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2.3 Explore how the physical force tradition impacted on Irish politics, with particular reference to a pre-twentieth century example of a rebellion.
1.7 Develop historical judgements based on evidence about personalities, issues and events in the past, showing awareness of historical significance.

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2.9 Explain how the experience of women in Irish society changed during the twentieth century
2.10 Examine how one sporting, cultural or social movement impacted on Irish life

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Topic: 1798 Rebellion

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3.7 Appreciate change in the field of the arts and science, with particular reference to the significance of the Renaissance
3.11 Explore the contribution of technological developments and innovation to historical change

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2.4 Examine the rise and impact of nationalism and unionism in  Ireland, including key events between 1911 and 1923.
2.8 Describe the impact of war on the lives of Irish people, referring to either World War One or World War Two.

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3.6 Explore life and death in medieval times
3.14 Illustrate patterns of change across different time periods in a chosen theme relating to life and society (such as, Crime and punishment; Food and drink; Work and leisure; Fashion and appearance or Health and medicine)

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3.4: Discuss the general causes and course of World War One or World War Two and the immediate and long-term impact of the war on people and nations
3.12 Evaluate the role of a movement or organisation, such as the European Union or United Nations in promoting international cooperation, justice and human rights

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3.9 Examine life in one fascist or one communist country in the twentieth century
3.10 Explore the significance of genocide, including the causes, course and consequences of the Holocaust

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(17) Boolavogue - YouTube
(17) The impact of the 1798 rebellion, an example of the physical force tradition - YouTube

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Topic: Life in fascist Germany.

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Father John Murphy a peaceful priest turned rebel leader

A 'Radharc' documentary looking at the story of 1798 hero Father John Murphy of Boolavogue, County Wexford. His exploits are celebrated in the folk song 'Boolavogue'. The local curate led a people's army against the Crown forces and was executed at Tullow.

Presenter Father Peter Lemass examines the motives and that turned Father Murphy from a peaceful priest, who initially persuaded his parishioners to give up their pikes, into a rebel leader.

'Radharc: Boolavogue' was first broadcast on 18 April 1965. The presenter is Peter Lemass.

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Rebel Priest Father Murphy of Boolavogue

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Father John Murphy a peaceful priest turned rebel leader

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Topic: Medieval Death

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Step 1 The changing role of women in Irish women in 20th Century Ireland

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Step 1 The changing role of women in Irish women in 20th Century Ireland

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Topic:

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Group task: Choose a topic within your allocated Learning Outcomes.
(5 minutes)

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Topic: The Emergence of the Printing Press

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Topic: Irish Civil War

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Topic: The League of Nations

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https://www.juniorcyclehistory.ie/medieval-times.html

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Adolf Hitler (April 20, 1889 - April 30, 1945) was appointed chancellor of Germany in 1933 following a series of electoral victories by the Nazi Party. He ruled absolutely until his death by suicide in April 1945. Upon achieving power, Hitler smashed the nation's democratic institutions and transformed Germany into a war state intent on conquering Europe for the benefit of the so-called Aryan race. His invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, triggered the European phase of World War II. During the course of the war, Nazi military forces rounded up and executed 11 million victims they deemed inferior or undesirable-"life unworthy of life"-among them Jews, Slavs, homosexuals, and Jehovah's Witnesses.

Hitler had supreme authority as führer (leader or guide), but could not have risen to power or committed such atrocities on his own. He had the active support of the powerful German officer class and of millions of everyday citizens who voted for the National Socialist German Workers' (Nazi) Party and hailed him as a national savior in gigantic stadium rallies.

How were Hitler and the Nazis possible? How did such odious characters take and hold power in a country that was a world pacesetter in literature, art, architecture, and science, a nation that had a democratic government and a free press in the 1920s?

Hitler rose to power through the Nazi Party, an organization he forged after returning as a wounded veteran from the annihilating trench warfare of World War I. He and other patriotic Germans were outraged and humiliated by the harsh terms of the Treaty of Versailles, which the Allies compelled the new German government, the Weimar Republic, to accept along with an obligation to pay $33 billion in war reparations. Germany also had to give up its prized overseas colonies and surrender valued parcels of home territory to France and Poland. The German army was radically downsized and the nation forbidden to have submarines or an air force. "We shall squeeze the German lemon until the pips squeak!" explained one British official.

Paying the crushing reparations destabilized the economy, producing ruinous, runaway inflation. By September 1923, four billion German marks had the equal value of one American dollar. Consumers needed a wheelbarrow to carry enough paper money to buy a loaf of bread.

Hitler, a mesmerizing public speaker, addressed political meetings in Munich calling for a new German order to replace what he saw as an incompetent and inefficient democratic regime. This New Order was distinguished by an authoritarian political system based on a leadership structure in which authority flowed downward from a supreme national leader.

In the new Germany, all citizens would unselfishly serve the state, or Volk; democracy would be abolished; and individual rights sacrificed for the good of the führer state. The ultimate aim of the Nazi Party was to seize power through Germany's parliamentary system, install Hitler as dictator, and create a community of racially pure Germans loyal to their führer, who would lead them in a campaign of racial cleansing and world conquest.

Hitler blamed the Weimar Republic's weakness on the influence of Germany's Jewish and communist minorities, who he claimed were trying to take over the country. "There are only two possibilities," he told a Munich audience in 1922. "Either victory of the Aryan, or annihilation of the Aryan and the victory of the Jew." The young Hitler saw history as a process of racial struggle, with the strongest race-the Aryan race-ultimately prevailing by force of arms. "Mankind has grown great in eternal war," Hitler wrote. "It would decay in eternal peace."

Jews represented everything the Nazis found repugnant: finance capitalism (controlled, the Nazis believed, by powerful Jewish financiers), international communism (Karl Marx was a German Jew, and the leadership of the German Communist Party was heavily Jewish), and modernist cultural movements like psychoanalysis and swing music.

Nazi Party foreign policy aimed to rid Europe of Jews and other "inferior" peoples, absorb pure-blooded Aryans into a greatly expanded Germany-a "Third Reich"-and wage unrelenting war on the Slavic "hordes" of Russia, considered by Hitler to be Untermenschen (subhuman).

Once conquered, the Soviet Union would be ruled by the German master race, which would exterminate or subdue millions of Slavs to create lebensraum (living space) for their own farms and communities. In a conquered and racially cleansed Russia, they would work on model farms and factories connected to the homeland by new highways, called autobahns.

Hitler was the ideologue as well as the chief organizer of the Nazi Party. By 1921, the party had a newspaper, an official flag, and a private army-the Sturmabteilung SA (storm troopers)-made up largely of unemployed and disenchanted WWI veterans. By 1923, the SA had grown to 15,000 men and had access to hidden stores of weapons. That year, Hitler and WWI hero General Erich Ludendorff attempted to overthrow the elected regional government of Bavaria in a coup known as the Beer Hall Putsch.

The regular army crushed the rebellion and Hitler spent a year in prison-in loose confinement. In Landsberg Prison, Hitler dictated most of the first volume of his political autobiography, Mein Kampf (My Struggle). The book brought together, in inflamed language, the racialist and expansionist ideas he had been propagating in his popular beer-hall harangues.

By 1932, the Nazis were the largest political party in the Reichstag. In January of the following year, with no other leader able to command sufficient support to govern, President Paul von Hindenburg appointed Hitler chancellor of Germany. Shortly thereafter, a fire broke out in the Reichstag building in Berlin, and authorities arrested a young Dutch communist who confessed to starting it.

Hitler used this episode to convince President Hindenburg to declare an emergency decree suspending many civil liberties throughout Germany, including freedom of the press, freedom of expression, and the right to hold public assemblies. The police were authorized to detain citizens without cause, and the authority usually exercised by regional governments became subject to control by Hitler's national regime.

Almost immediately, Hitler began dismantling Germany's democratic institutions and imprisoning or murdering his chief opponents. When Hindenburg died the following year, Hitler took the titles of führer, chancellor, and commander in chief of the army. He expanded the army tremendously, reintroduced conscription, and began developing a new air force-all violations of the Treaty of Versailles.

Hitler's military spending and ambitious public-works programs, including building a German autobahn, helped restore prosperity. His regime also suppressed the Communist Party and purged his own paramilitary storm troopers, whose violent street demonstrations alienated the German middle class.

This bloodletting-called the "Night of the Long Knives"-was hugely popular and welcomed by the middle class as a blow struck for law and order. In fact, many Germans went along with the full range of Hitler's policies, convinced that they would ultimately be advantageous for the country.

In 1938, Hitler began his long-promised expansion of national boundaries to incorporate ethnic Germans. He colluded with Austrian Nazis to orchestrate the Anschluss, the annexation of Austria to Germany. And in Hitler's most brazenly aggressive act yet, Czechoslovakia was forced to surrender the Sudetenland, a mountainous border region populated predominantly by ethnic Germans.

The Czechs looked to Great Britain and France for help, but hoping to avoid war-they had been bled white in World War I-these nations chose a policy of appeasement. At a conclave held at Munich in September 1938, representatives of Great Britain and France compelled Czech leaders to cede the Sudetenland in return for Hitler's pledge not to seek additional territory. The following year, the German army swallowed up the remainder of Czechoslovakia.

British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, one of the signers of the Munich pact, had taken Hitler at his word. Returning to Britain with this agreement in hand, he proudly announced that he had achieved "peace with honor. I believe it is peace for our time."

A year later, German troops stormed into Poland.

Learn More

After being released from prison, Hitler vowed to work within the parliamentary system to avoid a repeat of the Beer Hall Putsch setback. In the 1920s, however, the Nazi Party was still a fringe group of ultraextremists with little political power. It received only 2.6 percent of the vote in the Reichstag elections of 1928.

But the worldwide economic depression and the rising power of labor unions and communists convinced increasing numbers of Germans to turn to the Nazi Party. The Nazis fed on bank failures and unemployment-proof, Hitler said, of the ineffectiveness of democratic government. Hitler pledged to restore prosperity, create civil order (by crushing industrial strikes and street demonstrations by communists and socialists), eliminate the influence of Jewish financiers, and make the fatherland once again a world power.

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How Did Adolf Hitler Happen? | The National WWII Museum | New Orleans

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Adolf Hitler was appointed chancellor of Germany in 1933 following a series of electoral victories by the Nazi Party. He ruled absolutely until his death by suicide in April 1945.

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https://www.historydefined.net/common-medieval-crimes-and-their-punishments/

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Intro

Death was at the centre of life in the Middle Ages in a way that might seem shocking to us today. With high rates of infant mortality, disease, famine, the constant presence of war, and unsophisticated medical techniques, the threat of death was a brutal part of everyday life for the majority of people. As a result, attitudes towards life were very much shaped by beliefs about death: according to Christian tradition, the very purpose of life was to prepare for the afterlife by avoiding sin, performing good works, and adhering to the Church's teachings.

This image from a scroll shows the death and funeral of Lucy de Vere, the head of a nunnery in Essex. When she died, around 1225, the nuns sent the roll - over 19 feet long - to other religious houses, asking them to pray for her soul. As it passed around East Anglia and back and forth across southern England, the inhabitants of each house added inscriptions asking for prayers.

Shelfmark: Egerton MS 2849, Part I

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Death was at the centre of life in the Middle Ages in a way that might seem shocking to us today. With high rates of infant mortality, disease, famine, the constant presence of war, and unsophisticated medical techniques, the threat of death was a brutal part of everyday life for the majority of people.

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On the road to change: Oppression of women in Ireland

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Many restrictions placed on women have gone but remnants of past sentiment remain

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Individual task: Add materials to the Padlet that you could use as prompts/stimulus to enhance student talk in the classroom. For example articles, photographs, links to a repository, videos etc.
(10 minutes)

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Sentenced to death: the Civil War executions

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In 1922, the National Army, with the permission of the Dáil, began executing captured anti-Treaty forces without trial. It was a policy that saw the new state abandon the rule of law, as Seán Enright explains

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Cartoons from Julius Streicher’s Der Stuermer, 1933-1944.

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RTÉ Archives | Sports | Women In The GAA (rte.ie)
Bing Videos

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Ireland's first female president, Mary Robinson, talks about what her presidency has meant for women.

In 1990, Mary Robinson became Ireland's first female president. Brian Farrell interviewed her almost five years into her term about the main issues she had addressed: community development, the progress of women, the peace process, human rights and international responsibility.

In this TV clip, Mary Robinson talks about what her presidency has meant for women. She is glad that her election has boosted women's confidence and emphasises the importance of confidence. As women seek to play a greater role in society, men will have to take on more responsibility in the home, which will be difficult for some. But she feels that this change will be for the benefit of humanity. She listens to and respects all viewpoints, including those of conservative women.

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Ireland's first female president, Mary Robinson, talks about what her presidency has meant for women.

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created.
(5 minutes)

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The Civil War which raged on this island from 1922-1923 was a dreadful human tragedy for so many Irish families. It left many damaging legacies, which for succeeding generations remained taboo, leaving the wounds of the war between former comrades open for decades.

In these centenary years, we are challenged to display courage and honesty as we seek to speak the fullness of the experience of the period, and in recognising that no single side had the monopoly of either atrocity or virtue.

The Civil War, though short, was bloody. It cost the lives of many, some well-known public figures, others lesser-known but not forgotten. Both sides to the conflict carried out brutal acts: anti-Treaty forces killed a TD and several other pro-Treaty politicians, and burned many homes of senators and Free State supporters, while the government executed anti-Treaty prisoners, officially and unofficially. At least 81 were officially executed in several jails and barracks, including seven in the Curragh on December 19th, 1922, all young men in their teens and 20s. Precise figures for the dead and wounded are contested, but recent research suggests a death toll of 1,500-2,000.

We must recognise the atrocities of the Civil War for what they were, on both sides: cruel, vicious and at times informed by vengeance

We must recognise the atrocities of the Civil War for what they were, on both sides: cruel, vicious and at times informed by vengeance. We should also recognise that there were elements within the different forces who were simply out of control. Some civilian losses were inflicted in a way that had little to do with republicanism or any emancipatory version of nationalism. The cover of the war was used by some for the settling of vendettas based on land, hunger and greed. It must also be acknowledged that in some cases the opportunity was taken for a sectarian identification of targets.

Emigration and poverty

The aftermath of the 1920s saw many other lives so damaged that recovery was impossible, leading to forced emigration or poverty at home.

This is painful for many of us to remember. The Civil War divided my own father's family, all of whom served in the War of Independence in Co Clare and Co Cork. My uncle Peter, with whom I would spend a significant amount of my childhood, went on to serve in the National Army from 1922 to 1925 at Renmore Barracks.

My father, John, would meanwhile spend most of the year 1923 as an internee in what was known to the prisoners as Tintown, in the Curragh camp. The diaries of Joseph Campbell offer revealing vignettes of what life was like for those in the camps, providing vivid notes of personal conversations and imaginative reflections on the psychological effects of incarceration.

As with most civil wars, the internecine conflict left a bitter legacy. The violence that was unleashed in the Civil War (and in the wider independence struggle) established violence, in all its manifestations, as an acceptable means of control and coercion within the state. Violence was also an inherited legacy of empire. Given how Ireland and its leaders had experienced the iron fist of empire as a tool in statehood and state management, violence and the infliction of humiliation would become an unsurprising feature of the State and its institutions. It was unleashed in various forms, particularly as it impacted on women, minorities and those from the poorest social classes, with varying gradations of violence and exclusion affecting people from all backgrounds.

The pension files record my father's long and exhausting battle for a small pension, which was eventually granted in 1956, eight years before his death and almost 22 years after his first application, in 1935.

While these events may be hard for us to remember, it is crucial we realise that any amnesia will not help us. Our concern for the truth must not, however, collapse into shallow point-scoring. Comparing atrocities is futile and amoral. An act of commemoration requires more.

Given how Ireland and its leaders had experienced the iron fist of empire as a tool in statehood and state management, violence and the infliction of humiliation would become an unsurprising feature of the State and its institutions

We have the opportunity to develop a clearer understanding of what factually occurred and the different versions of context. We need to acknowledge that different, informed perspectives on the same events can and do exist. The acceptance of this fact can release us from the pressure of finding, or subscribing to, any singular, unifying narrative of the past.

Through the Machnamh 100 series, I have sought to provide a forum for such discussions. Each of the seminars is available on the RTÉ Player, with the fifth of the six seminars available from May 26th, while a book bringing together the contents of the first three seminars is also now available.

I would urge such discussions to take place across the country, in our communities, schools and universities. Over the last decade we have seen a flourishing in local history groups as well as the publication of excellent pieces of scholarship which have made up many gaps. We now see surfaced accounts of women's role in all of the different events in 1916 and long before. We also have access to the various records which we can view and consider.

Ethical remembering is about putting ourselves in the shoes of the other and allowing for the existence of different narratives, narratives which we can put alongside one another to give a full picture of all that happened. We have an opportunity to look at our history in its fullness, its sorrow and its lost possibilities that might be recovered, an opportunity to learn of the lived experiences of those previously neglected and even excluded - the "history from below".

We have in the past experienced lost opportunities for reconciliation from our violent struggle for independence and what followed it, but we now have an opportunity to seek true, lasting reconciliation and to build a bright, emancipatory future for all of us, with our diverse histories and memories respectfully taken into account. In doing so, we may work together towards that to which we all might be united - sharing ideas of sustaining our planet, of delivering a new symmetry of ecology and society, a shared future that offers hope and capacity rather than a ransacking of old hatreds and bitterness.

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Michael D Higgins: An opportunity for ethical remembering

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The Civil War which raged on this island from 1922-1923 was a dreadful human tragedy for so many Irish families. It left many damaging legacies, which for succeeding generations remained taboo, leaving the wounds of the war between former comrades open for decades.

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Crime and punishment in the Middle Ages were often harsh and unforgiving. Unlike today's criminal justice system, there was no legitimate police force and the local community was responsible for establishing law and order.

The Christian church also had a large part in determining the punishments for those found guilty. But, they also gave the accused a way to avoid punishment by asking God to save their soul.

Since there were very few prisons during this time, most punishments served to deter others in the community from committing crimes.

While today, the death penalty is very rarely used, it gained great popularity in Medieval times. Similarly, bodily harm is not a sentence used in today's criminal system.

The Three Ordeals

Trials by jury didn't become common until the 13th century. Without a formal way of determining someone's guilt or innocence, the accused were subject to trial by ordeal.

There were three types of ordeals - ordeal by fire, ordeal by water, and ordeal by combat. The goal of these ordeals was to subject the accused to extreme circumstances, and if able to survive, they were seen as innocent in the eyes of God.

Ordeal by fire required the accused to carry a red hot iron 9 feet and then have their hands bandaged. After three days, they were required to show up in court and show their hands.

If the wounds had started to heal, they were considered innocent. If their condition hadn't improved, they would be found guilty.

There were two different types of ordeal by water. If they were subjected to a cold water ordeal, their hands and feet were tied and thrown into the water. If they began to float, they were considered innocent. But if they sank, they were guilty.

For hot water ordeals, those accused had to retrieve a stone from the bottom of a kettle of boiling water. Similarly to ordeal by fire, if their hands had begun to heal after three days, they were found innocent.

Lastly, ordeal by combat was used to help two parties solve a dispute. This was mostly used when there were no witnesses or confessions to a crime. Two individuals would fight in combat, and the winner would be declared innocent.

While brutal, these ordeals were used to justify God's will in the criminal justice system. If the accused could survive or be found innocent after their ordeals, it was believed they had been given power from God.

Common Crimes and Punishments

As society has evolved, the type of crimes committed and their equivalent punishments have significantly changed. Here are some of the common crimes and punishments of medieval times.

Petty Theft

Stealing was one of the most common crimes committed during the Middle Ages. Petty theft relates explicitly to the theft of low-value goods from an individual or business. Depending on the severity of the theft, the consequences could range from public humiliation all the way up to bodily mutilation.

The most common punishment for those found guilty of stealing was extra work or fines. According to the thievery code in the book of Dalarna, the fine could range from three to 40 marks.

While inconvenient, being fined was not nearly as embarrassing or dishonorable as the more serious punishments. Those guilty of "full thievery" could be hanged or suffer a more painful fate like bodily dismemberment.

It wasn't uncommon for a thief's hands or ears to be cut off, signaling to everyone they were a criminal.

Arson

Deliberately setting fire to a building could severely affect the community during Medieval times. Even small fires could easily spread across multiple houses since buildings at the time were made of wood and straw.

Since this type of crime could have a major impact, criminals found guilty of arson were subject to capital punishment.

Capital punishments are equivalent to the death penalty and result in the individual being executed, usually by hanging. This was considered the most serious of punishments as it often impacted the ruling classes property or land.

Treason

Treason is the act of being disloyal to the crown that ruled at the time. This could include something as serious as attempting to murder a monarch, but it also could include speaking badly of the royal family.

Those found guilty of treason faced the most serious punishment - no matter the severity of the crime. In 1351, the punishment for treason became enshrined in the legal code.

This punishment involved a gruesome death. The culprit was often hung from a tree but cut down before their death. Once down from the tree, an executioner would behead them, dismember their body, and ship body parts to other areas. The body parts would be displayed and serve as a warning against those considering a similar crime.

Murder

Murder remains one of the most serious crimes in common-day crime and punishment. But it also was equally as serious in medieval times.

Since there was no DNA or modern technology to help solve murders, many went unsolved. While it was more common in centuries past, those found guilty of murder were punished by death.

However, women found guilty faced a more brutal death than just meeting the executioner. If a woman was found to have murdered someone, they would be hung or strangled and then burnt.

Stealing crops

Different from petty theft, stealing crops was viewed as a more serious offense than the simple pickpocketing that occurred. At the time, food was such a valuable asset that took great effort to harvest and maintain.

Those found guilty of stealing crops from someone's land often had their hand removed, preventing them from stealing anymore and making them a public spectacle to others.

Crops were often stolen from high-ranking lords who owned land, ensuring the ruling elite had control over the punishment of the low, poorer class.

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5 Common Medieval Crimes and Their Punishments

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Crime and punishment in the Middle Ages were often harsh and unforgiving. Unlike today's criminal justice system, there was no legitimate police force and the local community was responsible for establishing law and order. The Christian church also had a large part in determining the punishments for those found guilty.

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https//:www.youtube.com/watch?v=DLctAw4JZXE

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It is customary for the Acting President of the Assembly to open the Assembly with a review of the work of the League of Nations during the previous year. The report of the Secretary_General, which deals very fully with that work, is before you. I do not propose, therefore, to do more than refer briefly to what appear to me to be the more important matters.

The outstanding event of the year has been the Conference for the reduction and limitation of armaments. I do not wish to appear unappreciative of the difficulties with which the problem of disarmament is surrounded. It must be recognised that some progress has been made, and that proposals have actually been engaging the attention of the Conference which a year ago many here would have thought outside the realm of practical politics. But I do not think I shall be accused of exaggeration if I say that the measure of progress which has so far been made falls far short of what I am convinced are the desires and expectations of the peoples of the world.

Another event of outstanding importance during the year was the Lausanne Conference. While it is, perhaps, still too soon to assess the final results of that Conference, it will have much to its credit if it paves the way for the definite settlement of the problem of intergovernmental payments. The Lausanne Conference was not, itself, a Conference held under the auspices of the League of Nations, but it was inevitable that the Governments represented at Lausanne, the moment they felt themselves free to turn to the consideration of the wider and more fundamental problems affecting the financial and economic conditions of the whole world, should turn to the League for the most efficient and satisfactory machinery for organising further progress. This Assembly had already had referred to it by the Council, you will remember, proposals on the same matter which had their origin in a resolution of the International Labour Conference.

The request of the Lausanne Conference serves in a striking manner to confirm the need for immediate international action in the economic and financial fields.

New tasks, therefore, of enormous complexity and difficulty have been accepted by the League, and with the coming Economic and Financial Conference and the further sessions of the Disarmament Conference, it is already certain that the year which opens before us will prove to be one of the most strenuous and the most important in the whole history of the League.

Reference must, I feel, be made to the conflict in the Far East. When the Special Assembly began to discuss this question, serious fighting involving heavy loss of life was actually in progress in the region of Shanghai. That is happily no longer the case. But it is none the less true that the larger problems at issue in that conflict remain unsolved. The Commission which was dispatched by the Council to the scene of the conflict on the initiative of Japan has just reported. I am sure I voice the feeling of the whole Assembly when I express the hope that the Report of the Commission will be conducive towards a just and final settlement of the dispute, and that the methods and principles of the Covenant will find a justification in their triumph over all the difficulties with which this problem is surrounded.

As regards the dispute between Bolivia and Paraguay, we have all been informed of the representations which the outgoing President of the Council, following the tradition of friendly vigilance which has grown around that office, has made to those two members of the League, and we all, I am sure, approve of these representations. They were at once a reminder of the binding character of the undertakings not to resort to war assumed by members of the League, and an invitation to listen to the counsels of those friendly American Republics which were endeavouring to find an acceptable method of peaceful settlement. Each member of the League will hope that these efforts, which are to be continued by the Committee the Council has decided to appoint, will bring the dispute to an end.

I shall not attempt to summarize the work of the League in the second broad division of its task - namely, international co-operation in fields other than that of international peace and security. In spite of restrictions in the League budget, this work has continued steadily, and those who read the annual report will be able to assure themselves that the results have not been unsatisfactory.

I shall not refer to the several important minority petitions which have been examined, the committees of inquiry which have reported, and the ratifications and accessions to League Conventions which have been received during the year. You will, however, allow me to mention, as being a little off the beaten track, the decisions which the Council and Financial Committee have taken in regard to requests for advice and assistance from Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece and Roumania, the help given by the League to China in her programme of national reconstruction, and the success of two missions of considerable humanitarian importance carried out with the help of the League - the rebuilding of the dykes on the Yang-tse-kiang, the bursting of which had resulted in the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, and the pacific reinstatement of the Kroo tribes in Liberia.

I have mentioned incidentally the question of the budgetary restrictions. Affecting as it does all the League's activities, it is of very great moment to the Assembly, and would appear to deserve more than a passing reference; but it will be dealt with very fully, I am sure, in the appropriate Committee, and I feel excused from considering it here.

That is the brief survey of the activities of the League during the year which, in accordance with custom, I have, in my capacity as Acting President of the Assembly, the honour to lay before you. I have said little of the difficulties which had to be overcome before it was found possible to make the progress which I have just reviewed. You will be aware of those difficulties, as you will be aware of the difficulties which prevented any progress at all being made in certain directions. I have no doubt that when the Assembly takes note of all these difficulties, it will agree that the Secretary-General's report on the work of the League since the last session of the Assembly represents a record of no mean achievement.

But it would be a great mistake for us to think that the League can live on the commendations, however merited, and expressions of satisfaction which it receives from its friends or from this Assembly. Out beyond the walls of this Assembly there is the public opinion of the world, and if the League is to prosper, or even survive, it must retain the support and confidence of that public opinion as a whole. It is often said that, in a final analysis, the League has no sanctions but the force of world opinion. At the moment, that is profoundly true, and it seems to me, therefore, that in the best interests of the League a wider review of its position and work should be undertaken on occasions like this, not so much in the light of our knowledge of the difficulties which explain its delays and its failures, as in the light of the fears, the criticisms, the prejudices, if you like, of public opinion in our respective countries.

It is time for us to ask ourselves what is the attitude of the outsider - the average man and woman - to the League, and to all this activity at Geneva? What impression will the survey which I have just made, convey to the minds of our people, say, in Ireland, and of your peoples in all your several countries? Friends and enemies of the League alike feel that the testing-time has come; and they are watching to see if that test will reveal a weakness pre-saging ultimate dissolution, or a strength that will be the assurance of a renewal of vigour and growth. The eyes of all peoples are focused on Geneva today as perhaps they have never been focused on it before.

Let us be frank with ourselves. There is on all sides complaint, criticism and suspicion. People are complaining that the League is devoting its activity to matters of secondary or very minor importance, while the vital international problems of the day, problems which touch the very existence of our peoples, are being shelved or postponed or ignored. People are saying that the equality of States does not apply here in the things that matter, that the smaller States whilst being given a voice have little real influence in the final determination of League action; and that they have not that which they were intended, or are entitled, to have under the Covenant. People are becoming impatient and starting even to enquire whether the apparently meagre, face-saving results of successive League conferences and meetings justify the burden which contributions to the League budget and the expense of sending delegation after delegation to Geneva, impose upon the already over-burdened national taxpayer. Finally, there is a suspicion abroad that little more than lip-service is paid to the fundamental principles on which the League is founded: there is a suspicion that the action of the League in the economic sphere can be paralysed by the pressure of powerful national interests, and that if the hand that is raised against the Covenant is sufficiently strong, it can smite with impunity.

I shall not go further, but let us make no mistake about it, the satisfaction with the position and the work of the League which we may feel in this Assembly is not shared universally by opinion outside. Blue books, as I might call them, and complacent resolutions cannot satisfy the general demand for effective action. We are defendants at the bar of public opinion, with a burden of justification upon us which is almost overwhelming.

Do not misunderstand me. A great deal of the criticism which I have described is, without a doubt, unjustified. A great deal of it is uninformed. A great deal of it is the criticism of the man who, in national as in international affairs, demands immediate solutions for problems of the difficulties of which he knows nothing. A great deal of it is perhaps also not wholly disinterested. But if this criticism is unjustified, what have we done to give it a really effective answer? The vast collection of surveys, of reports and conference records accumulated in our archives, is not the evidence that will disprove the charges which are brought against the League and that will show conclusively that the suspicions which have grown up in the mind of the ordinary man are without foundation.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the one effective way of silencing criticism of the League, of bringing to its support millions who at present stand aside in apathy, or look at its activities with undisguised cynicism, is to show unmistakably that the Covenant of the League is a solemn pact, the obligations of which no State, great or small, will find it possible to ignore. The only alternative to competitive armaments is the security for national rights which an uncompromising adherence to the principles of the Covenant will afford. The avoidance of wars and of the burden of preparatory armaments is of such concern to humanity that no State should be permitted to jeopardise the common interest by selfish action contrary to the Covenant, and no State is powerful enough to stand for long against the League if the governments in the League and their peoples are determined that the Covenant shall be upheld.

There is not a doubt that critics of the League will measure the confidence that can be placed in it by the confidence which the more powerful members of the League themselves place in the security the League is capable of affording, and that will of a certainty be judged by the success or failure of the Disarmament Conference. Without progressive disarmament it is almost impossible that the League should survive. The success of the Disarmament Conference is, then, of prime importance to the League, and I hope that enlightened public opinion in favour of disarmament will make itself increasingly felt in every State.

Of no less but of even greater importance, perhaps, is the Economic Conference.

On every side there is evidence of an impending economic collapse. Twenty-five millions of unemployed are crying out for the recognition of the right of themselves and their families to work and live; a hundred million people are faced with starvation in the midst of a world of plenty - a world where human energy and scientific and mechanical development have reached a stage of potential production capable of meeting many times the peoples' needs. It is our duty here to face this anomalous and desperate situation frankly and honestly, not as the representatives of States or parties or special interests, but as men who realise that the primary duty of states-men, national and international, is to plan for the well-being and happiness of their fellows - the plain ordinary human beings in every country who feel and think and suffer. There is no doubt that, with a will, a solution for this, a purely human problem, but the fundamental problem of our day, can be found. But it must be a will that will seek effective action no matter what interest is crossed - a will that will probe deeper than an examination of the possibility of the re-opening of old channels of international trade.

This is not the place to examine this problem further, or to attempt even an outline of what the solution should be, but it is my duty to suggest that here, as in other fields, the time has come for action. That the whole basis of production, distribution, finance, and credit requires complete overhauling is amply evident from the reports of the various committees which are summarised so admirably in the Secretary-General's report. If we shirk any item in this task, if we fail to make the radical changes obviously necessary, if we fail to organise our economic life deliberately, and purposely to provide as its first object for the fundamental needs of all our citizens so that every-one may at least be reasonably housed, clothed and fed, we shall be failing in our duty, and failing cruelly and disastrously.

For certain items of the task international action is necessary, but the change of purpose - the deliberate shaping of economic activity to an ethical and social end is work which each can best advance in his own State. The conditions change from country to country. The problem in the highly industrialised States is very different from that in the States industrially underdeveloped.

Speaking for my own country, I am confident that if we are left to pursue our policy we shall not only succeed in securing the proper adjustment of our own social and economic life, but be able in addition to contribute more than our share to human progress throughout the world. I want to believe that we in Ireland desire peace, peace at home and throughout the world. In spite of the opinions you may have formed from misleading reports, I want you to know that our history is the history of a people who have consistently sought only to be allowed to lead their own lives in their own way, in peace with their neighbours and with the world.

If we are left free, our way will be the way of peace, of thinking in terms, not of selfish interest, not of the acquisition of territory, nor of petty power, but of human beings living as they have a right to live, in the best that their own energies and our State can give them, whilst contributing to the world the best that is in us.

I feel that other States can face the task in a similar spirit and with equal hope, and because of that conviction and of the mutual help I know we can all render to each other, I consider it a great privilege for my country to occupy at this time the position of importance it holds in the Council of the League. Go gcuidighe Dia linn san árd-obair atá romhainn agus nár leige Sé choíche go dteipfeadh orainn (May God assist us in the exalted task before us, and may He not permit that we should fail).

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Documents on Irish Foreign Policy - Volume 4

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https://open.spotify.com/episode/4x3UqWRg5CcK2OrVJ0Wjgk?si=b6f0c313c0fd41e5 (Need to skip through ads at start, but gives evidence of the printing press outside Europe and compares them. Extension activity rather than whole class activity).

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Did Gutenburg Really Invent the Printing Press?

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Listen to this episode from Everything Everywhere Daily on Spotify. The printing press is considered to be one of, if not the greatest invention in history. The printing press allowed for an explosion in information and it ushered in the renaissance, the enlightenment, and the scientific and industrial revolutions.

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Why did the League of Nations fail? Here we provide some comprehensive answers.

Why did the League of Nations fail?

Why did the League of Nations fail? The League of Nations was the first intergovernmental organization that was established after World War 1 in order to try and maintain peace. It was headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland and designed to be a forum for handling international disputes before they flared up into military action and caused domino effects that pulled ally nations into the conflict (as had happened with the Great War). Unfortunately, the League failed miserably in its intended goal: to prevent another world war from happening ( WW2 broke out only two decades later). The idea was for the League of Nations to prevent wars through disarmament, collective security, and negotiation. It was also involved in other issues such as drug trafficking, arms trade, and global health. Although the League disbanded during WW2, it was replaced with the United Nations, which is still going strong today. So, here are some possible answers to the question, "why did the League of Nations fail?".
Why did the League of Nations Fail? Click on the podcast below for more information. "Wilson, The League Of Nations, and The Treaty Of Versailles" For the full "History Unplugged" podcast, please click here! Weaknesses of the League of Nations:
Why did the League of Nations fail? The League of Nations had several integral weaknesses that finally led to its demise.

The League was supposed to present the world and encompass all countries, but many countries never even joined the organization, of which the U.S. was the most prevalent one. Some members only remained members for a short while, before ending their membership. Many historians believe that if America had joined the League, there would have been a lot more support in preventing conflicts. Other major powers such as Germany and the Soviet Union were not allowed to join.

The international relations of member countries conflicted with the League's requirements for collective security.

The League didn't have its own armed forces and depended on members to act, but none of the member countries were ready for another war and didn't want to provide military support.

Pacifism was a great problem: the League's two largest members, Britain and France, were very reluctant to resort in sanctions and military actions.

Disarmament was highly advocated by the League, which meant that it deprived countries that were supposed to act with military force on its behalf when necessary from means to do so.

When countries started to attack others in order to try and expand, the League didn't have any power to stop them.

Why did the League of Nations fail: Despite its failure to prevent a second world war, the League of Nations impacted future international institutions by providing a framework for what does and does not work in such diplomatic organizations. The League of Nations was formed according to President Woodrow Wilson in his Fourteen Points, which designated a "general association of nations...formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike."

However, there was no regulation or enforcement mechanism for this point. Future organizations remedied this flaw by having more institutional strength, as the United Nations did. But in the creation of the League of Nations, Wilson did promote the opinion of statesmen and diplomats that a new sort of standing international organization that promoted global cooperation and security should be formed. Many supported this move after World War One, with Europe's economies decimated and its population shattered after years of terrible warfare. So, the lack of regulation might serve as another answer to the question of why did the League of Nations fail.
This article is part of our larger selection of posts about American History. To learn more, click here for our comprehensive guide to American History.
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"Why Did the League of Nations Fail? Here Are Some Answers" History on the Net
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November 16, 2023 <https://www.historyonthenet.com/why-did-the-league-of-nations-fail>
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Why Did the League of Nations Fail? Here Are Some Answers - History

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Why did the League of Nations fail to prevent World War Two? Largely, it was too weak to enforce disarmament, collective security and negotiation.

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Individual task: Based on the materials, choose one talk strategy from the Resource Booklet or a strategy you have used before that you think will enhance student talk. Add your choice to the Padlet.
Group task: Discuss your ideas.
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The Arolsen Archives are the international center on Nazi persecution with the world's most comprehensive archive on the victims and survivors of National Socialism. The collection has information on about 17.5 million people and belongs to the UNESCO's Memory of the World. It contains documents on the various victim groups targeted by the Nazi regime and is an important source of knowledge, especially for younger generations.
To this day, the Arolsen Archives answer inquiries about some 20,000 victims of Nazi persecution every year. For decades, clarifying fates and searching for missing persons were the central tasks of the institution, which was founded by the Allies in 1948 as the "International Tracing Service".
Research and education are more important than ever to inform today's society about the Holocaust, concentration camps, forced labor and the consequences of Nazi crimes. The Arolsen Archives are building up a comprehensive online archive so that people all over the world can access the documents and obtain information.

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International center on the Nazi era - Arolsen Archives

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The world's most comprehensive archive on the victims & survivors of the Nazi era ✓UNESCO's Memory of the World ✓research & education ▶Find out more!

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Part I: THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES,

In order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security
by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,
by the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations,
by the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among Governments, and
by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another,

Agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations.
ARTICLE 1.
The original Members of the League of Nations shall be those of the Signatories which are named in the Annex to this Covenant and also such of those other States named in the Annex as shall accede without reservation to this Covenant. Such accession shall be effected by a Declaration deposited with the Secretariat within two months of the coming into force of the Covenant. Notice thereof shall be sent to all other Members of the League.

Any fully self-governing State, Dominion or Colony not named in the Annex may become a Member of the League if its admission is agreed to by two-thirds of the Assembly, provided that it shall give effective guarantees of its sincere intention to observe its international obligations, and shall accept such regulations as may be prescribed by the League in regard to its military, naval and air forces and armaments.

Any Member of the League may, after two years' notice of its intention so to do, withdraw from the League, provided that all its international obligations and all its obligations under this Covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of its withdrawal.
ARTICLE 2.
The action of the League under this Covenant shall be effected through the instrumentality of an Assembly and of a Council, with a permanent Secretariat.
ARTICLE 3.
The Assembly shall consist of Representatives of the Members of the League.

The Assembly shall meet at stated intervals and from time to time as occasion may require at the Seat of the League or at such other place as may be decided upon.

The Assembly may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world. At meetings of the Assembly each Member of the League shall have one vote, and may have not more than three Representatives.
ARTICLE 4.
The Council shall consist of Representatives of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, together with Representatives of four other Members of the League. These four Members of the League shall be selected by the Assembly from time to time in its discretion. Until the appointment of the Representatives of the four Members of the League first selected by the Assembly, Representatives of Belgium, Brazil, Spain and Greece shall be members of the Council.

With the approval of the majority of the Assembly, the Council may name additional Members of the League whose Representatives shall always be members of the Council; the Council, with like approval may increase the number of Members of the League to be selected by the Assembly for representation on the Council.

The Council shall meet from time to time as occasion may require, and at least once a year, at the Seat of the League, or at such other place as may be decided upon.

The Council may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world.

Any Member of the League not represented on the Council shall be invited to send a Representative to sit as a member at any meeting of the Council during the consideration of matters specially affecting the interests of that Member of the League.

At meetings of the Council, each Member of the League represented on the Council shall have one vote, and may have not more than one Representative.
ARTICLE 5.
Except where otherwise expressly provided in this Covenant or by the terms of the present Treaty, decisions at any meeting of the Assembly or of the Council shall require the agreement of all the Members of the League represented at the meeting.

All matters of procedure at meetings of the Assembly or of the Council, including the appointment of Committees to investigate particular matters, shall be regulated by the Assembly or by the Council and may be decided by a majority of the Members of the League represented at the meeting.

The first meeting of the Assembly and the first meeting of the Council shall be summoned by the President of the United States of America.
ARTICLE 6.
The permanent Secretariat shall be established at the Seat of the League. The Secretariat shall comprise a Secretary General and such secretaries and staff as may be required.

The first Secretary General shall be the person named in the Annex; thereafter the Secretary General shall be appointed by the Council with the approval of the majority of the Assembly.

The secretaries and staff of the Secretariat shall be appointed by the Secretary General with the approval of the Council.

The Secretary General shall act in that capacity at all meetings of the Assembly and of the Council.

The expenses of the League shall be borne by the Members of the League in the proportion decided by the Assembly.
ARTICLE 7.
The Seat of the League is established at Geneva.

The Council may at any time decide that the Seat of the League shall be established elsewhere.

All positions under or in connection with the League, including the Secretariat, shall be open equally to men and women.

Representatives of the Members of the League and officials of the League when engaged on the business of the League shall enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities.

The buildings and other property occupied by the League or its officials or by Representatives attending its meetings shall be inviolable.
ARTICLE 8.
The Members of the League recognise that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations.

The Council, taking account of the geographical situation and circumstances of each State, shall formulate plans for such reduction for the consideration and action of the several Governments. Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision at least every ten years.

After these plans shall have been adopted by the several Governments, the limits of armaments therein fixed shall not be exceeded without the concurrence of the Council.

The Members of the League agree that the manufacture by private enterprise of munitions and implements of war is open to grave objections. The Council shall advise how the evil effects attendant upon such manufacture can be prevented, due regard being had to the necessities of those Members of the League which are not able to manufacture the munitions and implements of war necessary for their safety.

The Members of the League undertake to interchange full and frank information as to the scale of their armaments, their military, naval and air programmes and the condition of such of their industries as are adaptable to war-like purposes.
ARTICLE 9.
A permanent Commission shall be constituted to advise the Council on the execution of the provisions of Articles 1 and 8 and on military, naval and air questions generally.
ARTICLE 10.
The Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League. In case of any such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the Council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled.
ARTICLE 11.
Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emergency should arise the Secretary General shall on the request of any Member of the League forthwith summon a meeting of the Council.

It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Member of the League to bring to the attention of the Assembly or of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting international relations which threatens to disturb international peace or the good understanding between nations upon which peace depends.
ARTICLE 12.
The Members of the League agree that, if there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture they will submit the matter either to arbitration or judicial settlement or to enquiry by the Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the judicial decision, or the report by the Council. In any case under this Article the award of the arbitrators or the judicial decision shall be made within a reasonable time, and the report of the Council shall be made within six months after the submission of the dispute.
ARTICLE 13.
The Members of the League agree that whenever any dispute shall arise between them which they recognise to be suitable for submission to arbitration or judicial settlement and which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the whole subject-matter to arbitration or judicial settlement.

Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any question of international law, as to the existence of any fact which if established would constitute a breach of any international obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the reparation to be made for any such breach, are declared to be among those which are generally suitable for submission to arbitration or judicial settlement.

For the consideration of any such dispute, the court to which the case is referred shall be the Permanent Court of International Justice, established in accordance with Article 14, or any tribunal agreed on by the parties to the dispute or stipulated in any convention existing between them.

The Members of the League agree that they will carry out in full good faith any award or decision that may be rendered, and that they will not resort to war against a Member of the League which complies therewith. In the event of any failure to carry out such an award or decision, the Council shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto.
ARTICLE 14.
The Council shall formulate and submit to the Members of the League for adoption plans for the establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice. The Court shall be competent to hear and determine any dispute of an international character which the parties thereto submit to it. The Court may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or question referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly.
ARTICLE 15.
If there should arise between Members of the League any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, which is not submitted to arbitration or judicial settlement in accordance with Article 13, the Members of the League agree that they will submit the matter to the Council. Any party to the dispute may effect such submission by giving notice of the existence of the dispute to the Secretary General, who will make all necessary arrangements for a full investigation and consideration thereof.

For this purpose the parties to the dispute will communicate to the Secretary General, as promptly as possible, statements of their case with all the relevant facts and papers, and the Council may forthwith direct the publication thereof.

The Council shall endeavour to effect a settlement of the dispute, and if such efforts are successful, a statement shall be made public giving such facts and explanations regarding the dispute and the terms of settlement thereof as the Council may deem appropriate.

If the dispute is not thus settled, the Council either unanimously or by a majority vote shall make and publish a report containing a statement of the facts of the dispute and the recommendations which are deemed just and proper in regard thereto.

Any Member of the League represented on the Council may make public a statement of the facts of the dispute and of its conclusions regarding the same.

If a report by the Council is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League agree that they will not go to war with any party to the dispute which complies with the recommendations of the report.

If the Council fails to reach a report which is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof, other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League reserve to themselves the right to take such action as they shall consider necessary for the maintenance of right and justice.

If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one of them, and is found by the Council, to arise out of a matter which by international law is solely within the domestic jurisdiction of that party, the Council shall so report, and shall make no recommendation as to its settlement.

The Council may in any case under this Article refer the dispute to the Assembly. The dispute shall be so referred at the request of either party to the dispute, provided that such request be made within fourteen days after the submission of the dispute to the Council.

In any case referred to the Assembly, all the provisions of this Article and of Article 12 relating to the action and powers of the Council shall apply to the action and powers of the Assembly, provided that a report made by the Assembly, if concurred in by the Representatives of those Members of the League represented on the Council and of a majority of the other Members of the League, exclusive in each case of the Representatives of the parties to the dispute, shall have the same force as a report by the Council concurred in by all the members thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute.
ARTICLE 16.
Should any Member of the League resort to war in disregard of its covenants under Articles 12, 13 or 15, it shall ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war against all other Members of the League, which hereby undertake immediately to subject it to the severance of all trade or financial relations, the prohibition of all intercourse between their nationals and the nationals of the covenant-breaking State, and the prevention of all financial, commercial or personal intercourse between the nationals of the covenant-breaking State and the nationals of any other State, whether a Member of the League or not.

It shall be the duty of the Council in such case to recommend to the several Governments concerned what effective military, naval or air force the Members of the League shall severally contribute to the armed forces to be used to protect the covenants of the League.

The Members of the League agree, further, that they will mutually support one another in the financial and economic measures which are taken under this Article, in order to minimise the loss and inconvenience resulting from the above measures, and that they will mutually support one another in resisting any special measures aimed at one of their number by the covenant-breaking State, and that they will take the necessary steps to afford passage through their territory to the forces of any of the Members of the League which are co-operating to protect the covenants of the League.

Any Member of the League which has violated any covenant of the League may be declared to be no longer a Member of the League by a vote of the Council concurred in by the Representatives of all the other Members of the League represented thereon.
ARTICLE 17.
In the event of a dispute between a Member of the League and a State which is not a Member of the League, or between States not Members of the League, the State or States not Members of the League shall be invited to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, upon such conditions as the Council may deem just. If such invitation is accepted, the provisions of Articles 12 to 16 inclusive shall be applied with such modifications as may be deemed necessary by the Council.

Upon such invitation being given the Council shall immediately institute an inquiry into the circumstances of the dispute and recommend such action as may seem best and most effectual in the circumstances.

If a State so invited shall refuse to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, and shall resort to war against a Member of the League, the provisions of Article 16 shall be applicable as against the State taking such action.

If both parties to the dispute when so invited refuse to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, the Council may take such measures and make such recommendations as will prevent hostilities and will result in the settlement of the dispute.

ARTICLE 18.

Every treaty or international engagement entered into hereafter by any Member of the League shall be forthwith registered with the Secretariat and shall as soon as possible be published by it. No such treaty or international engagement shall be binding until so registered.
ARTICLE 19.
The Assembly may from time to time advise the reconsideration by Members of the League of treaties which have become inapplicable and the consideration of international conditions whose continuance might endanger the peace of the world.
ARTICLE 20.
The Members of the League severally agree that this Covenant is accepted as abrogating all obligations or understandings inter se which are inconsistent with the terms thereof, and solemnly undertake that they will not hereafter enter into any engagements inconsistent with the terms thereof.

In case any Member of the League shall, before becoming a Member of the League, have undertaken any obligations inconsistent with the terms of this Covenant, it shall be the duty of such Member to take immediate steps to procure its release from such obligations.
ARTICLE 21.
Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace.
ARTICLE 22.
To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust should be embodied in this Covenant.

The best method of giving practical effect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their resources, their experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League.

The character of the mandate must differ according to the stage of the development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar circumstances.

Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.

Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other Members of the League.

There are territories, such as South-West Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands, which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from the centres of civilisation, or their geographical contiguity to the territory of the Mandatory, and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the Mandatory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous population.

In every case of mandate, the Mandatory shall render to the Council an annual report in reference to the territory committed to its charge.

The degree of authority, control, or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory shall, if not previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, be explicitly defined in each case by the Council.

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive and examine the annual reports of the Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the mandates.
ARTICLE 23.
Subject to and in accordance with the provisions of international conventions existing or hereafter to be agreed upon, the Members of the League:
(a) will endeavour to secure and maintain fair and humane conditions of labour for men, women, and children, both in their own countries and in all countries to which their commercial and industrial relations extend, and for that purpose will establish and maintain the necessary international organisations;
(b) undertake to secure just treatment of the native inhabitants of territories under their control;
(c) will entrust the League with the general supervision over the execution of agreements with regard to the traffic in women and children, and the traffic in opium and other dangerous drugs;
(d) will entrust the League with the general supervision of the trade in arms and ammunition with the countries in which the control of this traffic is necessary in the common interest;
(e) will make provision to secure and maintain freedom of communications and of transit and equitable treatment for the commerce of all Members of the League. In this connection, the special necessities of the regions devastated during the war of 1914-1918 shall be borne in mind;
(f) will endeavour to take steps in matters of international concern for the prevention and control of disease.
ARTICLE 24.
There shall be placed under the direction of the League all international bureaux already established by general treaties if the parties to such treaties consent. All such international bureaux and all commissions for the regulation of matters of international interest hereafter constituted shall be placed under the direction of the League.

In all matters of international interest which are regulated by general convention but which are not placed under the control of international bureaux or commissions, the Secretariat of the League shall, subject to the consent of the Council and if desired by the parties, collect and distribute all relevant information and shall render any other assistance which may be necessary or desirable.

The Council may include as part of the expenses of the Secretariat the expenses of any bureau or commission which is placed under the direction of the League.
ARTICLE 25.
The Members of the League agree to encourage and promote the establishment and co-operation of duly authorised voluntary national Red Cross organisations having as purposes the improvement of health, the prevention of disease and the mitigation of suffering throughout the world.

ARTICLE 26.

Amendments to this Covenant will take effect when ratified by the Members of the League whose Representatives compose the Council and by a majority of the Members of the League whose Representatives compose the Assembly.

No such amendments shall bind any Member of the League which signifies its dissent therefrom, but in that case it shall cease to be a Member of the League.

ANNEX
I. ORIGINAL MEMBERS OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS SIGNATORIES
OF THE TREATY OF PEACE.

STATES INVITED TO ACCEDE TO THE COVENANT.

II. FIRST SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS.
The Honourable Sir James Eric DRUMMOND, K.C.M.G., C.B.

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The Covenant of the League of Nations | The United Nations Office at Geneva

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Part I: THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES, In order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war, by the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations, by the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among Governments, and by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another, Agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations.

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National 1798 Rebellion Centre Website, Co Wexford History

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One of the great visitor attractions in County Wexford. Fanned by flames of Revolution in America and France, the events of 1798 in Ireland are etched forever on Irish history. Vividly re-told in an exciting interpretation of events the "Rebellion Experience" at The National 1798 Rebellion Centre is not to be missed.

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Why did the League of Nations fail? Here we provide some comprehensive answers.

Why did the League of Nations fail?

Why did the League of Nations fail? The League of Nations was the first intergovernmental organization that was established after World War 1 in order to try and maintain peace. It was headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland and designed to be a forum for handling international disputes before they flared up into military action and caused domino effects that pulled ally nations into the conflict (as had happened with the Great War). Unfortunately, the League failed miserably in its intended goal: to prevent another world war from happening ( WW2 broke out only two decades later). The idea was for the League of Nations to prevent wars through disarmament, collective security, and negotiation. It was also involved in other issues such as drug trafficking, arms trade, and global health. Although the League disbanded during WW2, it was replaced with the United Nations, which is still going strong today. So, here are some possible answers to the question, "why did the League of Nations fail?".
Why did the League of Nations Fail? Click on the podcast below for more information. "Wilson, The League Of Nations, and The Treaty Of Versailles" For the full "History Unplugged" podcast, please click here! Weaknesses of the League of Nations:
Why did the League of Nations fail? The League of Nations had several integral weaknesses that finally led to its demise.

The League was supposed to present the world and encompass all countries, but many countries never even joined the organization, of which the U.S. was the most prevalent one. Some members only remained members for a short while, before ending their membership. Many historians believe that if America had joined the League, there would have been a lot more support in preventing conflicts. Other major powers such as Germany and the Soviet Union were not allowed to join.

The international relations of member countries conflicted with the League's requirements for collective security.

The League didn't have its own armed forces and depended on members to act, but none of the member countries were ready for another war and didn't want to provide military support.

Pacifism was a great problem: the League's two largest members, Britain and France, were very reluctant to resort in sanctions and military actions.

Disarmament was highly advocated by the League, which meant that it deprived countries that were supposed to act with military force on its behalf when necessary from means to do so.

When countries started to attack others in order to try and expand, the League didn't have any power to stop them.

Why did the League of Nations fail: Despite its failure to prevent a second world war, the League of Nations impacted future international institutions by providing a framework for what does and does not work in such diplomatic organizations. The League of Nations was formed according to President Woodrow Wilson in his Fourteen Points, which designated a "general association of nations...formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike."

However, there was no regulation or enforcement mechanism for this point. Future organizations remedied this flaw by having more institutional strength, as the United Nations did. But in the creation of the League of Nations, Wilson did promote the opinion of statesmen and diplomats that a new sort of standing international organization that promoted global cooperation and security should be formed. Many supported this move after World War One, with Europe's economies decimated and its population shattered after years of terrible warfare. So, the lack of regulation might serve as another answer to the question of why did the League of Nations fail.
This article is part of our larger selection of posts about American History. To learn more, click here for our comprehensive guide to American History.
Cite This Article

"Why Did the League of Nations Fail? Here Are Some Answers" History on the Net
© 2000-2023, Salem Media.
November 16, 2023 <https://www.historyonthenet.com/why-did-the-league-of-nations-fail>
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Why Did the League of Nations Fail? Here Are Some Answers - History

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Why did the League of Nations fail to prevent World War Two? Largely, it was too weak to enforce disarmament, collective security and negotiation.

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History of League of Nations - Timeline - Historydraft

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The League of Nations was the first worldwide intergovernmental organisation whose principal mission was to maintain world peace. It was founded on 10 January 1920 by the Paris Peace Conference that ended the First World War. The main organization ceased operations on 20 April 1946 but many of its components were relocated into the new United Nations.

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Michael Kennedy and Zoë Reid join Myles to talk about how The Irish Free State joined the League of Nations in 1923.

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Why World Peace Failed After WWI | Total War | Timeline

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Project curated by:
John Gibney, RIA
Kate Manning, UCD Archives

Acknowledgements
RIA
Ruth Hegarty
Michael Kennedy
Kate O'Malley

Google Cultural Institute
Izabela Palinska

UCD Library
Catherine Bodey
Josh Clark
John Howard

UCD Digital Library
Audrey Drohan

Collections in UCD Archives used for this project:
UCD-OFM partnership
Papers of Frank Aiken (UCDA P104)
Papers of Ernest Blythe (UCDA P24)
Papers of W.T. Cosgrave (UCDA /RIA P285)
Papers of Éamon de Valera (UCDA P150)
Papers of Desmond and Mabel FitzGerald (UCDA P80)
Papers of John Hearne (UCDA P291)
Papers of Hugh Kennedy (UCDA P4)
Papers of Seán Lester (UCDA P203)
Papers of Seán MacEntee (UCDA P67)
Papers of Michael MacWhite (UCDA P194)
Papers of Richard Mulcahy (UCDA P7)
Papers of Kevin O'Higgins (UCDA P197)

DIFP
DIFP is a long-term research project of the Royal Irish Academy, which publishes a wide range of works on Ireland's foreign relations, including the DIFP series and the journal Irish Studies in International Affairs: full details, including submission guidelines, can be found at <www.ria.ie /publications>. <www.difp.ie>

UCD Archives
UCD Archives specialises in the acquisition of private paper collections associated with the history and development of the modern Irish State. It now preserves the papers of a great many Irish public figures including diplomats, senior civil servants, members of government and the judiciary, presidents and EU Commissioners. It also acquires the records of significant organisations such as political parties, trades unions, professional and cultural associations and sporting bodies. These collections constitute an essential resource for research into Irish history, politics and culture from the twentieth century onwards.

UCD Archives pursues an active acquisitions policy in seeking to preserve the papers and archives of contemporary public figures and bodies. Please contact <archives@ucd.ie> for further information. <www.ucd.ie /archives>

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Republic to Republic: Ireland's international sovereignty, 1919-1949 - Google Arts & Culture

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An exhibition of documents from the collections of UCD Archives

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View the fonds

View the collections

The League of Nations (1920-1946) was the first global international organization aiming to establish peace and cooperation and was the precursor to the United Nations.

In 2009, the League of Nations Archives were registered in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register. The archives were recognized as a unique collection of global importance that met the criteria established by UNESCO to facilitate preservation, assist with universal access, and increase awareness worldwide for documentary heritage of international, regional and national significance.

The archives of the League of Nations are constituted by various fonds:

The Secretariat Fonds that comprises all the material produced or received at the headquarters of the League of Nations.

The Refugees Mixed Archival Group Fonds (Nansen Fonds) , which is linked to the activities of Fridtjof Nansen as League of Nations High Commissioner for Prisoners of War from 1920 and as High Commissioner for Russian Refugees from 1921.

The External Fonds that combines all the groups of files constituted outside the Secretariat by more or less autonomous bodies established by the League of Nations, such as the Administrative Commissions or units directly responsible to the Secretariat such as the branch offices to fulfill some administration or other obligations imposed by the Treaty of Versailles.

The archives of the League of Nations include also various collections:

The Bulky Enclosures collection is made up of annexes, or even parts, of certain Registry files whose size (or shape) meant that they had to be stored separately.

The Official Documents collection contains minutes, reports, and documents of the various League organs.

The League of Nations Library Map Collection holds maps from across the world acquired by the Library of the League of Nations.

The Photograph Collection contains photos from the time of the League.

The Conventions, Ratifications and other Diplomatic Instruments (League of Nations) collection mainly consists of diplomatic instruments in most cases concluded under the auspices of the League of Nations and deposited with its Secretary-General.

The Registry Index Cards collection contains the index cards created and used by the League's Registry Unit which was responsible for registering correspondence and for opening files, placing material in them, and classifying and indexing them. (These index cards have become an useful research tool for the Registry files of the Secretariat collection because they allow searches to be conducted by the name of a person or institution or by subject.)

Between 2017 and 2022, the Institutional Memory Section of the UN Library & Archives Geneva realized a major five-year project to digitize the entire League of Nations archives: The Total Digital Access to the League of Nations Archives Project (LONTAD).

Since end of 2022, all the documents are completely described and available on-line.

Additional archival material

Additional resources

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The League of Nations (1920-1946) was the first global international organization aiming to establish peace and cooperation and was the precursor to the United Nations. In 2009, the League of Nations Archives were registered in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register.

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Gutenberg alive and well in Corca Dhuibhne

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A Swiss printer-publisher is producing books in Irish and English in west Kerry – using a Gutenberg-style press. Photographs by Bryan O’Brien

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Knowledge is power, as the saying goes, and the invention of the mechanical movable type printing press helped disseminate knowledge wider and faster than ever before.

German goldsmith Johannes Gutenberg is credited with inventing the printing press around 1436, although he was far from the first to automate the book-printing process. Woodblock printing in China dates back to the 9th century and Korean bookmakers were printing with moveable metal type a century before Gutenberg.

But most historians believe Gutenberg's adaptation, which employed a screw-type wine press to squeeze down evenly on the inked metal type, was the key to unlocking the modern age. With the newfound ability to inexpensively mass-produce books on every imaginable topic, revolutionary ideas and priceless ancient knowledge were placed in the hands of every literate European, whose numbers doubled every century.

Here are just some of the ways the printing press helped pull Europe out of the Middle Ages and accelerate human progress.

1. A Global News Network Was Launched

Gutenberg didn't live to see the immense impact of his invention. His greatest accomplishment was the first print run of the Bible in Latin, which took three years to print around 200 copies, a miraculously speedy achievement in the day of hand-copied manuscripts.

But as historian Ada Palmer explains, Gutenberg's invention wasn't profitable until there was a distribution network for books. Palmer, a professor of early modern European history at the University of Chicago, compares early printed books like the Gutenberg Bible to how e-books struggled to find a market before Amazon introduced the Kindle.

"Congratulations, you've printed 200 copies of the Bible; there are about three people in your town who can read the Bible in Latin," says Palmer. "What are you going to do with the other 197 copies?"

Gutenberg died penniless, his presses impounded by his creditors. Other German printers fled for greener pastures, eventually arriving in Venice, which was the central shipping hub of the Mediterranean in the late 15th century.

"If you printed 200 copies of a book in Venice, you could sell five to the captain of each ship leaving port," says Palmer, which created the first mass-distribution mechanism for printed books.

The ships left Venice carrying religious texts and literature, but also breaking news from across the known world. Printers in Venice sold four-page news pamphlets to sailors, and when their ships arrived in distant ports, local printers would copy the pamphlets and hand them off to riders who would race them off to dozens of towns.

Since literacy rates were still very low in the 1490s, locals would gather at the pub to hear a paid reader recite the latest news, which was everything from bawdy scandals to war reports.

"This radically changed the consumption of news," says Palmer. "It made it normal to go check the news every day."

2. The Renaissance Kicked Into High Gear

The Italian Renaissance began nearly a century before Gutenberg invented his printing press when 14th-century political leaders in Italian city-states like Rome and Florence set out to revive the Ancient Roman educational system that had produced giants like Caesar, Cicero and Seneca.

One of the chief projects of the early Renaissance was to find long-lost works by figures like Plato and Aristotle and republish them. Wealthy patrons funded expensive expeditions across the Alps in search of isolated monasteries. Italian emissaries spent years in the Ottoman Empire learning enough Ancient Greek and Arabic to translate and copy rare texts into Latin.

The operation to retrieve classic texts was in action long before the printing press, but publishing the texts had been arduously slow and prohibitively expensive for anyone other than the richest of the rich. Palmer says that one hand-copied book in the 14th century cost as much as a house and libraries cost a small fortune. The largest European library in 1300 was the university library of Paris, which had 300 total manuscripts.

By the 1490s, when Venice was the book-printing capital of Europe, a printed copy of a great work by Cicero only cost a month's salary for a school teacher. The printing press didn't launch the Renaissance, but it vastly accelerated the rediscovery and sharing of knowledge.

"Suddenly, what had been a project to educate only the few wealthiest elite in this society could now become a project to put a library in every medium-sized town, and a library in the house of every reasonably wealthy merchant family," says Palmer.

3. Martin Luther Becomes the First Best-Selling Author

There's a famous quote attributed to German religious reformer Martin Luther that sums up the role of the printing press in the Protestant Reformation: "Printing is the ultimate gift of God and the greatest one."

Luther wasn't the first theologian to question the Church, but he was the first to widely publish his message. Other "heretics" saw their movements quickly quashed by Church authorities and the few copies of their writings easily destroyed. But the timing of Luther's crusade against the selling of indulgences coincided with an explosion of printing presses across Europe.

As the legend goes, Luther nailed his "95 Theses" to the church door in Wittenberg on October 31, 1517. Palmer says that broadsheet copies of Luther's document were being printed in London as quickly as 17 days later.

Thanks to the printing press and the timely power of his message, Luther became the world's first best-selling author. Luther's translation of the New Testament into German sold 5,000 copies in just two weeks. From 1518 to 1525, Luther's writings accounted for a third of all books sold in Germany and his German Bible went through more than 430 editions.

4. Printing Powers the Scientific Revolution

The English philosopher Francis Bacon, who's credited with developing the scientific method, wrote in 1620 that the three inventions that forever changed the world were gunpowder, the nautical compass and the printing press.

For millennia, science was a largely solitary pursuit. Great mathematicians and natural philosophers were separated by geography, language and the sloth-like pace of hand-written publishing. Not only were handwritten copies of scientific data expensive and hard to come by, they were also prone to human error.

With the newfound ability to publish and share scientific findings and experimental data with a wide audience, science took great leaps forward in the 16th and 17th centuries. When developing his sun-centric model of the galaxy in the early 1500s, for example, Polish astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus relied not only on his own heavenly observations, but on printed astronomical tables of planetary movements.

When historian Elizabeth Eisenstein wrote her 1980 book about the impact of the printing press, she said that its biggest gift to science wasn't necessarily the speed at which ideas could spread with printed books, but the accuracy with which the original data were copied. With printed formulas and mathematical tables in hand, scientists could trust the fidelity of existing data and devote more energy to breaking new ground.

5. Fringe Voices Get a Platform

"Whenever a new information technology comes along, and this includes the printing press, among the very first groups to be 'loud' in it are the people who were silenced in the earlier system, which means radical voices," says Palmer.

It takes effort to adopt a new information technology, whether it's the ham radio, an internet bulletin board, or Instagram. The people most willing to take risks and make the effort to be early adopters are those who had no voice before that technology existed.

"In the print revolution, that meant radical heresies, radical Christian splinter groups, radical egalitarian groups, critics of the government," says Palmer. "The Protestant Reformation is only one of many symptoms of print enabling these voices to be heard."

As critical and alternative opinions entered the public discourse, those in power tried to censor it. Before the printing press, censorship was easy. All it required was killing the "heretic" and burning his or her handful of notebooks.

But after the printing press, Palmer says it became nearly impossible to destroy all copies of a dangerous idea. And the more dangerous a book was claimed to be, the more the people wanted to read it. Every time the Church published a list of banned books, the booksellers knew exactly what they should print next.

6. From Public Opinion to Popular Revolution

During the Enlightenment era, philosophers like John Locke, Voltaire and Jean-Jacques Rousseau were widely read among an increasingly literate populace. Their elevation of critical reasoning above custom and tradition encouraged people to question religious authority and prize personal liberty.

Increasing democratization of knowledge in the Enlightenment era led to the development of public opinion and its power to topple the ruling elite. Writing in pre-Revolution France, Louis-Sebástien Mercier declared:

"A great and momentous revolution in our ideas has taken place within the last thirty years. Public opinion has now become a preponderant power in Europe, one that cannot be resisted... one may hope that enlightened ideas will bring about the greatest good on Earth and that tyrants of all kinds will tremble before the universal cry that echoes everywhere, awakening Europe from its slumbers."

"[Printing] is the most beautiful gift from heaven," continues Mercier. "It soon will change the countenance of the universe... Printing was only born a short while ago, and already everything is heading toward perfection... Tremble, therefore, tyrants of the world! Tremble before the virtuous writer!"

Even the illiterate couldn't resist the attraction of revolutionary Enlightenment authors, Palmer says. When Thomas Paine published "Common Sense" in 1776, the literacy rate in the American colonies was around 15 percent, yet there were more copies printed and sold of the revolutionary tract than the entire population of the colonies.

7. Machines 'Steal Jobs' From Workers

The Industrial Revolution didn't get into full swing in Europe until the mid-18th century, but you can make the argument that the printing press introduced the world to the idea of machines "stealing jobs" from workers.

Before Gutenberg's paradigm-shifting invention, scribes were in high demand. Bookmakers would employ dozens of trained artisans to painstakingly hand-copy and illuminate manuscripts. But by the late 15th century, the printing press had rendered their unique skillset all but obsolete.

On the flip side, the huge demand for printed material spawned the creation of an entirely new industry of printers, brick-and-mortar booksellers and enterprising street peddlers. Among those who got his start as a printer's apprentice was future Founding Father, Benjamin Franklin.

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7 Ways the Printing Press Changed the World | HISTORY

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In the 15th century, an innovation enabled the mass production of books. The ability to share knowledge more widely changed the world forever.

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Landmark moments, political milestones and how inequality affected the daily lives of women in Irish society, from 1947 to recent times.

In 1970s Ireland, women were still legally obliged to give up their jobs on marriage and accept lower rates of pay for doing the same work as men if they worked in the public service. They had to cross the border and break the law if they wanted to buy contraception. Much has changed for women since then. In 1991 Marian Finucane described such things as "Neanderthal now" in an International Women's Day special on 'The Late Late Show'. But how much has really changed?

RTÉ Archives looks at some of the experiences of women in Irish society, from the housewives who washed their husbands' socks by hand in 1960s Dublin to the era of Ireland's first female president Mary Robinson in the 1990s. RTÉ News cameras were there to film the Irish Women's Liberation Movement in 1971 when they took the contraceptive train to Belfast and defied Dublin customs by illegally bringing their contraceptives past the barrier at Connolly Station in a landmark moment in the Irish women's movement. RTÉ Radio set out to give women a voice in 1979 with the ground-breaking programme 'Women Today' and many housewives sought an outlet for their troubles through letters to 'The Gay Byrne Show'.

When women were finally allowed to compete inside the boxing ring at the Olympic Games in London 2012, the gold female lightweight medal was won by Irish boxer Katie Taylor. She and her father Peter Taylor told 'Miriam Meets' in 2010 that as a child in modern Ireland, Katie had to pretend to be a boy to get into competitions.

The photograph above shows audience members on the programme 'Women Today' in 1981. The photographer was John Rowe.

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Landmark moments, political milestones and how inequality affected the daily lives of women in Irish society, from 1947 to recent times.

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Group task: Based on the resources that you have collated, create an enquiry question that will be the focus of student talk in your class.

Look for common concepts.

Do the questions elicit critical thinking?

Choose one question or create a new one.

(5 minutes)

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Emmet Dalton felt the cause that had inspired him to fight in the British Army was the right one, and that the Easter Rising never had any hope of success as a military operation.

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On hearing of the outbreak of a rebellion in Dublin in 1916 Emmet Dalton says that he and his fellow soldiers, "Were surpised, annoyed and we thought that it was madness."

Emmet Dalton was in Kilworth Camp, Cork, when he heard about the uprising in Dublin. Cathal O'Shannon asks him what were his feelings on hearing the news.

Emmet Dalton says that he had no sympathy for the Irish rebels. He felt the cause that had inspired him to fight in the British Army was the right one, and that the Easter Rising never had any hope of success as a military operation.

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On hearing of the outbreak of a rebellion in Dublin in 1916 Emmet Dalton says that he and his fellow soldiers, "Were surpised, annoyed and we thought that it was madness." Emmet Dalton was in Kilworth Camp, Cork, when he heard about the uprising in Dublin.

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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Johannes-Gutenberg

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In full:

Johann Gensfleisch zur Laden zum Gutenberg

What is Johannes Gutenberg known for?

What did Johannes Gutenberg do to change the world?

Where did Johannes Gutenberg work?

Johannes Gutenberg, (born 14th century, Mainz [Germany]-died probably February 3, 1468, Mainz), German craftsman and inventor who originated a method of printing from movable type. Elements of his invention are thought to have included a metal alloy that could melt readily and cool quickly to form durable reusable type, an oil-based ink that could be made sufficiently thick to adhere well to metal type and transfer well to vellum or paper, and a new press, likely adapted from those used in producing wine, oil, or paper, for applying firm even pressure to printing surfaces. None of these features existed in the European technique used up to that time for stamping letters on various surfaces or in woodblock printing. Gutenberg's printing press was considered a history-changing invention, making books widely accessible and ushering in an "information revolution."

Gutenberg was long thought to have also invented the punch-matrix system of casting metal type (in which a character engraved on one end of a hard metal rod, the punch, was used to strike an impression into a softer metal plate, the matrix, into which molten metal was poured to form any number of virtually identical pieces of type). However, in the early 2000s a computer-aided analysis of Gutenberg's printed work showed that there was too much variation in characters of a given sort (e.g., the letter i) for his type to have been cast that way. Some scholars now think that the punch-matrix system emerged several years after Gutenberg's death.

Life

Gutenberg was the son of a patrician of Mainz. What little information exists about him, other than that he had acquired skill in metalwork, comes from documents of financial transactions. Exiled from Mainz in the course of a bitter struggle between the guilds of that city and the patricians, Gutenberg moved to Strassburg (now Strasbourg, France) probably between 1428 and 1430. Records put his presence there from 1434 to 1444. He engaged in such crafts as gem cutting, and he also taught a number of pupils.

Some of his partners, who became aware that Gutenberg was engaged in work that he kept secret from them, insisted that, since they had advanced him considerable sums, they should become partners in these activities as well. Thus, in 1438 a five-year contract was drawn up between him and three other men: Hans Riffe, Andreas Dritzehn, and Andreas Heilmann. It contained a clause whereby in case of the death of one of the partners, his heirs were not to enter the company but were to be compensated financially.

Invention of the press

When Andreas Dritzehn died at Christmas 1438, his heirs, trying to circumvent the terms of the contract, began a lawsuit against Gutenberg in which they demanded to be made partners. They lost the suit, but the trial revealed that Gutenberg was working on a new invention. Witnesses testified that a carpenter named Conrad Saspach had advanced sums to Andreas Dritzehn for the building of a wooden press, and Hans Dünne, a goldsmith, declared that he had sold to Gutenberg, as early as 1436, 100 guilders' worth of printing materials. Gutenberg, apparently well along the way to completing his invention, was anxious to keep secret the nature of the enterprise.

After March 12, 1444, Gutenberg's activities are undocumented for a number of years, but it is doubtful that he returned immediately to Mainz, for the quarrel between patricians and guilds had been renewed in that city. In October 1448, however, Gutenberg was back in Mainz to borrow more money, which he received from a relative. By 1450 his printing experiments had apparently reached a considerable degree of refinement, for he was able to persuade Johann Fust, a wealthy financier, to lend him 800 guilders-a very substantial capital investment, for which the tools and equipment for printing were to act as securities. Two years later Fust made an investment of an additional 800 guilders for a partnership in the enterprise. Fust and Gutenberg eventually became estranged, Fust, apparently, wanting a safe and quick return on his investment, while Gutenberg aimed at perfection rather than promptness.

Fust won a suit against him, the record of which is preserved, in part, in what is called the Helmaspergersches Notariatsinstrument (the Helmasperger notarial instrument), dated November 6, 1455, now in the library of the University of Göttingen. Gutenberg was ordered to pay Fust the total sum of the two loans and compound interest (probably totaling 2,020 guilders). Traditional historiography suggested that this settlement ruined Gutenberg, but more recent scholarship suggests that it favoured him, allowing him to operate a printing shop through the 1450s and maybe into the 1460s.

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Johannes Gutenberg | Printing Press, Inventions, Facts, Accomplishments, & Biography

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Johannes Gutenberg, German craftsman and inventor who originated a method of printing from movable type. Elements of his invention included a durable type-metal alloy, an oil-based ink that adhered well to metal type and transferred well to vellum or paper, and a press for applying even pressure to printing surfaces.

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The 42-line bible ("B42") constitutes the peak of Johannes Gutenberg's work. Among the most beautiful and valuable printed books to this day, it marked the impressive launch of the age of letterpress printing. Two of the forty-nine copies surviving worldwide are found in the collection of the Gutenberg Museum.

Gutenberg created the two-volume epic work with 1,282 pages between the years 1452 and 1455 with the assistance of many helpers. Of the around 180 copies of his original print run, it is presumed that 150 were printed on paper and 30 on precious parchment. Following initial experiments with rubrication, only the text was printed. Each buyer individually commissioned specialized artisans, the rubricators and illuminators, to create the colored decoration and the cover. This why each copy of the Gutenberg Bible is unique.

With the "B42", Gutenberg established the printed book at the same esthetic level as the manuscripts that had been common until then. The development of letterpress printing with movable letters led to a veritable knowledge revolution involving the sciences, economy, and culture, and became a milestone of human history.

You can learn more about Gutenberg, his time, his inventions and the Gutenberg Bible at: http://www.gutenberg.de/

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The 42-line Bible represents the high point in the work of Johannes Gutenberg. Two of the forty-nine copies preserved worldwide are in the collection of the Gutenberg Museum.

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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Nazi Party was not just a political organization, it was a psychological propaganda machine. The Nazis had an incredible sense of aesthetics and fully understood the power of iconography and branding. Enter inside the Nazi world through these amazing color photos and be thrilled. The symbols and colors of Nazism were all carefully orchestrated to have maximum psychological effect. There was nothing accidental about the structure of the crooked cross or the usage of dramatic colors such as red, white and black. Long, draping banners and standards with Roman eagles and gilded leaves all were designed to evoke images of strength, power, and a connection to history.

Nazi symbols are alluring. They look good. They are sharp, carefully tailored to catch the eye and made to inspire passions. The armbands worn on black uniforms are a striking statement of virility and supreme confidence. On the SS uniforms, the addition of the skull and crossed bones, the totenkopf, was a deliberate move to instill fear and terror in the hearts of anyone who faced the uniform. The men wearing it felt empowered by the menacing appearance of the uniform.

The ceremonial was considered as art. There was nothing accidental or incidental about Nazi pageantry. Everything was carefully staged and orchestrated. Nighttime processions lit by fire and bonfires upon which books were burned were all choreographed for effect. They reveled in tales of heroism and glorified war. Images from the Nuremburg rallies still impress us today with the absolute precision and dramatic scale of the stage set by the Hitler regime on the Zeppelin fields.

The black-white-red color scheme is based upon the colors of the flag of the German Empire, the black-white-red colors were commonly associated with anti-Weimar Republic German nationalists after the fall of the German Empire. In Mein Kampf Adolf Hitler defined the symbolism of the swastika flag: the red represents the social idea of the Nazi movement, the white disk represents the national idea, and the black swastika, used in Aryan cultures for millennia, represents "the mission of the struggle for the victory of the Aryan man, and, by the same token, the victory of creative work". Hitler knew that the colors red, white and black combined create a psychological sense of intimidation and power, which is why a lot of propaganda like these banners use the same color combination.

The photos on display here are taken by Hugo Jager, a former personal photographer of Adolf Hitler. He traveled with Hitler in the years leading up to power and throughout World War II. He was one of the few photographers who were using color photography techniques at the time. As the war was drawing to a close in 1945, Jaeger hid the photographs in a leather suitcase. He then encountered American soldiers prompting fears of potential arrest and prosecution for carrying around so many images of such a wanted man. When the soldiers opened the case however, their attention was distracted by a bottle of cognac they found there, which they opened and shared with Jaeger. Jaeger buried the photographs inside 12 glass jars outside Munich. The photographer returned to the burial place over several years to ensure they were safe. He dug up all of the photographs ten years later in 1955, storing them in a bank vault. In 1965, Jaeger sold them to Life magazine.
(Photographer: Hugo Jager. Photo credit: Life Magazine)

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Nazi Party was not just a political organization, it was a psychological propaganda machine. The Nazis had an incredible sense of aesthetics and fully understood the power of iconography and branding. Enter inside the Nazi world through these amazing color photos and be thrilled.

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Dáil Éireann debate - Friday, 17 Nov 1922

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MILITARY EXECUTIONS. Dáil Éireann debate - Friday, 17 Nov 1922

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Emmet Dalton outlines his reasons for joining up and describes the initial reaction of his father to seeing his son in a British Army uniform.

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Emmet Dalton outlines his reasons for joining up and describes the initial reaction of his father to seeing his son in a British Army uniform.

Emmet Dalton talks about how he came to join the 7th Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Cathal O'Shannon asks Dalton did he feel he was joining to fight for Britain, Ireland or little Belgium? Dalton replies, "For all three but primarily I felt I was fighting for Ireland."

Emmet Dalton was only seventeen and felt a sense of adventure in joing up. He also describes the reaction of his father when he arrived home wearing a British Army uniform.

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Emmet Dalton outlines his reasons for joining up and describes the initial reaction of his father to seeing his son in a British Army uniform. Emmet Dalton talks about how he came to join the 7th Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Cathal O'Shannon asks Dalton did he feel he was joining to fight for Britain, Ireland or little Belgium?

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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Intelligent search from Bing makes it easier to quickly find what you're looking for and rewards you.

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1. Is educating women a waste of money?
2. Should women have the same rights as men?
3. Who makes better presidents? Men or Women?
4. Is there any value in having female politicians in power?
5. Should women be treated equally in sports?
6. What are the main changes from the early 1900s until now that have been made on the role of women in society?
Group vote:

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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1. Emphasis on visual sources
2. Groupwork
3. Active learning techniques
4. Aural activities- students listen to political ballads and identify bias
5.
6.
7.
Group vote:

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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Irish Civil War war memorial sites in Ireland

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Listing of memorial sites for Irish Civil War in Ireland

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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1. Walking Debate
2. Role Play
3. Comparative study on the Rights of Women
4. Group Work
5. Reflection Task
6.Interview with grandparent
Group vote: Debate

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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1.  Relay Race  - To highlight the effort in creating a book before the printing press.
2. Reflection tasks
3.  Visual sources - Pictures and Video
4. Essay structure task - engaging with sources.
5.
6.
Group vote:

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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1. How did Education change because of the printing press
2.  The infulence of the printing press on religion and science and literacy
3. Why is it still important today
4.  What would be world be like if the printing press wasn't invented. (Revision Question)
5.
6.
Group vote:

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Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 28 Nov 1922

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DAIL IN COMMITTEE. - ARMY. Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 28 Nov 1922

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Group vote:
1.Card sorting activities - causes of WW1 sort by most important
2. Discuss Wilson's 14 points - which didn't come into effect? Would they have made a difference? - Walking Debate
3. Political Cartoon Analysis - what does it mean?
4. Students summarise ideas in TimelinesTV video
5. Compare the aims of the League of Nations with the ideas in the Futurist Manifesto.
6. Webquest and Jigsaw reveal.

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Civil War Executions

Included in the M ilitary Service Pensions Collection are files relating to seventy-two (72) individuals executed during the Civil War as a result of their service with the anti-Treaty forces. Files for a further two individuals - Michael Grealy (to the listing below . These executions have been excluded as the Military Service Registration Board (MSRB) judged, that at the time of the events leading to and at the time of their execution, neither were engaged in active service nor were they members of one of the organisations covered by the legislation. DP1835) and Luke Burke ( DP903) - who were also executed during the period are not included

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Included in the M ilitary Service Pensions Collection are files relating to seventy-two (72) individuals executed during the Civil War as a result of their service with the anti-Treaty forces. Files for a further two individuals - Michael Grealy (to the listing below .

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Emmet Dalton and WWI

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An American in the Irish Civil War
Researched, complied & edited by Rodney G. Dalton

The birth of the Irish Free State coincided with the Irish Civil War, a conflict between two forces who supported and opposed the Anglo-Irish Treaty. At that time, two factions emerged in Ireland, with the pro treaty forces led by the interim Prime Minister and de facto commander of the rebel forces, Michael Collins, and the 'irregulars', the anti treaty forces led by Eamon De Valera. The first task the Irish Free State faced was to win the Civil War, and in doing this, they recruited a large military and slowly gained the upper hand in the conflict. 75% of the people voted the pro treaty government into power (at the time, known as the pro treaty Sinn Fein). Historians have criticized the argument that the nation wanted a Free State government, pointing out that the voters were left with the choice of war with the British Empire or peace. The Irish people were war-weary and voted for an end to conflict, not an endorsement of the Irish Free State; de Valera ignored those popular wishes and launched a poorly organized civil war that had little popular support and less military success. Michael Collins, the effective head of the new government, built an army from the pro-treaty remnants of the IRA, plus new recruits; and he was funded and supplied by the British government. Collins was ambushed and killed by anti-treaty elements near his home in August, 1922, a move that shocked the country. Even without Collins' leadership, the Irish army speedily destroyed the insurgency.
Major General Emmett Dalton
Considering that Emmet Dalton was a Secretary to the Senate, played such a prominent role in the IRA during the Anglo-Irish War, commanded the artillery that attacked the Four Courts, broke the back of the 'Minister Republic' and was with Collins when he was killed at Bal na Blth it is astonishing that so little information about his life seems to have survived. His name crops up again and again in accounts of Ireland's revolution, yet a casual search of the internet turns up very little. He left no published memoirs and except for a series of interviews for RTE, no biography of Emmet Dalton has yet been written.

Born in the USA on Friday 4 March 1898, James Emmet Dalton grew up at 8 Upper St Columbus Road, Drumcondra, a solidly middle-class Catholic suburb of Dublin, and was educated by the Christian Brothers at their school in North Richmond Street. The OConnell School still survives and has an extensive museum commemorating its former students; however, neither Dalton nor Brendan Finucane - the youngest wing commander in the RAF during World War II - receives a mention.

Dalton's father was a third-generation Irish-American Republican who had returned to Ireland in 1900 and his family's political activism probably explains why Emmet joined the Dublin Volunteers at their inaugural meeting in 1913, at the tender age of 15, and was actively involved in smuggling arms by the time he was 16. His younger brother Charlie also joined, and went on to become a member of Collins' inner circle.

Much to the chagrin of his father, in 1915 Dalton answered Redmond's call to arms, joining the British Army as a temporary 2nd lieutenant in the 7th Service (Dublin Pals) Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers (RDF) at 17. By 1916, he was attached to the 9th Battalion, RDF, 48th Infantry Brigade, 16th Irish Division under Major-General W.R. Hickie. Most of the officers and men in this Division were Redmondite Home-Rulers and, like Dalton, were horrified by the news of the Easter Rising.

It was while serving with the 9th 'Dubs' that Dalton befriended an old acquaintance of his father, Lieutenant Tom Kettle MP, the 36-year-old Nationalist MP, for East Tyrone and Professor of Economics at University College Dublin. It was Kettle who had famously declared that Irishmen should fight not for England, but for small nations, a sentiment that Dalton seemed to fully endorse. Kettle hoped that, with the wisdom which is sown in tears and blood, this tragedy of Europe [World War I] may be and must be the prologue to the two reconciliations of which all statesmen have dreamed, the reconciliation of Protestant Ulster with Ireland, and the reconciliation of Ireland with Great Britain.

By the summer of 1916, the 16th Irish Division was fully embroiled in the bloody battle of the Somme. On 9 September, RDF attacked the Germans near the village of Ginchy, and Kettle, then acting as OC of B Company, was shot and killed within sight of Dalton. The fighting around Ginchy was bloody and along with Kettle, over 4,314 Irishmen became casualties; 1,167 of them were never to see Ireland again. It was also a battle where heroism went hand in hand with sacrifice. Dalton was among those recognized for their courage and was awarded the Military Cross.

For the rest of his life, Dalton was known as Ginchy. According to his Military Cross citation, he led forward to their final objective companies which had lost their officers. Later, whilst consolidating his position, he found himself with one sergeant, confronted by 21 of the enemy, including an officer, who surrendered when he attacked them. Later that year, King George V presented him with his medal at Buckingham Palace. In many respects, it was typical of the courage he demonstrated throughout this military career, and such was his pride in the award, that on occasion, he even wore the ribbon on his NA uniform. By 1917 Dalton had returned to his old battalion, 7 RDF, 30th Brigade, 10th Irish Division in Palestine, where he first commanded a rifle company, and then became OC of a sniping school. By 1918, what was left of the 7th RDF and redeployed to the Western Front. Speculation that he once served on the staff of Sir Henry Wilson is unfounded, as is the unsubstantiated innuendo that he was a British spy and shot Collins.

Like thousands of other Irish soldiers, he returned to Ireland after the war. While Dalton was away at the wars, his brother Charlie was an active Volunteer who became a member of Collins' Squad, his hand-picked team of guerrilla-fighters, and was one of the participants in the Bloody Sunday killing of 21 November 1920. Some say that Charlie used the German pistol his brother had given him as a souvenir, but this is unclear.

It was probably inevitable, given Charlie's connections and his military experience, that Emmett Dalton rejoined the Volunteers on leaving the army. As a disillusioned Redmondite, he probably felt that after the 19I8 General Election, the IRA best-represented the will of the Irish people. He had fought for Ireland during World War I and once said that he had no difficulty fighting for Ireland with the British or fighting for Ireland against the British.

Regardless of his personal beliefs, Dalton developed a close friendship with Collins and in an interview screened by RTE on the day he died in 1978 said, I loved him. I use no other word. I loved him as a man loves another man, with pure love.

When Sean MacEoin was captured in March 1921, it was Dalton who led the attempt to rescue him from Mount Joy Gaol. Dressed in his old uniform and leading members of Collins' Squad, he had devised a plan that was typically daring and involved a stolen armored car, British Army uniforms and a lot of luck. Dalton and Joe Leonard, dressed as British officers, managed to bluff their way into the Governor's office on the pretence of moving MacEoin to another prison, before they were rumbled and shooting broke out near the prison gate. Although the rescue attempt failed, Dalton managed to extract his raiding party intact.

After fighting at Rochestown and Douglas, Cork fell to Dalton on the 9th, making a Saorstat victory almost inevitable. In fact, Dalton complained bitterly that the war could have been brought to a close in September 1922, if troops had also attacked overland from Dublin at the same time.

On 12 August, the now Major-General Dalton was appointeed General Officer Commanding, Southern Command. He announced that it was his avowed aim to restore normality to the city and helped establish a temporary police force until the Garda arrived on 16 September. In late August, Collins was in Co. Cork, ostensibly on an inspection tour but also attempting to make contact with leading Republicans to end the war. According to Coogan's biography of Collins, Dalton had been central to this peace process and acted as an intermediary.

When Collins was warned that it was not safe for him to drive around the county, he told local NA commander Joe Sweeney that, whatever happens, my fellow countrymen won't kill me. When the IRA ambushed Collins' convoy on 22 August, Dalton had shouted, Drive like hell, but Collins contradicted him. Dalton attributed Collins' death to his lack of combat experience: if Mick had ever been in a scrap he would have learned to stay down.

To this day no one really knows what happened at Bal na Blth, but it was obvious that Collins' death affected Dalton. When he returned from his honeymoon in September 1922, his heart was no longer in the fight. He objected to the execution of captured Irregulars and resigned his commission in December to work briefly as the Secretary to the Senate. In a military career that had spanned eight years, he had become a retired major-general at 24 on a pension of 117 per annum.

Despite being an accomplished soldier, Dalton had always been interested in the cinema, and by the late 1920s was working as a film producer who gained some trans-Atlantic success. In the late 1950s, he helped establish the Irish Ardmore Studios, where the films The Blue Max, The Spy who Came in from the Cold and The Lion in Winter were filmed.

After 1922, Dalton never held a military appointment again, even though Lord Mountbatten offered him the command of an Irish special operations unit in World War II. Dalton declined, preferring to follow the sport of kings - horseracing - and produce his movies. On his 80th birthday, 4 March 1978, Emmet Dalton died in Dublin, barely commemorated by the State he did so much to create.
Misc. Photos

An armored car like the one in Michael Collins convoy

The day Michael Collins was buried - Major General Emmett Dalton second from right

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An American in the Irish Civil War Researched, complied & edited by Rodney G. Dalton The birth of the Irish Free State coincided with the Irish Civil War, a conflict between two forces who supported and opposed the Anglo-Irish Treaty.

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Vice President Mike Pence, Mrs Nancy Pence-Fritsch and Leo Varadkar, An Taoiseach are shown the service records of Pence's grandfather, Richard Michael Cawley, who served with distinction in the Irish Defence Forces during the Civil War, at Farmleigh House on September 3, 2019 in Dublin, Ireland.

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A shell exploding at the Four Courts building in Dublin during the Irish Civil War, June - July 1922. IRA members inside the building were being bombarded by Irish Army Free State troops.

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created and choose a strategy to enhance student talk in your classroom. (5 minutes)

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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1. Socratic Circle
2.Talk Moves
3. Socratic Circle
4. Walking Debate
5. Talk Moves
6. Jigsaw
Group vote: Socratic Circle

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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1. Walking Debate
2. Role Play
3. Using visual sources
4. Group Work - Think/Pair/Share
5.
6.
Group vote:

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Why do you think the German people supported the concept of fascism ?

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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Step 4: Possible strategies to enhance student talk

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1. Mock Trial - Crime and Punishment
2. Walking Debate on the death penalty.
3. Create menu of Medieval Feast.
4. Fashion show of Medieval dress.
5. Virtual tour of Medieval Castle.
6. Create a Jam Board of topics discussed.
Group vote: Mock Trial - Crime and Punishment

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1. Is educating women a waste of time?
2. What are the main changes to women's lives since 1900?
3. Should women be treated equally in sport?
4. Who makes better presidents? Men or women?
5. Is there a role for women in politics?
6. Which woman do you think has made the greatest impact on Irish society?
Group vote: What are the main changes to women's lives since 1900?

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1. Is History repeating itself today?
2. How do you take control of a country?
3. What is fascism?
4.
5.
6.
Group vote:

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1. Executions without trial, was the Free State any better than an Ireland under British rule?

2. Is ethical remembering possible?

3. Was the execution of Erskine Childers justified?

4. Why are the men of the Civil War largely forgotten in comparison to the men of 1916?

5. Were the Civil War executions war crimes?

6. How do we choose who to commemorate?

Group vote: Why are the men of the Civil War largely forgotten in comparison to the men of 1916?

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1. How did 1798 inspire future generations?
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3.
4.
5.
6.
Group vote:

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1.  Discuss the differences between living in a medieval castle and living in a modern day house?
2. Do you think that the medieval death penalty was justified?
3. How has fashion changed since medievel times?
4. are there any foods that we still eat that were popular during medieval times?
5. How has medicine advanced since Medieval Times?
6. How has the role of women changed?
Group vote: Do you think that the medieval death penalty was justified?

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Intro

Death was at the centre of life in the Middle Ages in a way that might seem shocking to us today. With high rates of infant mortality, disease, famine, the constant presence of war, and unsophisticated medical techniques, the threat of death was a brutal part of everyday life for the majority of people. As a result, attitudes towards life were very much shaped by beliefs about death: according to Christian tradition, the very purpose of life was to prepare for the afterlife by avoiding sin, performing good works, and adhering to the Church's teachings.

This image from a scroll shows the death and funeral of Lucy de Vere, the head of a nunnery in Essex. When she died, around 1225, the nuns sent the roll - over 19 feet long - to other religious houses, asking them to pray for her soul. As it passed around East Anglia and back and forth across southern England, the inhabitants of each house added inscriptions asking for prayers.

Shelfmark: Egerton MS 2849, Part I

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Death was at the centre of life in the Middle Ages in a way that might seem shocking to us today. With high rates of infant mortality, disease, famine, the constant presence of war, and unsophisticated medical techniques, the threat of death was a brutal part of everyday life for the majority of people.