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女性玩家联合会的亚文化研究

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女性玩家联合会的亚文化研究

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http://xhslink.com/Ty2E7v

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小红书 - 你的生活指南

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2 亿人的生活经验，都在小红书

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什么因素导致了游戏里没有女性玩家

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什么因素导致了游戏里没有女性玩家

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内在性别自我形象的污名化问题 外在女性游戏玩家的污名可能会导致性别歧视、性别暴力、骚扰和物化。

涉及到游戏时，女性是一个边缘化和不被理解的群体

由于女性在游戏公司的执行经理中所占比例不足，并且只有 5% 的竞技电子游戏玩家是女性。 正如 BBC 所强调的那样，女性很少能在备受瞩目的电子竞技/游戏锦标赛中取得成功，例如 Dota 2。

女性玩家被认为比男性玩家更不称职

they see themselves more as females who game than “female gamers”女性玩家自己也没有这种“女性玩家”的身份认同感

When female gamers hide the fact that they game, the result is that other female gamers risk feeling more like the odd ones out.为了避免显得自己像是异类

The thing is, when women my age grew up, we weren’t really allowed to like “boy things.” So if I started through my own independent will at 19, but my male counterparts have been playing and thinking about games since they were young, there’s a significant disadvantage there”

外界对女性的规训，游戏是“boy things”，在女性有自己的独立意识开始玩游戏之前，男性已经早早开始玩游戏了，游戏是考验技术和水平的，而技术和水平的磨练需要时间，男玩家在这方面天然领先于女性

One strategy that participants used to avoid unwanted attention was by using male avatars or non-female pseudonyms (FG10). This was done to avoid unwanted personal interest and to avoid being given ‘special treatment’ 为了避免被特殊对待或者遭致不必要的质疑 所以隐瞒自己的女性身份

骚扰和不必要的关注可能会导致一些女性远离某些游戏

其他研究[8,30]也发现，女性游戏者采取了隐藏身份或避免语言交流等应对策略来应对网络骚扰。伦哈特（Lenhart）[31] 提出的一项大型问卷调查研究发现，71% 的青少年男孩在游戏时使用语音连接，而在网络环境中游戏的女孩只有 28%。根据 Vella 等人的研究[32]，与使用匿名书面交流方式相比，通过化身表达 "真实自我 "的游戏玩家更有可能形成持久的社会联系。在此基础上，需要在设计上做出改变，以帮助女性游戏者使用语音连接，而不必以游戏化身的形式躲在另一个自我后面来保护自己。

所以如果女性避免表达真实自我，就很难在游戏里建立持久的社会联系

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To Be or Not to Be a Female Gamer: A Qualitative Exploration of Female Gamer Identity

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The literature on online gaming has generally focused on male gamers and has been dominated by negative aspects of gaming. The present study addresses the gender gap in this field by exploring experiences of female gamers further by unravelling several positive experiences alongside some potentially harmful tendencies connected to gaming, including female gamers' wishes and ambitions for their future gaming.

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游戏内的骚扰行为给女性玩家带来了什么影响

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游戏内的骚扰行为给女性玩家带来了什么影响

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they had gotten to the point of preferring to play alone than dealing with negative experiences.

宁愿独自游玩也不愿意和人一起

不愿积极参与游戏，在游戏方面感到自卑

“It felt like the whole time I played, I was trying to represent that girl gamers don’t need to be carried and if I lost, I failed my whole gender”

【内在压力】Stress, Anxiety, and Insecurity 在游戏过程中产生的压力 焦虑和不安全感

避免让自己成为众矢之的

“I felt like the whole time I played I was trying to represent that girl gamers don’t need to be carried and if I lost I failed my whole gender”

为了避免拖累其他女性玩家的名誉或是为了证明自己不需要被男性carry，在游戏过程中产生了过大的压力，对于游戏中产生的失败和错误反应很大。

“Feel I am a bad representation of female gamers if I make a mistake”

【外在压力】

Female gamers frequently talked (n = 23) about how they felt that other male gamers expected them to do badly and therefore felt pressure to prove themselves at all times.

因为被男性玩家轻视，所以时刻想要证明自己

Female gamers talked about this need to prove themselves as “good enough” in both online (n = 8) and offline settings (n = 6). The female gamers discussed examples of times they talked to others about their gaming interests and there was disbelief amongst people that they were a “real gamer” and so they often felt the need to prove their interests and their ability. This often led to females hiding their female gaming identity both offline (n = 13) and online (n = 13). This constant pressure from others was argued to be a frustrating experience for female gamers. For instance:

女性玩家谈到这种需要证明自己在线上(n = 8)和线下(n = 6)都“足够好”。女性游戏玩家讨论她们和别人谈论自己游戏兴趣的例子，人们不相信她们是“真正的游戏玩家”，所以她们经常感到需要证明自己的兴趣和能力。这往往导致女性隐藏自己的女性游戏身份，无论是在线下(n = 13)还是在线上(n = 13)。这种来自他人的持续不断的压力被认为是女性游戏玩家的一种令人沮丧的经历。

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There were four main themes with a number of sub-themes which developed out of the main themes (Fig. 1).

Theme 1: Experience of Social Support in Gaming

Rather than a focus on social support, there was a common theme of female gamers discussing avoiding negative experiences and harassment while playing online. A number of the gamers ( n = 18) stated they had gotten to the point of preferring to play alone than dealing with negative experiences. For instance:

"Better to play alone than subjecting myself to potential toxicity" (post number 185)

The majority of female gamers stated that they had encountered incidences of negative interactions in different gaming environments in the past. There was a common theme of females having experienced numerous incidents of male harassment ( n = 73), including sexual harassment ( n = 24) and verbal aggression directed at them during gaming ( n = 44), and for some the experience of being stalked by males online ( n = 5) and offline ( n = 2). Within these discussions, there was continued reference to the "toxic environment of gaming" and the negative impact this had on them individually and on their gaming experience:

"[Gaming is now] a pretty lonely experience" (post number 89)

"Comments are running my gaming experience" (post number 67)

Lack of Instrumental Support

Female gamers talked about having little experience of other gamers offering advice and helping them with gaming.

"It just turned me off playing with guys because I rarely found friends that were willing to give tips and constructive criticism" (post number 189)

This was not directly linked by females to feelings of inferiority, but as there was a common theme that males were perceived as being more skilled at gaming, there may be an implication that this type of support would be welcomed. Females frequently reported the experience of not having an active involvement in the games and the feeling of not being taken seriously as having a role to play. A number of females ( n = 12) talked about wanting to have a role in guild activities and in strategy, but a number felt this was not encouraged by other male players, and at times their attempts were ignored or overlooked ( n = 11):

"Of course [my comments] get down voted, as does every comment I add" (post number 163)

"Usually don't respond to me when I say something or they straight up just talk over me" (post number 89)

"Trying to give the role that I've selected to someone else in the group" (post number 172)

"Had a member who was assigned to my raid team, asked me my gender, once he found out I was a girl, he refused to listen to any advice, commands, or suggestions during raids and always fact checked me against other men in the group" (post number 227)

There were a number of discussions ( n = 8) where women talked about their own fear of getting actively involved and their reluctance to get involved. Female gamers consistently talked about hiding their identity when playing and not getting actively involved due to feeling inferior in terms of gaming ability, and the potential for ridicule from others based on previous online gaming experience. The female gamers also talked about the fear of being seen to have been "carried" by other players, when they had done well and the implication they felt was that other male gamers did not believe they could do well on their own. A number of females ( n = 5) also expressed concern that they would be perceived as being carried if they asked for assistance during game play, and this prevented them from seeking support from teammates.

"It felt like the whole time I played, I was trying to represent that girl gamers don't need to be carried and if I lost, I failed my whole gender" (post number 178)

"Instead of trying to help me get better at the game they would offer to carry me instead" (post number 193)

Lack of Emotional Support

The discussions on the experience of female gaming highlighted a lack of emotional support from male players they were playing with. This was reported to occur frequently during game play with other male players. For instance:

"When you do well it's at the most low-handed comments ...you are one of the better female players I know" (post number 178)

"[I was always] referred to as "what's her name" or "the new girl"-they couldn't even be bothered getting to know my name" (post number 89)

"The dudes would never include me in important decisions regarding say, creations of maps and main story points in our private website role-play, including things like...not bothering to ask me my opinion on what place in my country would make a good place for something realistically...they only thought to ask the other men who didn't live there" (post number 211)

This was also reported by players to occur when they discussed their negative online experiences outside of gaming with male friends:

"I play with a group of guys and they can be very ignorant of how gender based jokes and shit like that can burn out their girl gamer friends" (post number 250)

"Frustrates me that men I bring this up with will totally deny there is a problem" (post number 193)

Lack of Perceived Social Support

There was almost a feeling of acceptance amongst the female players that they should play alone, with a common theme of women giving up gaming with others and of developing social support in online gaming. They frequently mentioned attempting to find an ally and someone to stand up to the inappropriate behaviour of others. The females also expressed disappointment that male players did not stand up for them when others acted in a negative way towards them, again indicating a lack of support within many of the gaming environments. There were a number of posts ( n = 26) where females expressed their surprise that other women in gaming acted in a negative way towards other female gamers. Many of the females reported experiencing this and felt that for some women they behaved in this way as they wanted to be the only female in a male-dominated game. The discussion highlighted that for a large amount of female gamers this led to them choosing to play alone.

A common theme in the discussions was the view that some games and platforms were harder for female gamers to play on and that this might get easier for some female gamers as they got older. Often this was attributed to internal characteristics of the female gamers, however, as they felt that this was not an issue that they were as concerned about as they got older, although it had caused them anxiety and stress when they were younger. Many of the gamers suggested to others that the most effective strategy was to play by oneself. They talked about how they had adopted this strategy to allow long-term play and to avoid negative experience due to the feeling of lack of social support. For instance,

"I do miss playing competitive games with friends so one day I'll start something new. I just hope I find kinder friends to play with!" (post number 178)

Many of the female gamers were accepting of this lack of support and negative behaviour, although a number ( n = 11) argued that it was important to fight against this or the social environment for female gamers would not change.

"It's like we can't be proud of who we are. Worst of all, I feel like it adds to the fact that there aren't female gamers online, it could be that we are hiding or pretending we're not for the sake of keeping the fun for ourselves" (post number 191)

A number of females talked about the difficulty they experienced developing friendships online ( n = 16), and some associated this lack of social support in online gaming to their lives offline ( n = 12).

"I'm even having trouble making friends here which is really discouraging for me" (post number 11)

Some female gamers ( n = 7) discussed the difficulty of making friends throughout their lives, and some outlined how they used gaming as a way to try to develop friendships and social skills when they were younger ( n = 7). There was a small number of posts ( n = 10) where people discussed this as being successful and how they made a small number of friends online who they went on to meet up with and develop friendships offline. Some of the female gamers talked about how they predominantly played games alone, although this was not the preferred way to play.

"I would love to make friends that play, but I find it to be a struggle, I don't know what to do" (post number 10)

Theme 2: The Impact of Lack of Social Support in Gaming

Stress, Anxiety, and Insecurity

A number of female gamers ( n = 14) talked about feeling self-conscious about their gaming and how this led to a self-belief that they were not as good as the male players. They discussed the feelings of stress and anxiety that they felt had developed from their experience of negative interactions whilst involved in online gaming ( n = 24). They talked about how this had a detrimental effect for many on their enjoyment of gaming, and on their lives.

"I quit the game when I realized it was just stressing me out and now I play a lot of single player games to relax" (post number 178)

"Worried all the time are they making fun of my mistakes...maybe doing it in secret if not to my face...it all got too much" (post number 179)

"I'm too much of a coward to play X with my headset, been dying to play competitive but I'm too afraid" (post number 133)

A similar theme that emerged in the discussion was the anxiety that gamers felt when they joined a new group, or when someone new joined their group. The female gamers discussed the anxiety and, at times, fear they felt at these stages as they waited to speak and for people to realise they were female.

"They would talk over and railroad me and completely steer the storyline into whatever they wanted" (post number 212)

Female gamers mainly attributed the anxiety they experienced to others' behaviour, but for some ( n = 8), this was attributed to internal characteristics. Some of the gamers felt that they were responsible for some of the anxiety they were experiencing, and discussed social anxiety ( n = 8), that they were uninteresting to others ( n = 4), or overly sensitive ( n = 3). For instance,

"I overthink a lot of what I say" (post number 12)

A number of females ( n = 18) stated that they played alone to protect themselves from the anxiety they had developed previously in collaborative play, despite it not being as enjoyable. For instance:

"I play single games now to get away from the anxiety of competitive team games, but I do miss competitive games" (post number 180)

"I'm always blaming myself for allowing myself to be a target" (post number 131)

Some of the female gamers ( n = 6) talked about how this anxiety which developed during gaming had extended into their offline lives and impacted their everyday life. Some of the gamers also talked about the impact of this on their ability to trust others, both within gaming and in their outside lives:

"[I have a] hard time trusting people I met in games and it rolled over into real life. I'm tired of getting hurt" (post number 127)

"But now I have a new insecurity that I don't need" (post number 67)

Pressure on Female Gamers

Internal Pressure

A number of female gamers ( n = 21) talked about how they felt the need to do well in gaming to prove themselves and the negative impact this had on them, and on their eventual enjoyment of the game. A number of females ( n = 15) talked about times in their life when they had put significant pressure on themselves to excel in particular games and the impact this had on their lives overall, in addition to the enjoyment they got from gaming. For instance:

"I didn't want to waste my emotional energy trying to find ways to defend myself or proving my gaming skills" (post number 175)

"Later noticed I wasn't enjoying the game because I was making it more of a mission to prove to them that I wasn't bad" (post number 176)

A significant theme was that female gamers felt that they were playing as a representation not of their own ability but were representing all female gamers. They discussed the internal pressure they felt they were under to do well, not just for their own sake but also to prove that female gamers as a whole were capable of playing these games.

"I felt like the whole time I played I was trying to represent that girl gamers don't need to be carried and if I lost I failed my whole gender" (post number 178)

"Feel I am a bad representation of female gamers if I make a mistake" (post number 179)

There was a common theme where female gamers felt that gaming was harder for them than for males. Aside from the negative experiences online, females consistently referred to the internal pressure they felt to overcome the stereotype of the female gamer. For instance,

"If a guy sucks at a game he is bad at that game, if a girl does bad, it's because she is a female" (post number 185)

This anxiety and pressure to do well were highlighted by a number of female gamers as being felt significantly when they were younger, and they felt that this became less of an issue for them as they got older.

"I thought I needed to prove to others (and to myself). As I got older, got more confidence and self esteem, a good support network, and more mature, I realized I didn't need to justify my hobbies to anyone" (post number 183)

As many of the female gamers ( n = 15) talked about moving away from competitive gaming due to these experiences, this could raise the question of how many women are still involved in competitive gaming as they got older.

Pressure from Others

Female gamers frequently talked ( n = 23) about how they felt that other male gamers expected them to do badly and therefore felt pressure to prove themselves at all times. There was a common theme of other gamers acting as gatekeepers, expecting females to prove themselves worthy of playing. The female gamers felt that they were required to prove themselves and that their credibility as a gamer was frequently ( n = 6) called into question during gaming. This was argued to be particularly common when female gamers joined a new team/guild. A common theme was the women talking about proving themselves so that they could use this an example later by illustrating incidences of times they had achieved during gaming. For instance:

"I can drop a line like 'yeah, I got 1000/1000 [on a game],' which shuts down any questioning my credibility as a gamer" (post number 185)

Female gamers talked about this need to prove themselves as "good enough" in both online ( n = 8) and offline settings ( n = 6). The female gamers discussed examples of times they talked to others about their gaming interests and there was disbelief amongst people that they were a "real gamer" and so they often felt the need to prove their interests and their ability. This often led to females hiding their female gaming identity both offline ( n = 13) and online ( n = 13). This constant pressure from others was argued to be a frustrating experience for female gamers. For instance:

"With video games, I also get worried that I won't be good enough and people will judge me" (post number 12)

"I don't feel like I'm 'good enough' at them to mention them...Like I feel that I'd have to doubly prove myself" (post number 8)

Hiding Their Identity

There was a significant theme of females disguising their gender through the use of neutral pseudonyms and avatars and in particular of not using their voice online. For the majority of the women, this was an ongoing strategy for them to manage negative behaviour they had encountered previously and anticipated occurring again.

"I've almost completely hidden my gender for the past 10 years in online gaming so I could enjoy my hobby" (post number 190)

"Been dying to play competitively but I know I shouldn't without communicating. I'm too afraid because I'm a girl" (post number 133)

When asked if they were female by other male gamers, a large amount of females talked about how they would deny being female ( n = 5) or would allow male gamers to believe they were a teenage boy ( n = 16). The majority of female gamers ( n = 75) were very accepting of the need to stay silent and to hide their identity and talked about their own acceptance of the need to do this, or recommended it as a strategy to deal with negative behaviour online.

"Games have the functionality to mute people and yourself for a reason" (post number 79)

"Just stop being women, problem solved" (post number 91)

"Every time I activate voice chat in a game, I have to fear a backlash" (post number 164)

A number ( n = 6) talked about waiting until they trusted their team mates before speaking to them.

"I feel I have to prove myself before I can speak" (post number 67)

In settings outside of gaming, many female gamers ( n = 13) also spoke about hiding their identity as a gamer. This was attributed to the fact that other people did not understand gaming, but also linked in to the stereotype of gaming they felt was very prevalent in today's society. In this respect, females talked about the fear of being judged by others as being the same as the stereotype of a female gamer. They talked about being reluctant to admit that they enjoyed gaming to others, unless they were gamers themselves as there was a feeling that people did not understand gaming and what it involved.

"Mentioned gaming a few times but it was never a positive experience" (post number 133)

They talked about how it is still an unusual interest amongst females and particularly amongst the older generation, and this leads to a lack of understanding of gaming and the reasons that females may play. It was also suggested that in offline settings, the stereotype of female gamers is also very negative, and this can also make gamers reluctant to admit to gaming as a hobby.

"I am somewhat embarrassed, simply because of the stereotype associated with girl gaming" (post number 9)

Theme 3: Perception of the Cause of Lack of Support in Gaming for Females

The Stereotype of Female Gamers

A common theme in the discussions was the feeling that male gamers were responding to the stereotype of female gamers as not being unsuccessful in gaming. For instance,

"There is a ton of pressure on women to be good, much more than there is on men playing" (post number 185)

"I am terrible at FBS multiplayer games but I love to play them because I love playing with my friends so it's super fun but I suck so bad. I feel horrible that they carry our team most time than not" (post number 8b)

In a similar way to offline settings, the female gamers were eager to avoid being judged as similar to the common stereotype of a female gamer when online. There was some discussion amongst the female gamers of females reinforcing the stereotype by hiding their identity when playing online. A number of female gamers argued that it was up to the female gamers to stand up for themselves in gaming and stop hiding their identities in order for women in gaming to be recognised and accepted in the gaming environment. Most female gamers attributed the lack of support for female gamers to male behaviour online, and there were some who attributed this to their own attributes. A number of females ( n = 16) suggested that individual factors were the reason that they had difficulty building social supports online, and this was similar to their lives in general.

"Always been difficult for me to make friends both offline and online, let alone find fellow gamer females to build a squad with" (post number 12)

A number of different internal characteristics were suggested for this difficulty that females experienced in relationships and social networks online. A number of the female gamers ( n = 17) talked about themselves as being shy, anxious, and awkward in online and offline settings.

"I have a very sarcastic, blunt sense of humor that can come off as being disinterested or rude" (post number 15)

"Overthink a lot of what I want to say...so I tend to stay quiet" (post number 12)

"I'm also just an extremely boring person. I mean, often times I don't talk because I'm shy, but more often I don't talk because I just don't have anything interesting to say." (post number 13)

They discussed the impact of others negative e online behaviour on them and linked this to their past experience of negative interactions with others.

"My self-esteem is already so low so I couldn't handle talking and then the abuse that would happen" (post number 132)

Another common theme was people wondering if they were being oversensitive when they received such negative attention online, and questioning if they should accept this behaviour from others.

Group Behaviour

A number of the female gamers (n = 16) talked about the difficulty of building networks and support within online groups, rather than within the online environment itself. In this respect, they talked about how usually male players were supportive and accepting of female players on their own, in a one-to-one setting. The issues female gamers felt appeared within groups, and at times they felt that male players changed their behaviour when in groups. A number of gamers ( n = 5) felt that there was less likelihood of this negative interactions occurring in smaller groups.

Another common theme was the impact of one new male joining a group, and how the groups' behaviour could change when this gamer commenced acting negatively towards the female gamer. This again tied in with the anxiety that a number of female gamers argued that they felt when a new member joined a group because they waited to see how they would behave towards them. Females ( n = 8) talked about a similar feeling of anxiety when this occurred, as to when they themselves joined a new group and were required to prove themselves as adequate.

"I feel like I constantly have to prove I'm "good" or else people will just dismiss me" (post number 185)

"Whenever I play with a new group of friends who obviously know Im a girl, I feel this tremendous pressure to do amazing" (post number 180b)

"I exclusively play with groups of gamers I've built up trust with and if they invite someone new in I'm generally mute" (post number 208)

Some of the females ( n = 6) felt that all competitive environments were similar to online gaming environments, and the expressed the view that this was due to the socialising process of males in society:

"I think proving yourself in competitive environments is natural, even in gaming" (post number 184)

Many of the female gamers ( n = 5) felt that males were not affected by the negative criticism that they aimed towards each other in gaming because this is the way that males are often encouraged to communicate with each other offline. This again led to some of the female gamers questioning whether the issue was with them. However, others ( n = 4) felt that males treated females in a more negative fashion online than they did other males. There was some discussion of the fact that game structures are primarily designed for males, and along with the stereotype of the typical gamer means that boys will start gaming from a younger age and will play more frequently than females. Some of the female gamers argued that it sometimes takes girls longer to find the right game, to match their interests and skills. This can also be seen to be related to the common argument in discussions that the only way to get better at games is through experience and skill at gaming and is directly related to time spent playing. There was some discussion by female gamers ( n = 9) that the negative attitudes and behaviour towards female gamers is allowed to continue because female gamers hide their identity while playing, and often go along with the stereotype in order to fit in and not stand out in a group.

"Sometimes it's just too daunting to fight back" (post number 166)

"Ideally we shouldn't let people push us out of this space" (post number 164)

"We go to video games as an escape and fun. Not to be belittled and put down" (post number 131)

A number of females ( n = 8) talked about how they had reinforced the negative stereotype of female gamers, due to their lack of ability to play well.

"I was the worst at gaming out of all of them. I'm sorry I reinforced the stereotype" (post number 207)

Theme 4: Strategies Used to Develop Social Support in Gaming

The Silent Transient Female Gamer

The most common theme in the discussions ( n = 29) was the belief that female gamers needed to stay quiet and hide their identity from other gamers, in order to be able to play online with others, which was suggested as the only option available to them, in order to protect themselves from the negative behaviour of others.

"Silence is my favourite policy" (post number 153)

"I hid my gender from my clan for 3 years" (post number 191)

There was a common theme within the discussions of female gamers making the conscious decision to not use their own voice during gaming ( n = 29) or to change their voice ( n = 12). These gamers talked about using a voice changer or talked about during gaming to hide their identity, of using particular techniques (and recommending strategies) to allow females to lower their voice tone and to distort or even change it.

"I'm not touching a mic ever without a voice changer" (post number 73)

"Get a voice changer, pick the most manly sounding setting as possible" (post number 142)

Some female gamers ( n = 5) talked about their accents being used as a target for harassment, and ways to avoid such encounters.

"I don't like to talk much because my voice is also deeper" (post number 75)

"Something seems to be different when you bring your own voice into the equation? I typically stay quiet and use text chat...because I rarely face any problems...but the moment I start talking that's when the problems begin" (post number 71)

Female gamers ( n = 18) discussed the experience of being mistaken for a young teenage boy, and for some, this was a favoured identity, rather than admitting they were female.

"When someone thinks that I'm a little boy, I just go along with it" (post number 75)

There was also a common theme of female gamers frequently hiding and moving from teams and guilds due to the behaviour of others, with the majority of women ( n = 24) advocating for this when others asked for advice and reporting that they frequently moved groups and clans. There were a number of posts ( n = 22) recommending others adopt particular mannerisms and strategies to try to manage the negative behaviour of others. This included turning the comments into a joke and making fun of yourself, insulting the people back, and using sarcasm as a response. There was a common thread of discussions ( n  = 10) around trying to deflect from the question and/or the shock that occurred for female gamers when other male gamers discovered they were female. Strategies used included denial, refusal to answer, and trying to make gamers focus on the game.

"I go very heavy sarcasm shock ' GASP No, girls on the internet?!?! Everyone knows there's no girls on the internet!'" (post number 143)

"I always just use the I'm just here to play the game like everyone else's strategy" (post number 142)

However, there was a common thread ( n = 12) of comments where females had tried many of these strategies but eventually had felt they had no option but to leave the group. A number of posts ( n = 13) argued that females had a responsibility and a right to report any inappropriate behaviour to game administrators, although some acknowledged that there was not much point in doing this. Some of the gamers felt that the system for penalising people if they were reported was inadequate, and at times the female who was in receipt of the negative behaviour left a particular game due to this behaviour was then penalised.

There was a significant theme in some of the discussions ( n = 11) where some females felt that there was a need for women to stand up to the negative behaviour of others, rather than hide their identity or leave groups.

"Try to stand your ground, and dish it back" (post number 247)

For some ( n = 15), it was felt that as female gamers got older they became more comfortable both with their identity as a gamer, but also with standing up to others.

Building Networks and Social Support

A common recommendation in the posts analysed ( n = 14) was for gamers to play with people they know and to use their social skills that they would use offline to make friends (e.g. be genuine, compliment people, etc.). Others argued that sometimes people need to accept that online gamers are not friends, and need to lower their standards regarding friendships. Female gamers argued for the need to find an ally in groups, although for some ( n = 12) they found that at times one person with negative views and making negative comments to them did not receive any negative feedback from the others. A number of female gamers ( n = 10) said that they liked to look for female gamers to play with, although sometimes other females' behaviour was also negative and there was surprise expressed by some of the female gamers when this occurred.

"We get so much shit from guys so we've been looking for other girls to play with" (post number 128)

The gamers talked about expecting this behaviour from male gamers but not from other female gamers.

"This is why I refused to play with other girls on Xbox for a long time...I always expect better from women" (post number 115)

A number of gamers ( n = 27) talked about using discussion forums for support and finding friends outside of gaming to bring into gaming. However, some gamers ( n = 5) also talked about incidences of this becoming a negative experience. A number of posts ( n = 8) again discussed the role of one person being negative and how this infiltrated the whole group. One person talked about playing with friends when a new member joined and was negative towards them, their online friends, and their team. They felt their friends behaviour allowed the negative behavour to continue, and expressed disaapointment that their friends did not stand up for them. For instance:

"Groups with good people who will defend you if someone decides to be an asshole" (post number 163)

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Female Gamers' Experience of Online Harassment and Social Support in Online Gaming: A Qualitative Study - International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction

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Female gaming is a relatively under-researched area, and female gamers often report experiencing harassment whilst playing online. The present study explored female experiences of social support while playing online video games, because of the previous research suggesting that females often experience harassment and negative interactions during game play.

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从官方数据库里还有做了实验发现男女玩家在进行

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从官方数据库里还有做了实验发现男女玩家在进行相同的游戏场次的情况下水平是没有差异的

但女性对自己的竞技水平更加的不自信，并且由于刻板印象的存在，导致这一不自信影响到了女性去参加比赛或者去尝试更激进一些的游戏角色。女性更多会选择辅助来支援别人。并且更多的会受到男性伴侣的影响来加入一个游戏社区。

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Stereotype threat is a situational predicament in which people are or feel themselves to be at risk of conforming to stereotypes about their social group. It is theorized to be a contributing factor to long-standing racial and gender gaps in academic performance. Since its introduction into the academic literature, stereotype threat has become one of the most widely studied topics in the field of social psychology.

Situational factors that increase stereotype threat can include the difficulty of the task, the belief that the task measures their abilities, and the relevance of the stereotype to the task. Individuals show higher degrees of stereotype threat on tasks they wish to perform well on and when they identify strongly with the stereotyped group. These effects are also increased when they expect discrimination due to their identification with a negatively stereotyped group. Repeated experiences of stereotype threat can lead to a vicious circle of diminished confidence, poor performance, and loss of interest in the relevant area of achievement. Stereotype threat has been argued to show a reduction in the performance of individuals who belong to negatively stereotyped groups. Its role in affecting public health disparities has also been suggested.

According to the theory, if negative stereotypes are present regarding a specific group, group members are likely to become anxious about their performance, which may hinder their ability to perform to their full potential. Importantly, the individual does not need to subscribe to the stereotype for it to be activated. It is hypothesized that the mechanism through which anxiety (induced by the activation of the stereotype) decreases performance is by depleting working memory (especially the phonological aspects of the working memory system).

The opposite of stereotype threat is stereotype boost, which is when people perform better than they otherwise would have, because of exposure to positive stereotypes about their social group. A variant of stereotype boost is stereotype lift, which is people achieving better performance because of exposure to negative stereotypes about other social groups.

Some researchers have suggested that stereotype threat should not be interpreted as a factor in real-life performance gaps, and have raised the possibility of publication bias. Other critics have focused on correcting what they claim are misconceptions of early studies showing a large effect. However, meta-analyses and systematic reviews have shown significant evidence for the effects of stereotype threat, though the phenomenon defies over-simplistic characterization.

As of 2015, more than 300 studies have been published showing the effects of stereotype threat on performance in a variety of domains. Stereotype threat is considered by some researchers to be a contributing factor to long-standing racial and gender achievement gaps, such as under-performance of black students relative to white ones in various academic subjects, and under-representation of women at higher echelons in the field of mathematics.

The strength of the stereotype threat that occurs depends on how the task is framed. If a task is framed to be neutral, stereotype threat is not likely to occur; however, if tasks are framed in terms of active stereotypes, participants are likely to perform worse on the task. For example, a study on chess players revealed that female players performed more poorly than expected when they were told they would be playing against a male opponent. In contrast, women who were told that their opponent was female performed as would be predicted by past ratings of performance. Female participants who were made aware of the stereotype of females performing worse at chess than males performed worse in their chess games.

Other studies have demonstrated how stereotype threat can negatively affect the performance of European Americans in athletic situations as well as the performance of men who are being tested on their social sensitivity. Although the framing of a task can produce stereotype threat in most individuals, certain individuals appear to be more likely to experience stereotype threat than others. Individuals who highly identify with a particular group appear to be more vulnerable to experiencing stereotype threat than individuals who do not identify strongly with the stereotyped group.

The mere presence of other people can evoke stereotype threat. In one experiment, women who took a mathematics exam along with two other women got 70% of the answers right, whereas women who took the same exam in the presence of two men got an average score of 55%.

The goal of a study conducted by Desert, Preaux, and Jund in 2009 was to see if children from lower socioeconomic groups are affected by stereotype threat. The study compared children that were 6-7 years old with children that were 8-9 years old from multiple elementary schools. These children were presented with the Raven's Matrices test, which is an intellectual ability test. Separate groups of children were given directions in an evaluative way and other groups were given directions in a non-evaluative way. The "evaluative" group received instructions that are usually given with the Raven Matrices test, while the "non-evaluative" group was given directions which made it seem as if the children were simply playing a game. The results showed that third graders performed better on the test than the first graders did, which was expected. However, the lower socioeconomic status children did worse on the test when they received directions in an evaluative way than the higher socioeconomic status children did when they received directions in an evaluative way. These results suggested that the framing of the directions given to the children may have a greater effect on performance than socioeconomic status. This was shown by the differences in performance based on which type of instructions they received. This information can be useful in classroom settings to help improve the performance of students of lower socioeconomic status.

There have been studies on the effects of stereotype threat based on age. A study was done on 99 senior citizens ranging in age from 60-75 years. These seniors were given multiple tests on certain factors and categories such as memory and physical abilities, and were also asked to evaluate how physically fit they believe themselves to be. Additionally, they were asked to read articles that contained both positive and negative outlooks about seniors, and they watched someone reading the same articles. The goal of this study was to see if priming the participants before the tests would affect performance. The results showed that the control group performed better than those that were primed with either negative or positive words prior to the tests. The control group seemed to feel more confident in their abilities than the other two groups. Other studies have found that stereotype activation in older adults can improve memory performance, resulting in a distinction between stereotype threat mechanisms in aging compared with other groups.

Many psychological experiments carried out on Stereotype Threat focus on the physiological effects of negative stereotype threat on performance, looking at both high and low status groups. Scheepers and Ellemers tested the following hypothesis: when assessing a performance situation on the basis of current beliefs the low status group members would show a physiological threat response, and high-status members would also show a physiological threat response when examining a possible alteration of the status quo (Scheepers & Ellemers, 2005). The results of this experiment were in line with expectations. As predicted, participants in the low status condition showed higher blood pressure immediately after the status feedback, while participants in the high-status condition showed a spike in blood pressure while anticipating the second round of the task.

In 2012, Scheepers et al. hypothesized that when high social power is stimulated 'an efficient cardiovascular pattern (challenge)' is produced, whereas, 'an inefficient cardiovascular pattern' or threat is caused by the activation of low social power (Scheepers, de Wit, Ellemers & Sassenberg, 2012). Two experiments were carried out in order to test this hypothesis. The first experiment looked at power priming and the second experiment related to role play. Both results from these two experiments provided evidence in support for the hypothesis.

Cleopatra Abdou and Adam Fingerhut were the first to develop experimental methods to study stereotype threat in a health care context, including the first study indicating that health care stereotype threat is linked with adverse health outcomes and disparities.

Some studies have found null results. The single largest experimental test of stereotype threat (N = 2064), conducted on Dutch high school students, found no effect. The authors state, however, that these results are limited to a narrow age-range, experimental procedure and cultural context, and call for further registered reports and replication studies on the topic. Despite these limitations, they state in conclusion that their study shows "that the effects of stereotype threat on math test performance should not be overgeneralized."

Numerous meta-analyses and systematic reviews have shown significant evidence for the effects of stereotype threat. However they also point to ways in which the phenomenon defies over-simplistic characterization. For instance, one meta-analysis found that with female subjects "subtle threat-activating cues produced the largest effect, followed by blatant and moderately explicit cues" while with minorities "moderately explicit stereotype threat-activating cues produced the largest effect, followed by blatant and subtle cues".

Although numerous studies demonstrate the effects of stereotype threat on performance, questions remain as to the specific cognitive factors that underlie these effects. Steele and Aronson originally speculated that attempts to suppress stereotype-related thoughts lead to anxiety and the narrowing of attention. This could contribute to the observed deficits in performance. In 2008, Toni Schmader, Michael Johns, and Chad Forbes published an integrated model of stereotype threat that focused on three interrelated factors:

1. stress arousal;

2. performance monitoring, which narrows attention; and,

3. efforts to suppress negative thoughts and emotions.

Schmader et al. suggest that these three factors summarize the pattern of evidence that has been accumulated by past experiments on stereotype threat. For example, stereotype threat has been shown to disrupt working memory and executive function, increase arousal, increase self-consciousness about one's performance, and cause individuals to try to suppress negative thoughts as well as negative emotions such as anxiety. People have a limited amount of cognitive resources available. When a large portion of these resources are spent focusing on anxiety and performance pressure, the individual is likely to perform worse on the task at hand.

A number of studies looking at physiological and neurological responses support Schmader and colleagues' integrated model of the processes that produce stereotype threat. Supporting an explanation in terms of stress arousal, one study found that African Americans under stereotype threat exhibit larger increases in arterial blood pressure. One study found increased cardiovascular activation amongst women who watched a video in which men outnumbered women at a math and science conference. Other studies have similarly found that individuals under stereotype threat display increased heart rates. Stereotype threat may also activate a neuroendocrine stress response, as measured by increased levels of cortisol while under threat. The physiological reactions that are induced by stereotype threat can often be subconscious, and can distract and interrupt cognitive focus from the task.

With regard to performance monitoring and vigilance, studies of brain activity have supported the idea that stereotype threat increases both of these processes. Forbes and colleagues recorded electroencephalogram (EEG) signals that measure electrical activity along the scalp, and found that individuals experiencing stereotype threat were more vigilant for performance-related stimuli.

Researchers found that women experiencing stereotype threat while taking a math test showed heightened activation in the ventral stream of the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC).

Another study used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to investigate brain activity associated with stereotype threat. The researchers found that women experiencing stereotype threat while taking a math test showed heightened activation in the ventral stream of the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), a neural region thought to be associated with social and emotional processing. Wraga and colleagues found that women under stereotype threat showed increased activation in the ventral ACC and that the amount of this activation predicted performance decrements on the task. When individuals were made aware of performance-related stimuli, they were more likely to experience stereotype threat. However, a study using fMRI to investigate stereotype threat in older adults showed heightened activation in parietal midline regions including the posterior cingulate cortex (PCC) and precuneus during both working memory and episodic memory tasks. The heightened activation in these brain areas also was associated with better memory accuracy, inconsistent with the notion that stereotype threat always leads to impaired performance.

A study conducted by Boucher, Rydell, Loo, and Rydell has shown that stereotype threat not only affects performance, but can also affect the ability to learn new information. In the study, undergraduate men and women had a session of learning followed by an assessment of what they learned. Some participants were given information intended to induce stereotype threat, and some of these participants were later given "gender fair" information, which it was predicted would reduce or remove stereotype threat. As a result, participants were split into four separate conditions: control group, stereotype threat only, stereotype threat removed before learning, and stereotype threat removed after learning. The results of the study showed that the women who were presented with the "gender fair" information performed better on the math related test than the women who were not presented with this information. This study also showed that it was more beneficial to women for the "gender fair" information to be presented prior to learning rather than after learning. These results suggest that eliminating stereotype threat prior to taking mathematical tests can help women perform better, and that eliminating stereotype threat prior to mathematical learning can help women learn better.

"The Effects of Stereotype Threat on the Standardized Test Performance of College Students (adjusted for group differences on SAT)". From J. Aronson, C.M. Steele, M.F. Salinas, M.J. Lustina, Readings About the Social Animal, 8th edition, ed. E. Aronson

In 1995, Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson performed the first experiments demonstrating that stereotype threat can undermine intellectual performance. Steele and Aronson measured this through a word completion task.

They had African-American and European-American college students take a difficult verbal portion of the Graduate Record Examination test. As would be expected based on national averages, the African-American students did not perform as well on the test. Steele and Aronson split students into three groups: stereotype-threat (in which the test was described as being "diagnostic of intellectual ability"), non-stereotype threat (in which the test was described as "a laboratory problem-solving task that was nondiagnostic of ability"), and a third condition (in which the test was again described as nondiagnostic of ability, but participants were asked to view the difficult test as a challenge). All three groups received the same test.

Steele and Aronson concluded that changing the instructions on the test could reduce African-American students' concern about confirming a negative stereotype about their group. Supporting this conclusion, they found that African-American students who regarded the test as a measure of intelligence had more thoughts related to negative stereotypes of their group. Additionally, they found that African Americans who thought the test measured intelligence were more likely to complete word fragments using words associated with relevant negative stereotypes (e.g., completing "__mb" as "dumb" rather than as "numb").

Adjusted for previous SAT scores, subjects in the non-diagnostic-challenge condition performed significantly better than those in the non-diagnostic-only condition and those in the diagnostic condition. In the first experiment, the race-by-condition interaction was marginally significant. However, the second study reported in the same paper found a significant interaction effect of race and condition. This suggested that placement in the diagnostic condition significantly impacted African Americans compared with European Americans.

Stereotype threat concerns how stereotype cues can harm performance. However, in certain situations, stereotype activation can also lead to performance enhancement through stereotype lift or stereotype boost. Stereotype lift increases performance when people are exposed to negative stereotypes about another group. This enhanced performance has been attributed to increases in self-efficacy and decreases in self-doubt as a result of negative outgroup stereotypes. Stereotype boost suggests that positive stereotypes may enhance performance. Stereotype boost occurs when a positive aspect of an individual's social identity is made salient in an identity-relevant domain. Although stereotype boost is similar to stereotype lift in enhancing performance, stereotype lift is the result of a negative outgroup stereotype, whereas stereotype boost occurs due to activation of a positive ingroup stereotype.

Consistent with the positive racial stereotype concerning their superior quantitative skills, Asian American women performed better on a math test when their Asian identity was primed compared to a control condition where no social identity was primed. Conversely, these participants did worse on the math test when instead their gender identity-which is associated with stereotypes of inferior quantitative skills-was made salient, which is consistent with stereotype threat. Two replications of this result have been attempted. In one case, the effect was only reproduced after excluding participants who were unaware of stereotypes about the mathematical abilities of Asians or women, while the other replication failed to reproduce the original results even considering several moderating variables.

Decreased performance is the most recognized consequence of stereotype threat. However, research has also shown that stereotype threat can cause individuals to blame themselves for perceived failures, self-handicap, discount the value and validity of performance tasks, distance themselves from negatively stereotyped groups, and disengage from situations that are perceived as threatening.

Studies examining stereotype threat in Black Americans have found that when subjects are aware of the stereotype of Black criminality, anxiety about encountering police increases. This, in turn, can lead to self-regulatory efforts, more anxiety, and other behaviors that are commonly perceived as suspicious to police officers. Because police officers tend to perceive Black people as threatening, their reactions to these anxiety-induced behaviors are commonly more harsh than reactions to White people with the same behavior, and influences whether or not they decide to shoot the person.

Although much of the research on stereotype threat has examined the effects of coping with negative stereotype on academic performance, recently there has been an emphasis on how coping with stereotype threat could "spillover" to dampen self-control and thereby affect a much broader category of behaviors, even in non-stereotyped domains. Research by Michael Inzlicht and colleagues suggest that, when women cope with negative stereotypes about their math ability, they perform worse on math tests, and that, well after completing the math test, women may continue to show deficits even in unrelated domains. For example, women might overeat, be more aggressive, make more risky decisions, and show less endurance during physical exercise.

The perceived discrimination associated with stereotype threat can also have negative long-term consequences on individuals' mental health. Perceived discrimination has been extensively investigated in terms of its effects on mental health, with a particular emphasis on depression. Cross-sectional studies involving diverse minority groups, including those relating to internalized racism, have found that individuals who experience more perceived discrimination are more likely to exhibit depressive symptoms. Additionally, perceived discrimination has also been found to predict depressive symptoms in children and adolescents. Other negative mental health outcomes associated with perceived discrimination include a reduced general well-being, post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, and rebellious behavior. A meta-analysis conducted by Pascoe and Smart Richman has shown that the strong link between perceived discrimination and negative mental health persists even after controlling for factors such as education, socioeconomic status, and employment.

Additional research seeks ways to boost the test scores and academic achievement of students in negatively stereotyped groups. Such studies suggest various ways in which the effects of stereotype threat may be mitigated. For example, there have been increasing concerns about the negative effects of stereotype threats on MCAT, SAT, LSAT scores, etc. One effort at mitigation of the negative consequences of stereotype threat involves rescaling standardized test scores to adjust for the adverse effects of stereotypes.

Perhaps most prominently, well replicated findings suggest that teaching students to re-evaluate stress and adopt an incremental theory of intelligence can be an effective way to mitigate the effects of stereotype threat. Two studies sought to measure the effects of persuading participants that intelligence is malleable and can be increased through effort. Both suggested that if people believe that they can improve their performance based on effort, they are more likely to believe that they can overcome negative stereotypes, and thus perform well. Another study found that having students reexamine their situation or anxiety can help their executive resources (attentional control, working memory, etc.), rather than allowing stress to deplete them, and thus improve test performance. Subsequent research has found that students who are taught an incremental view of intelligence do not attribute academic setbacks to their innate ability, but rather to a situational attribute such as a poor study strategy. As a result, students are more likely to implement alternative study strategies and seek help from others.

Research on the power of self-affirmation exercises has shown promising results as well. One such study found that a self-affirmation exercise (in the form of a brief in-class writing assignment about a value that is important to them) significantly improved the grades of African-American middle-school students, and reduced the racial achievement gap by 40%. The authors of this study suggest that the racial achievement gap could be at least partially ameliorated by brief and targeted social-psychological interventions. Another such intervention was attempted with UK medical students, who were given a written assignment and a clinical assessment. For the written assignment group, white students performed worse than minority students. For the clinical assessment, both groups improved their performance, though the gap between racial groups was maintained. Allowing participants to think about a positive value or attribute about themselves prior to completing the task seemed to make them less susceptible to stereotype threat. Self-affirmation has also been shown to mitigate the performance gap between female and male participants on mathematical and geometrical reasoning tests. Similarly, it has been shown that encouraging women to think about their multiple roles and identities by creating self-concept map can eliminate the gender gap on a relatively difficult standardized test. Women given such an opportunity for reflection did equally well as men on the math portion of the GRE, while women who did not create a self-concept map did significantly worse on the math section than men did.

Directly communicating that diversity is valued may also be effective. One study revealed that a company's pamphlet stating a direct value of diversity, compared to a color blind approach, caused African Americans to report an increase in trust and comfort towards the company. Promoting cross-group relations between people of varying backgrounds has also been shown to be effective at promoting a sense of belonging among minority group members. For instance, a 2008 study indicates that students have a lower sense of belonging at institutions where they are the minority, but developing friendships with members of other racial groups increased their sense of belonging. In 2007, a study by Greg Walton and Geoffrey Cohen showed results in boosting the grades of African-American college students, and eliminating the racial achievement gap between them and their white peers over the first year of college, by emphasizing to participants that concerns about social belonging tend to lessen over time. These findings suggest that allowing individuals to feel as though they are welcomed into a desirable group makes them more likely to ignore stereotypes. The upshot is that if minority college students are welcomed into the world of academia, they are less likely to be influenced by the negative stereotypes of poor minority performance on academic tasks.

One early study suggested that simply informing college women about stereotype threat and its effects on performance was sufficient to eliminate the predicted gender gap on a difficult math test. The authors of this study argued that making people aware of the fact that they will not necessarily perform worse despite the existence of a stereotype can boost their performance. However, other research has found that merely providing information is not enough, and can even have the opposite effect. In one study, women were given a text "summarizing an experiment in which stereotypes, and not biological differences, were shown to be the cause of women's underperformance in math", and then they performed a math exercise. It was found that "women who properly understood the meaning of the information provided, and thus became knowledgeable about stereotype threat, performed significantly worse at a calculus task". In such cases, further research suggests that the manner in which the information is presented -- that is, whether subjects are made to perceive themselves as targets of negative stereotyping -- may be decisive.

Some researchers have argued that stereotype threat should not be interpreted as a factor in real-world achievement gaps. Reviews have raised concerns that the effect might have been over-estimated in the performance of schoolgirls and argued that the field likely suffers from publication bias.

According to Paul R. Sackett, Chaitra M. Hardison, and Michael J. Cullen, both the media and scholarly literature have wrongly concluded that eliminating stereotype threat could completely eliminate differences in test performance between European Americans and African Americans. Sackett et al. argued that, in Steele and Aronson's (1995) experiments where stereotype threat was mitigated, an achievement gap of approximately one standard deviation remained between the groups, which is very close in size to that routinely reported between African American and European Americans' average scores on large-scale standardized tests such as the SAT. In subsequent correspondence between Sackett et al. and Steele and Aronson, Sackett et al. wrote that "They [Steele and Aronson] agree that it is a misinterpretation of the Steele and Aronson (1995) results to conclude that eliminating stereotype threat eliminates the African American-White test-score gap." However, in that same correspondence, Steele and Aronson point out that "it is the stereotype threat conditions, and not the no-threat conditions, that produce group differences most like those of real-life testing."

In a 2009 meta-analysis, Gregory M. Walton and Steven J. Spencer argued that studies of stereotype threat may in fact systematically under-represent its effects, since such studies measure "only that portion of psychological threat that research has identified and remedied. To the extent that unidentified or unremedied psychological threats further undermine performance, the results underestimate the bias." Despite these limitations, they found that efforts to mitigate stereotype threat significantly reduced group differences on high-stakes tests.

In 1998, Arthur R. Jensen criticized stereotype threat theory on the basis that it invokes an additional mechanism to explain effects which could be, according to him, explained by other, at the time better known and more established theories, such as test anxiety and especially the Yerkes-Dodson law. In Jensen's view, the effects which are attributed to stereotype threat may simply reflect "the interaction of ability level with test anxiety as a function of test complexity". However, a subsequent study by Johannes Keller specifically controlled for Jensen's hypothesis and still found significant stereotype threat effects.

Publication bias

A meta-analysis by Flore and Wicherts (2015) concluded that the average reported effect of stereotype threat is small, and that those reports may be inflated by publication bias. They argued that, correcting for this, the most likely effect size may be near zero.

Ganley et al. (2013) examined stereotype threat in a well-powered (total number approximately 1000) multi-experiment study and concluded that "no evidence that the mathematics performance of school-age girls was impacted by stereotype threat" was found. Positing that large, well-controlled studies have tended to find smaller or non-significant effects, the authors argued that evidence for stereotype threat in children may reflect publication bias. They also suggested that, among the many underpowered studies run, researchers may have selectively published those in which false-positive effects reached significance.

A 2020 meta-analysis by Liu et al. found that, while publication bias may inflate the effectiveness of interventions to mitigate stereotype threat, the level of bias is insufficient to overturn the consensus that such interventions are associated with performance benefits. The authors broke down the studies they analyzed into three types -- belief-based, identity-based, and resilience-based -- finding greater evidence for publication bias in the last of these and more robust evidence for the effectiveness of intervention in the first two types.

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30. ^ Jensen AR (1998), "Population differences in g: causal hypotheses", in Jensen AR (ed.), The g factor: the science of mental ability, Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, pp. 513-515, ISBN 9780275961039, the phenomenon of stereotype threat can be explained in terms of a more general construct, test anxiety, which has been studied since the early days of psychometrics. Test anxiety tends to lower performance levels on tests in proportion to the degree of complexity and the amount of mental effort they require of the subject. The relatively greater effect of test anxiety in the black samples, who had somewhat lower SAT scores, than the white subjects in the Stanford experiments constitutes an example of the Yerkes-Dodson law ... by conducting the same type of experiment using exclusively white (or black) subjects, divided into lower- and higher-ability groups, it might be shown that the phenomenon attributed to stereotype threat has nothing to do with race as such, but results from the interaction of ability level with test anxiety as a function of test complexity.

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Stereotype threat is a situational predicament in which people are or feel themselves to be at risk of conforming to stereotypes about their social group. It is theorized to be a contributing factor to long-standing racial and gender gaps in academic performance.

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排除了其他一切特征，仅仅从身体特征、性感程度等去评判一个人的价值

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弗洛伊德的“窥视癖”概念产生了两种类型的男性凝视: 与性感有关的愉悦(极端的窥视癖)和与自恋认同有关的窥视愉悦(自我理想的注入) ，每种类型的男性凝视都表明女性是如何被社会强迫从男性凝视的角度(性、美学、文化)来看电影的。在对女性的电影表现中，男性的凝视否定了女性的人类能力和人类身份，从而将她从一个人变成了一个物体——一个仅仅因为她的美丽、体格和性感而被考虑的人，正如叙事电影中男性性幻想所定义的那样。[11]

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女性凝视是一个女性主义理论术语，指艺术作品中女性观众、角色或导演的凝视，但这不仅仅是一个性别问题，而是一个将女性作为具有能动性的主体来表现的问题。因此，所有性别都可以创作出具有女性视角的电影。这是对女权主义电影理论家劳拉-马尔维（Laura Mulvey）的 "男性凝视 "一词的回应，"男性凝视 "不仅代表异性恋男性观众的凝视，也代表男性角色和男性电影创作者的凝视。[1][2]在当代用法中，"女性凝视 "被用来指女性电影制作人（编剧/导演/制片人）为电影带来的不同于男性的视角。

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极具恶意的

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极具善意的

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游戏叙事中两种典型的女性角色

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游戏叙事中两种典型的女性角色

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游戏如何呈现女性，是否有重要的意义？

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游戏如何呈现女性，是否有重要的意义？

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有。

如果将游戏视作一种媒介，那么媒介中的内容既是社会的表征（representation），又是对社会的建构（construction）。

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理论支持：玩托邦（Ludotopia）

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理论支持：玩托邦（Ludotopia）

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玩托邦的概念指游戏空间，强调任何“空间经验”，无论是游戏中的还是现实生活中的，都根植于地点的或者是活动能对其加以改变的地方的关系。“空间是一个实践的地方”

是一个游戏玩家文化实践的场域，和彼此交流的公共虚拟空间。

当女性玩家操纵游戏中的化身开启游戏，她对化身的凝视与代入/认同，对游戏中其他女性角色的观看与互动，对性别相关议题的讨论甚至争论，便是在“玩托邦”中不折不扣的性别实践

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http://xhslink.com/nrAD7v

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小红书 - 你的生活指南

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2 亿人的生活经验，都在小红书

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女性与游戏的相关研究分为四类

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女性与游戏的相关研究分为四类

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为什么相较于男性，女性玩游戏的人数更少

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为什么相较于男性，女性玩游戏的人数更少

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关于女性在整个游戏文化中的地位

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关于女性在整个游戏文化中的地位

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无论是在现实环境还是虚拟世界中，女性玩家均处于弱势的状态。

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玩法抵抗：女性刻板印象的突破

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玩法抵抗：女性刻板印象的突破

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1.在选择游戏品类分布上不局限于传统的女性向游戏。

2.在关于游戏玩法与机制的讨论上会更具深度。

3.从设备角度，购买游戏深度设备以及对主机游戏的付费意愿。

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女性被认为偏好手游而非主机、偏好模拟经营或恋爱养成等轻度游戏或传统意义上的女性向游戏，而后者往往被视作“粉色游戏”，这类游戏的出现也使女性玩家被打上温顺的印记，在游戏领域中被排斥于边缘地位。

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话语抵抗：共创符号与建立门槛

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话语抵抗：共创符号与建立门槛

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在国内比较知名的女性游戏小组，会称呼每位女性玩家为“猛女”。

女性这一概念在男权中心的话语体系中处于不在场、也无法被再现（unrepresentable）的状态。因此当女性跳出固有的以男性为中心的话语体系，创造全新的语词用以指认自身时，其女性主义话语（feminist discourse）便具有鲜明的反抗色彩。

游戏场域中占据主导的男性文化是在潜移默化中剥夺了女性的发声空间的，而对于女性游戏社群而言，保证女性视角的纯粹性就必然需要从社群准入上剔除男性。

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集体抵抗：女性玩家家园的形成与巩固

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集体抵抗：女性玩家家园的形成与巩固

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少数群体通过建造家园来抵抗外部歧视，在家园中人人都努力成为主体，而非客体。

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女性玩家之间的认同感与归属感，是女性之间以父权制为靶子而形成的情感链接，也是女性协商以及对抗父权制度的复杂情感体现。

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角色抵抗：反思媒介化的性别形象

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角色抵抗：反思媒介化的性别形象

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王者中女角色的幼化反映了父权社会对中老年女性的贬抑和边缘化。Geena Davis在报告《虚弱、邋遢和被遗忘》中指出：和男性相比，50岁以上的女性更容易被媒体塑造成衰老、虚弱、老土、困在家中的“非成功人士”。这些充满偏见的形象不断出现在荧屏上，体现了父权社会衡量女男个人价值的双重标准：男性的价值取决于个人成就，而女性的权力则源于性吸引力。父权社会鼓励男性争夺资源和财富，中老年男性由于阅历丰富常常被看作名利角逐的胜出者、稳坐权力巅峰的强者；而少年男性则被当成冲动毛躁、不够成熟的代表。这也是为什么王者荣耀中兼具战斗力和生存能力的“战士/坦克”多为中老年男性，而爆发型刺客则多为少男。

父权社会的权力角逐将女性排除在外，即使她们凭借自身力量挤进了金字塔顶端，倘若没有美貌加成，其成就也不会得到肯定。女性年华老去后性吸引力和生育能力所剩无几，利用价值自然也消耗殆尽。她们变成了干瘪的躯壳、残缺的怪物，甚至算不上「真正的女人」。中老年女性的身影被鲜活灵动的少女取代，她们的故事也被主流媒体尽数抹去，所以芈月登场时扭动着曼妙的身姿，说出“年龄，那是秘密～”。在这场本不公平的“王者”争夺战中，女性是注定被淘汰的输家，荣耀当然也只能属于男人。

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此外，王者中女角色作战武器和技能的设计也体现了针对女性气质的刻板印象。大多数（64%）女角色技能名称都带有“舞”“花”“扇”等元素（例如阿轲大招“幻舞”、貂蝉一技能“落·红雨”、不知火舞二技能“花蝶扇”），这样别有用心的设定无疑体现了男权对女性暴力的曲解和意淫。女人不是通过性魅力迷惑对手而获胜、就是利用风花雪月杀人于无形，而这样“红颜祸水”的形象就是王者荣耀对女性力量想象的极限了

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王者荣耀为什么越抄袭越厌女

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王者荣耀为什么越抄袭越厌女

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王者荣耀为什么越抄袭越厌女？

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在某手游周年庆到来之际，谨以此文祝辱女游戏早日扑街。

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女性玩家是缺失的

女性角色是性化的

女性玩家的声音是被无视的

女性玩家的玩托邦有助于凝聚力量，但仍没法在男性主导的游戏领域产生波澜

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话语既深处在一定的社会权力关系中，又对这种社会权力关系进行改造。“赋权”，即赋予某个社会个体或群体以权力。

“人通过话语赋予自己权力”

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单人旁的文字 改变成女字

参与式 有人的参与 实验

女性符号 创造新的语言

找符号

操作路径 不同职业 压力 游戏本身设计的单词 素材库的单词

研究游戏里的符号 可以发展的