonadal and stress hormones, are a prominent developmental feature of adolescence and could contribute to the progression of sex differences in alcohol drinking behavior during puberty. Witt46 reviewed experimental and correlational studies of gonadal and stress-related hormone changes, as well as their effects on alcohol consumption and the associated neurobehavioral actions of alcohol on the mesolimbic dopaminergic system. Mechanisms have been suggested by which reproductive and stress-related hormones may modulate neural circuits within the brain reward system, and these hormones may produce sex differences in terms of alcohol consumption patterns and adolescents' vulnerability to alcohol abuse and dependence, which become apparent during the late pubertal period.

Chemotherapy

Recently, Vázquez et al53 emphasized the need for the early and accurate diagnosis of CNS complications during and after pediatric cancer treatment because of the improvement in overall survival rates related to innovative and aggressive oncologic therapies. A major concern in this issue is recognizing the radiologic features of these CNS complications. Radiologists are supposed to be familiar with the early and late effects of cancer therapy in the pediatric CNS (toxic effects, infection, endocrine or sensory dysfunction, neuropsychological impairment, and secondary malignancies) in order to provide an accurate diagnosis and to minimize morbidity. The acquisition of further knowledge about these complications will enable the development of more appropriate therapeutic decisions, effective patient surveillance, and an improved quality of life by decreasing the long-term consequences in survivors. Certain chemotherapeutic compounds and environmental agents, such as anesthetics, antiepileptics, sleep-inducing and anxiolytic compounds, nicotine, alcohol, and stress, as well as agents of infection have also been investigated quite extensively and have been shown to contribute to the etiopathogenesis of serious neuropsychiatric disorders.54 All of these agents have a deleterious influence on developmental processes during the time when the brain experiences major changes in early childhood and during adulthood. Several of these agents have contributed to the structural and functional brain abnormalities that have been observed in the biomarker profiles of schizophrenia and fetal alcohol syndrome. The effects of these agents are generally permanent and irreversible.54

Nutrition

The rapid expansion of knowledge in this field, from basic science to clinical and community-based research, is expected to lead to urgently needed research in support of effective, evidence-based medicine and treatment strategies for undernutrition, overnutrition, and eating disorders in early childhood. Eating is necessary for survival and provides a sense of pleasure, but may be perturbed, leading to undernutrition, overnutrition, and eating disorders. The development of feeding in humans relies on the complex interplay between homeostatic mechanisms; neural reward systems; and adolescents' motor, sensory, and emotional capabilities. Furthermore, parenting, social factors, and food influence the development of eating behavior.

Recently, the neural development of eating behavior in children has been investigated.55 Furthermore, developmentally programmed neural maturation has been discussed in order to highlight adolescence as the second most critical period of brain maturation.56 These studies used impairments of the DAergic system, the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, and pathological interactions between these two systems originating from fetal programming in a dual-system model to explain insufficient behavioral inhibition in affected adolescents.

The range of exogenous agents, such as alcohol and cocaine, which are generally likely to detrimentally affect the development of the brain and CNS defies estimation, although the accumulated evidence is substantial.57⁻60 Pubertal age affects the fundamental property of nervous tissue excitability; excessive excitatory drive is seen in early puberty and a deficiency is seen in late puberty. It has been postulated that, with adequate fish oils and fatty acids, the risk of psychopathology can be minimized, whereas a deficiency could lead to subcortical dysfunction in early puberty, and a breakdown of cortical circuitry and cognitive dysfunctions in late puberty.61 Thus, postpubertal psychoses, schizophrenia, and manic-depressive psychosis during the pubertal age, along with excitability, may be the result of continuous dietary deficiency, which may inhibit the expression of the oligodendrocyte-related genes responsible for myelinogenesis. The beneficial effect of fish oils and fatty acids in schizophrenia, fetal alcohol syndrome, developmental dyslexia, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and in other CNS disorders supports the hypothesis that the typical diet might be persistently deficient in the affected individuals, as illustrated in Figure 6 . However, the amount of fish oils and fatty acids needed to secure normal brain development and function is not known. It seems conjectural to postulate that a dietary deficiency in fish oils and fatty acids is causing brain dysfunction and death; however, all of these observations tend to suggest that a diet focusing on mainly protein is deficient, and the deficiency is most pronounced in maternal nutrition and in infancy, which might have a deleterious impact on the maturation of the adolescent brain.

Conclusion

Neuromorphological, neurochemical, neurophysiological, neurobehavioral, and neuropharmacological evidence suggests that the brain remains in its active state of maturation during adolescence.1,7,19,21 Such evidence supports the hypothesis that the adolescent brain is structurally and functionally vulnerable to environmental stress, risky behavior, drug addiction, impaired driving, and unprotected sex. Computed tomography and MRI studies also provide evidence in support of this hypothesis.19

Brain maturation occurs during adolescence due to a surge in the synthesis of sex hormones implicated in puberty including estrogen, progesterone, and testosterone. These sex hormones augment myelinogenesis and the development of the neurocircuitry involved in efficient neurocybernetics. Although tubulinogenesis, axonogenesis, and synaptogenesis can occur during the prenatal and early postnatal periods, myelinogenesis involved in the insulation of axons remains under construction in adolescence. Sex hormones also significantly influence food intake and sleep requirements during puberty. In addition to dramatic changes in secondary sex characteristics, sex hormones may also influence the learning, intelligence, memory, and behavior of adolescents.

Furthermore, it can be observed that the development of excitatory glutamatergic neurotransmission occurs earlier in the developing brain as compared to GABAergic neurotransmission, which makes the pediatric population susceptible to seizures.

The development and maturation of the prefrontal cortex occurs primarily during adolescence and is fully accomplished at the age of 25 years. The development of the prefrontal cortex is very important for complex behavioral performance, as this region of the brain helps accomplish executive brain functions.

A detailed study is required in order to determine the exact biomarkers involved, as well as the intricate influence of diet, drugs, sex, and sleep on the maturation of the adolescent brain as discussed briefly in this report.

Acknowledgments

The moral support and encouragement of President Kallol Guha is gratefully acknowledged.

Footnotes

Disclosure
The authors report no conflicts of interest in this report.

References

9. Dahl RE. Beyond raging hormones: the tinderbox in the teenage brain. Cerebrum. 2003;5(3):7-22. [ Google Scholar]

59. Steinberg L. Risk taking in adolescence: new perspectives from brain and behavioral science. Curr Dir Psychol Sci. 2007;16(2):55-59. [ Google Scholar]

Articles from Neuropsychiatric Disease and Treatment are provided here courtesy of Dove Press

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Adolescence is the developmental epoch during which children become adults - intellectually, physically, hormonally, and socially. Adolescence is a tumultuous time, full of changes and transformations. The pubertal transition to adulthood involves ...

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How does Instagram promote social comparison?

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How does Instagram promote social comparison?

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It is mentioned that Instagram is the most widely used in the study. The relationship between Instagram and social media comparisons regarding appearance results in a negative body image and body dissatisfaction. Social media use causes the use of social comparison, which leads to body dissatisfaction, ultimately contributing to adverse mental health effects like anxiety, depression, and suicidal thoughts. This extends the complexity of the idea from the source that mentions how bad social comparison is on Instagram because of its algorithm that gets one stuck in a storm of harmful content.

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Abstract

There is increasing scholarly interest in the effects of social media use on women's body image. Here, we tested the utility of the Tripartite Influence Model - developed for traditional media influences on body image - in explaining the link between intensity of social media use and body image outcomes in young adult women from the United States ( N = 579). The study tested a serial indirect mediation effect linking intensity of social media use and body esteem outcomes via internalization and social comparison, as well as a direct effect between intensity of social media use and body esteem measures. The results broadly supported for the applicability of the model. Internalization of appearance ideals and social comparison, respectively, were significant mediators of the relationship between intensity of social media use and body image outcomes. However, the direct link between intensity of social media use and body image was more equivocal. The overall findings suggest possible pathways through which intensity of social media use may influence body image outcomes in young adult women.

Introduction

Body image generally refers to a multifaceted construct comprised of perceptual (i.e., how we think we look), emotional (i.e., how we feel about our body), attitudinal (i.e., how we evaluate our body), and behavioral (i.e., our actions toward our body) components (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002; Cash & Smolak, 2011). Sociocultural theories (e.g., Heinberg, 2001; Swami, 2015) of body image emphasize the role of societal and cultural factors in the maintenance of negative body image. For instance, the Tripartite Influence Model suggests there are three primary sociocultural variables (i.e., peers, parents, and media) that influence the development of negative body image (Thompson et al., 1999). Mass media, in particular, are thought to transmit sociocultural symbols that are unrealistic and unachievable for most individuals (e.g., images of excessive thinness in women; Keery et al., 2004), as well as the notion that the body is inherently malleable and that body-work is both normal and required (Levine & Smolak, 2010; Swami, 2021). Consistent with this view, meta-analyses have generally reported that exposure to various forms of media (e.g., television, magazines) is associated with negative body image (e.g., Bartlett et al., 2008; Grabe et al., 2008; but see Ferguson, 2013, for a dissenting view).

Most studies examining the efficacy of the Tripartite Influence Model to date have focused on traditional mass media (e.g., magazines), but with the emergence of social networking sites (SNSs; e.g., Facebook, Instagram, Pinterest, Twitter, Snapchat), there has been increasing interest in the impact of social media on body image (Fardouly & Vartanian, 2016; Perloff, 2014). In part, this has been motivated by the easy access to, and the large amounts of time spent on social media (Villanti et al., 2017) - with young women, in particular, being heavy users (Perrin & Anderson, 2019). Additionally, social media is known to be highly appearance-focused, with content and messaging promoting idealized, unrealistic, and unachievable beauty ideals and standards (Mingoia et al., 2017; Rodgers & Melioli, 2016). Relatedly, users often experience pressure to present their "best self" on social media platforms, particularly platforms that rely heavily on image-based content (e.g., Chua & Chang, 2016; Cohen et al., 2018).

Given this background, it is unsurprising that scholars have extensively examined associations between social media use and indices of negative body image. However, extant studies have returned mixed findings, with correlational studies variously showing that social media use is associated with negative body image (e.g., de Vries et al., 2014; Manago et al., 2015; Tiggemann & Anderberg, 2020) or finding no significant association (e.g., Cohen et al., 2017). Indeed, one recent meta-analysis of 63 independent samples reported only a weak, positive relationship between social media use and negative body image ( r = .17, CI = 0.13, 0.21; Saiphoo & Vahedi, 2019). In explanation, it may be that social media platforms are diverse, allowing for a range of purposes and motivations in social media usage, which in turn weakens any association with body image outcomes (Fardouly & Holland, 2018; see also; Ferguson, 2013). Another possibility is that, compared to traditional forms of media, social media usage requires greater engagement and, as a result, users are likely to be more critical of idealized media content (Saiphoo & Vahedi, 2019).

An additional pressing concern is that many studies examining links between social media and body image outcomes have operationalized the former construct in terms of time spent on social media. For instance, de Vries et al. (2016) reported that greater time spent on social media predicted more negative body image in adolescents 18 months later. However, although such work suggests that greater time spent on social media is associated with more negative body image, effect sizes have tended to be weak (Saiphoo & Vahedi, 2019). In the broader literature on social media effects, however, scholars have suggested that focusing on time spent on social media per se may provide a relatively blunt assessment of the construct of interest (e.g., Brailovskaia et al., 2018). Instead, attention has shifted on to intensity of social media use, which refers to the frequency of social media use that goes beyond merely time spent on social media sites to viewing social media use as part of one's core everyday activities (Boer et al., 2021; Salehan & Negahban, 2013). For instance, intensity of social media use has been shown to be associated with poorer psychological well-being (e.g., Mérelle et al., 2017), including more negative body image (Jarman et al., 2022).

Beyond the way in which social media use is operationalized, it is also important to note that while the Tripartite Influence Model allows for a direct path between media exposure and body image outcomes, it also suggests that this pathway is likely mediated by two important factors (Thompson et al., 1999). Specifically, sociocultural models suggest that individuals engage in appearance-related social comparisons with (i.e., comparing one's appearance with that of models seen in mass media), and internalization of (i.e., taking external cues about appearance ideals and making them available for one's internal views), beauty ideals depicted in mass media (Keery et al., 2004; Thompson et al., 1999). Both of these processes are proposed as mediating the relationship between media consumption and negative body image (Schaefer et al., 2015), with a large number of studies supporting these assumptions in traditional media (e.g., Hazzard et al., 2019). Importantly, and consistent with the Tripartite Influence Model, studies have also found that internalization of appearance ideals (e.g., Feltman & Syzmanski, 2018) and engagement in social comparison processes (e.g., Fardouly et al., 2017; Hogue & Mills, 2019) mediate the relationship between social media usage and negative body image.

To date, however, most studies applying the Tripartite Influence Model to social media use have focused on singular aspects of the model (e.g., social comparison or internalization singularly), and applications of the integrated model remain infrequent. One important exception was a recent study of Australian adolescents (Jarman et al., 2021), where it was reported that appearance-focused social media use was weakly associated with lower body satisfaction. Importantly, this study also reported greater appearance idealization and social comparisons mediated the relationship between social media use and body satisfaction. Another earlier study found that social media use was associated with body dissatisfaction via internalization of appearance ideals and social comparison among adolescents (Rodgers et al., 2020). In girls specifically, thin ideal internalization was found to mediate the association between social media use and body dissatisfaction. Further, there is evidence of a serial mediation between social media use and body dissatisfaction via thin ideal internalization and social comparison in adolescent girls (Scully et al., 2022).

However, much more can be done to build on these findings, especially given that much of the present evidence base is limited to adolescent samples. Indeed, the available evidence suggests that social media use varies with age (Villanti et al., 2017) and that associations between social media use and body image outcomes weaken with increasing age (Saiphoo & Vahedi, 2019). As such, it may be useful to extend the scope of available research to other age groups, particularly young adult women who are one of the most active groups of social media users (Perrin & Anderson, 2019). Young adulthood also marks an important developmental period during which interventions to promote healthier body image may be particularly useful (Rounsefell et al., 2020). It, therefore, remains an important task for researchers to more fully investigate the utility of the Tripartite Influence Model in explaining possible links between social media use and negative body image in young adult women.

Here, we tested the utility of the Tripartite Influence Model in explaining the link between social media use and body image outcomes in young adult women from the United States. For our purposes, we operationalized social media use in terms of social networking intensity (i.e., frequency of social media use and the extent to which social media is viewed as part of one's core everyday activities) and body image in terms of weight- and appearance-related body esteem, which are two important and distinct components of negative body image in young women (Mendelson et al., 2001). Specifically, and consistent with the perspective of the Tripartite Influence Model (Thompson et al., 1999), we tested a serial indirect mediation effect (i.e., a mediation via two or more mediators that are causally and closely associated due to theoretical underpinnings or empirical findings) linking social networking intensity and body esteem via internalization and social comparison. In our models, we hypothesized that the order of the assumed mediation would be: social networking intensity → internalization of appearance ideals → social comparison → body esteem (weight and appearance), though we also allowed for a direct path from internalization → body esteem. These hypothesized serial links, which are depicted graphically in Fig. 1, are consistent with the theorizing of the Tripartite Influence Model (e.g., Donovan et al., 2020).

Section snippets

Participants

Following exclusion of participants who were missing substantial portions of data (>60%), the total sample included 579 women ranging in age from 17 to 26 ( M = 20.21, SD = 1.38). In terms of racial background, 83.4% self-identified as White (non-Hispanic and non-Latino), 4.8% as Black or African American, 4.7% as Hispanic or Latino, 3.8% as Asian, 0.7 as American Indian or Alaska Native, 0.2% as Native Hawai'ian or Other Pacific Islander, and 2.4% as of another race including multiple

General social media usage characteristics

All participants responded to the most frequently used social media networking site. The most frequently used form of social media networking site was Instagram (70.5%), followed by Snapchat (18.1%), and Twitter (5.2%). Some selected Other as their response; typed responses included WeChat and YouTube. The two most frequently used social media sites by study participants - Instagram and Snapchat - were also reported especially popular among young adults in the United States (Perrin & Anderson,

C.J. Ferguson
In the eye of the beholder: Thin-ideal media affects some, but not most, viewers in a meta-analytic review of body dissatisfaction in women and men

L. Festinger
A theory of social comparison processes

Introduction to mediation, moderation, and conditional process analysis: A regression-based approach

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Social media usage and body image: Examining the mediating roles of internalization of appearance ideals and social comparisons in young women

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There is increasing scholarly interest in the effects of social media use on women's body image. Here, we tested the utility of the Tripartite Influen...

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I agree that Instagram promotes the idea that everyone has to look their best all of the time. Celebrities are constantly showing off their bodies, setting the example of the unrealistic body and beauty standards that teenage girls desire to reach. This constant barbarization of what teenage girls are supposed to look like and the idea that they have to be skinny to be pretty or get a boyfriend can provoke unhealthy eating habits like anorexia and Bulimia. I see it, particularly in advertisements on television and from celebrities on social media like Kim Kardashian or Bella Hadid. As for Instagram promoting body positivity, it is hard to feel those emotions when it comes to one's own body, and it is easier to fall into the perfect storm of the body image accepted and desired by society. Although, it is a little extreme to assume every teenager will have an eating disorder.

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This informed nonfiction newspaper article by Milmo and Skopeliti from The Guardian describes how Instagram is negatively affecting the mental health of teenage girls. It provokes eating disorders, constant social comparison, body image dissatisfaction, and poor mental effects like depression and anxiety. Instagram focuses on body and lifestyle, which targets teenage girls to have negative mental effects like suicidal thoughts and body dysmorphia. It is meant to educate the parents of teenage girls to spread awareness of the negative body image, anxiety, and depression Instagram can cause. This can help promote body positivity.

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1. Esteem-damaging: Extremely critical of oneself causing low self-esteem

2.  The perfect storm: The idea of being stuck to constantly obsessing over obtaining the ideal body image

3.  Body image: The thoughts and feelings one has about their body

4. Instagram: Photo and video-sharing social networking service

5. National Eating Disorder Association: Provides free peer support to anyone struggling with an eating disorder

6. Mental health: Psychological and emotional well-being

7. Social Comparison: Identifying similarities and comparisons

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Posts on Instagram make teenage girls more likely to have an eating disorder and harm their bodies as a result of body image dissatisfaction and the desire to be thin like the ideal model of women they see on Instagram. They want to look more like those women and reach the nearly impossible beauty standard, which ultimately causes them to have an eating disorder. Instagram causes negative body image because it focuses on appearance and the idea that everyone should always look their best, causing pressure and the need to look good like the ideal standards that are out on social media. Teenage girls experience these strong emotions because of the way the adolescent brain works within the limbic system. The media has the dominant role in influencing beauty standards and what the ideal body is. This causes self-discrepancy of the ideal body versus one's own body.

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Bella Hadid showing off ideal body image

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Bella Hadid showing off ideal body image

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This provokes teenage girls to have eating disorders, social comparison capacities, and body image issues.

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Bella 🦋 on Instagram: "New @victoriassecret campaign out now. 🖤 #victoriassecret"

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2M likes, 4,064 comments - bellahadid on July 5, 2023: "New @victoriassecret campaign out now. 🖤 #victoriassecret" 

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View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Bella 🦋 (@bellahadid)

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Lizzo promoting body positivity on Instagram

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Lizzo promoting body positivity on Instagram

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Although Instagram sets ideal body images and standards to follow promoting bad mental health effects and eating disorders, it is more complex because Instagram also offers a wide platform to promote body positivity.

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Lizzo on Instagram: "“The body-positive movement is the body-positive movement, and we high five. We're parallel. But my movement is my movement. When all the dust has settled on the groundbreaking-ness, I’m going to still be doing this. I’m not going to suddenly change. I’m going to still be telling my life story through music. And if that’s body positive to you, amen. That’s feminist to you, amen. If that’s pro-black to you, amen. Because ma’am, I’m all of those things.” - link in bio. @allure"

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75K likes, 627 comments - lizzobeeating on March 6, 2019: "“The body-positive movement is the body-positive movement, and we high five. We're parallel. Bu..." 

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View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Lizzo (@lizzobeeating)

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I think the minds of adolescents also play a role in the negative effects Instagram causes on teenage girls. The brain activity within teenagers contributes to why they feel such strong emotions that lead to anxiety, depression, and suicidal thoughts. I think the maturing brain works differently because I occasionally do not feel pretty enough when looking at girls on Instagram in comparison to my mother who does not think about herself in any way when looking at Instagram posts. Being a teenager provides those strong emotions because of brain activity.

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I think that Instagram sets the bar for what girls are supposed to look like. When scrolling through, I find myself socially comparing myself to the celebrities I see. It is hard to not feel negative emotions when realizing the body image I see from others differs from my own.

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I think that social comparison is inevitable when utilizing social media from a teenage girl's perspective. They want to be beautiful and liked, and they are easily influenced causing them to want to look like the ideal image of beauty they see on Instagram.

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How can we change body image issues in teenage girls?

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How can we change body image issues in teenage girls?

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Promoting change is important to solve this issue regarding body image issues in teenage girls as a result of Instagram. In the article, it mentions how parents, educators, and politicians should be the ones guiding teenagers to make healthy decisions. But that is not the only argument offered in the article. It also gives another solution for change through teenagers making the initiative for themselves by posting realistic content about the world to build their confidence back up. In my opinion, I think the solution is for parents to teach their children they are beautiful no matter what they see on Instagram.

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Instagram targets teenage girls, causing them to have body dissatisfaction and negative body image. This causes other mental health effects. It can cause teenagers to have anxiety, depression, or even suicidal thoughts. Instagram's standard of having a perfect body can be damaging to the mental health of teenage girls in such a vulnerable and troubling time of life. I think this is true for some teenagers, but not all. I personally have not experienced depression because of Instagram, but I know it is true for others.

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I think body image issues are inevitable when using Instagram. Seeing thin and beautiful girls set an unrealistic beauty standard, causes teenage girls to feel negative emotions regarding their bodies. When I scroll through Instagram I tend to catch myself thinking how I wished my body looked like hers or I wish I was as pretty as her, and then I feel badly about my own body.

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Kim, Hye. “What do others’ reactions to body posting on Instagram tell us? The effects of social media comments on viewers’ body image perception”. New Media & Society. 2021. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1461444820956368

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Title: 7 Hidden Signs Of Eating Disorders | Toledo Center