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Newspaper: Vecernji List, Author: Žarko Ivković,  16.05.2018.“HISTORICAL CONTROVERSIES.What Tuđman said in Jasenovac paying tribute to the victims in June 1996 ”

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Newspaper: Vecernji List, Author: Žarko Ivković,  16.05.2018.“HISTORICAL CONTROVERSIES.What Tuđman said in Jasenovac paying tribute to the victims in June 1996 ”

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Excerpt from the article:

(...) And what did the first president say in 1996 in Jasenovac?

Saying that he was laying a wreath, "for all the victims who fell in Jasenovac, victims of fascism and the NDH, but also those who were executed by the communist regime", he pointed out that "the memorial area in Jasenovac should be a memorial area that will remind the Croatian people of what position they were in." So he added: "Just as we have solved all the problems, we will also solve the problem of Jasenovac, not to hide the victims of the Ustasha terror, but to remind that the Croatian people suffered under different flags, but also that now, through general reconciliation, we have achieved Croatian freedom and Croatian States." He then said that, "Tito never visited Jasenovac because he knew he could not escape responsibility and because from 1945 to 1948 there was a communist camp in that place where people were also killed."

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Što je Tuđman rekao u Jasenovcu u lipnju 1996. odajući počast žrtvama

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Ne želimo sakriti žrtve ustaškog terora, nego podsjetiti da su Hrvati stradavali pod različitim zastavama, rekao je Tuđman

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Karlo Držaić: Anti-Semitism in Croatia in the early 1990s, In: Südost-Forschungen 81 (2022)

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Karlo Držaić: Anti-Semitism in Croatia in the early 1990s, In: Südost-Forschungen 81 (2022)

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Extensive information and background on the annual Ustaša meeting 

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Extensive information and background on the annual Ustaša meeting 

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The homepage no-ustasa.at is a non-profit project that observes the events surrounding the so-called "Ustaša meeting" in Bleiburg/Pliberk and researches its historical background. The results of this observation and research are made available to the public in the form of articles.

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Infos und Hintergründe zum Ustaša-Treffen in Bleiburg/Pliberk

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Commemorating Bleiburg – Croatia’s Struggle with Historical Revisionism, Ljiljana Radonic

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Commemorating Bleiburg – Croatia’s Struggle with Historical Revisionism, Ljiljana Radonic

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Cultures of History Forum : Commemorating Bleiburg – Croatia’s Struggle with Historical Revisionism

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Every year in May thousands of Croats gather in the small Austrian town of Bleiburg to commemorate the so called “Bleiburg tragedy” at the end of the Second World War. Considered by some as the ‘biggest neo-Nazi meeting in Europe’, this event has triggered considerable controversy, not least due to…

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Die Ustascha im Herzen, Frankfurter Rundschau - Danijel Majic

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Die Ustascha im Herzen, Frankfurter Rundschau - Danijel Majic

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German article from 2018 that gives an overview over the commemoration in Bleiburg/Pliberk in may 2018 and its main protagonists

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Jahr für Jahr wird die alte Allianz zwischen kroatischem Nationalismus und kroatischem Katholizismus im österreichischen Bleiburg aufs Neue beschworen. FR-Redakteur Danijel Majic hat sich die Gedenkfeier für ein Massaker an NS-Kollaborateuren angesehen.

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FRAMNAT: Framing the Nation and Collective Identity in Croatia: Political Rituals and the Cultural Memory of Twentieth Century Traumas

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FRAMNAT: Framing the Nation and Collective Identity in Croatia: Political Rituals and the Cultural Memory of Twentieth Century Traumas

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Videos, Transcrips, News Articles of commemorations in Bleiburg from 2014 to 2017!

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Vjeran Pavlakovic: Defying the Defated. Commemorating Bleiburg since 1990

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Vjeran Pavlakovic: Defying the Defated. Commemorating Bleiburg since 1990

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Ljiljana Radonic: Croatian politics of the past - just one more post-communist case study? (2012)

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Ljiljana Radonic: Croatian politics of the past - just one more post-communist case study? (2012)

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Ljiljana Radonic: Equalizing Jesus’s, Jewish, and Croat Suffering—Post-Socialist Politics of History in Croatia In: Oto Luthar “Of Red Dragons and Evil Spirits” (2017)

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Ljiljana Radonic: Equalizing Jesus’s, Jewish, and Croat Suffering—Post-Socialist Politics of History in Croatia In: Oto Luthar “Of Red Dragons and Evil Spirits” (2017)

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Oto Luthar - Of Red Dragons And Evil Spirits_ Post-Communist Historiography Between Democratization And New Politics Of History-Central European University Press (2017) (1)

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Tamara Banjeglav: A Storm of Memory in Post-War CroatiaCultures of History Forum(2015)  DOI: 10.25626/0035

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Tamara Banjeglav: A Storm of Memory in Post-War CroatiaCultures of History Forum(2015)  DOI: 10.25626/0035

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Vjeran Pavlakovic: Flirting with Fascism: The Ustasa legacy and Croatian politics in the 1990s, In: The shared history: The Second World War and National Question in ex Yugoslavia (2008)

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Vjeran Pavlakovic: Flirting with Fascism: The Ustasa legacy and Croatian politics in the 1990s, In: The shared history: The Second World War and National Question in ex Yugoslavia (2008)

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Maciej Czerwiński: Croatia's Ambivalence over the Past: Intertwining Memories of Communism and Fascism (2016) - DOI 10.25626/0055 

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Maciej Czerwiński: Croatia's Ambivalence over the Past: Intertwining Memories of Communism and Fascism (2016) - DOI 10.25626/0055 

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Cultures of History Forum : Croatia’s Ambivalence over the Past: Intertwining Memories of Communism and Fascism

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How does Croatia come to terms with the violent history of 20th century wars? Croatian society is deeply polarized over the narratives of the Second World War. Moreover, the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s have been framed within the imagery of the Second World War and are understood either as a continua…

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Ljiljana Radonic: Standards of evasion Croatia and the "Europeanization of memory"(2012)

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Ljiljana Radonic: Standards of evasion Croatia and the "Europeanization of memory"(2012)

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Propaganda, Networking and Recruiting             How Thousands of Right-Wing Accounts Exploit Instagram’s Vulnerabilities

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Propaganda, Networking and Recruiting             How Thousands of Right-Wing Accounts Exploit Instagram’s Vulnerabilities

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No Filter for the Right - correctiv.org

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Doctor Cvetković's Cabinet of Miracles, Part I ans II by Milan Radanović, 24.06.2016.

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Doctor Cvetković's Cabinet of Miracles, Part I ans II by Milan Radanović, 24.06.2016.

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Original article: https://www.masina.rs/kabinet-cudesa-dr-cvetkovica-i-deo/#easy-footnote-2-2954

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Translation. Doctor Cvetković's Cabinet of Miracles, Part I + II

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Sven Milekic: Croatia Still Wandering Around Wartime President’s ‘Wastelands’, BIRN (2020)

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Sven Milekic: Croatia Still Wandering Around Wartime President’s ‘Wastelands’, BIRN (2020)

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On May 30, 1995, still at war with a breakaway Serb statelet, Croatia marked five years of statehood with, as was customary, a long speech to parliament by President Franjo Tudjman.

Tudjman noted that the Croatian anniversary fell in the same month as celebrations around the world marking 50 years since the Allied victory over fascism in World War Two.

Stressing the need to "respect the historical truth," Tudjman said that the victims of fascism and communism should not divide Croatians but rather support "the need for eternal reconciliation and unity."

And for this to happen, Tudjman had an idea:

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Croatia Still Wandering Around Wartime President's 'Wastelands'

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Thirty years after Franjo Tudjman's 'Wastelands of Historical Reality', memory politics in Croatia are still trying to reconcile the dead and downplay or sanitise the World War Two fascist Ustasha regime.

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Launched on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the liberation of Zagreb from fascism, the "Resistance Mapping" project represents an attempt to present the suppressed political dimensions of the anti-fascist struggle and to intervene - both in the dominant discourse, which in the key of revisionism and anti-communism demonizes the partisan struggle and popular resistance to fascism, as well as in the liberal-culturalist one, which when talking about NOB is silent about its inseparability from the socialist revolution.“Cartography of resistance” explores illegal Zagreb in 1941-45, resistance networks and organizations and their foundation in labor and party organization in the 1930s.

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Ilegalan rad članova KPJ u Zagrebu po završetku prve, brutalne, faze Šestojanuarske diktature nakon 1931. godine bio je presudno razdoblje za stasanje nove mlade generacije komunista i antifašista koji su sudjelovali u organiziranju i dizanju ustanka te prvim diverzijama. Samo neki od njih bili su Josip Broz, Rade Končar, Ivo Lola Ribar, Marko Orešković, Joža Vlahović i ostali. Djelovanje KPJ u ilegali značajno je odredilo modus operandi njezinih kadrova i nakon 1941., u još težim uvjetima okupacije.

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Kartografija otpora istražuje antifašistički pokret otpora u Zagrebu 1941-45., mreže i organizacije otpora te njihovo utemeljenje u radničkom i partijskom organiziranju tridesetih godina.

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Documentary                              Jadran Boban: Duhovi Zagreba. The Ghosts of Zagreb (with english subtitles)

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Documentary                              Jadran Boban: Duhovi Zagreba. The Ghosts of Zagreb (with english subtitles)

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documentary
medium length
in 2009
52' video color

Take a walk down memory lane in the company of five 90-year-olds, former members of the anti-fascist movement, as they walk the streets of Zagreb remembering its forgotten past. They also remember how, during the occupation of Europe during the Second World War, Zagreb was one of the centers of the anti-fascist movement.

Directed by Jadran Boban
Screenplay by Edin Tuzlak, Jadran Boban
Camera Jadran Boban
Editing by Jasmina Špicek
Music by Jelena Modrić
Sound design by Jelena Modrić
Producer Kristijan Kaurić

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DOCUMENTA-Centre for Dealing with the Past 

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DOCUMENTA-Centre for Dealing with the Past 

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Organisation aiming to encourage the process of dealing with the past and establishing factual truth about the war and to contribute to shifting of the discussion from the level of dispute over facts (the number of killed people, etc.) towards a dialogue on interpretations.

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Raspored obuhvaća zakazane rasprave na četiri nadležna suda (županijski sudovi u Zagrebu, Rijeci, Osijeku i Splitu) kao i javnu sjednicu na Vrhovnom sudu Republike Hrvatske (kazneni postupak u predmetu protiv opt. Jure Šimića).

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The project " Meeting Memories: Learning from the Past to Confront Dehumanization Today (MeMe)" was developed and implemented by Documenta - Centre for dealing with the past, and its partners Javna ustanova Spomen podrucje Jasenovac (Croatia); Centar za informativnu dekontaminaciju mladih (Bosnia Herzegovina); Stiftung Jugendgästehaus Dachau (Germany); Università degli studi di Udine (Italy); Centre for Public History (Serbia), and Socialna Akademija (Slovenia).

Through its activities and results, the project aimed to raise awareness on the process of dehumanization that led to the "othering" and the extermination of different social groups (Jews, Roma, LGBTQ+ community..) during the 1930s and 1940s. Despite focusing on Nazi and Fascist regimes, the project also addressed patterns of dehumanizing propaganda in nowadays societies, and included young people in a reflection about the causes and consequences of these dangerous ideologies today. The project contributed to make citizens more aware, resilient, and capable to be critical towards authoritarianism and populism and less prone to racism and radicalization; as well as to promote peace and tolerance; support intercultural and inter-generational dialogue; support the process of reconciliation; and promote European values, such as solidarity.

The main project results are: booklet with methods „Meeting Memories" ( MeMe - Booklet (documenta.hr), online exhibition with photographs and comics ( Meeting Memories (@meetingmemories2021), and the physical exhibition "Qui si parla italiano, qui si saluta romanamente". The project is funded through the Europe for Citizens programme of the European Union.

The project included a series of activities, which took place from November 2020, to the first months of 2023, in online, hybrid, and physical formats.

The project started with the kick-off meeting (preparatory activity), held in November 2020. On the meeting, the partners introduced themselves and their organizations, and started the detail planning of the following project activities, discussing risk management, tasks and obligations of the consortium, communication strategies and visibility.

On November 9th, 2020, on the occasion of the International Day Against Fascism and Anti-Semitism and the 82nd anniversary of the Night of Broken Glass the partners organized the public conference "New Approaches to Legacy of Holocaust and Holocaust Education", in hybrid form. The conference brought together various expert speakers on history of the Holocaust and Holocaust education, who discussed best practices and examples, as well as challenges and issues. The conference resulted in a collection of recommendations for teaching of Holocaust education, collected in the Booklet ( MeMe - Booklet (documenta.hr). The conference was organized in cooperation with the American Embassy in Zagreb.

In April 2021, because of the challenges connected to the pandemic, the activities planned as physical had to be implemented as hybrid. Despite these issues, the partners succeeded in organizing the workshop on photography and memory. The first two days of the workshop took place online, and consisted in an introduction on the project, and on the role of the photographer, when dealing with places of memory and remembrance. The sessions were guided by the photographers Sandra Vitaljić and Saša Kralj. Then, the participants took part in study visit to places of memory (former concentration camps, places of suffering and resistance) in the partner countries, and took photos. Back together online, the participants selected the photos for the online exhibition, and evaluated the project. The participants from Croatia visited the Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška camps, and took part in the commemoration, public discussion, and opening of the exhibition "The path of no return" on the internees of the concentration camp Jasenovac, and their unfortunate journey to the concentration camp Slana, on the island of Pag. The participants from Serbia visited the location of the former concentration camp Staro Sajmište. The public online discussion "Photography and memory: new approaches to culture of remembrance" and presentation of the online exhibition ( Meeting Memories (@meetingmemories2021) concluded the events.

The activity A4, international workshop on comics and memory, was organized in a similar format in June 2021. On international online sessions, the participants started the discussion on how to approach topics connected to WWII, Holocaust, remembrance, personal memories and biographies through comics, guided by the comic artist Aleksandar Zograf. Then, the participants took part in national study visit in the partner countries. Participants from Germany visited the former concentration camp and now memorial place Dachau. Back together online, the participants created their comics, inspired by the study visits. The public discussion "Meeting memories: a conversation with Aleksandar Zograf" took place, and concluded the event.

During 2022, the partners were finally able to organize the activities in physical form. In April, the consortium organized a seminar for teachers and youth workers in Ljubljana, Slovenia, which included around 30 participants from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Italy, Slovenia, and Serbia. During the seminar, the participants visited the National Museum of contemporary history, exchanged good methods and practices, and visited locations connected to WWII. They developed methods together, to be used in their everyday work with students and young people.

In May, the partners organized the final event of the project in Udine, Italy. On the event, the partners disseminated the project results, including the physical exhibition "Qui si parla italiano, qui si saluta romanamente", which was opened in the spaces of the University of Udine, and inaugurated with the curators Nataša Matausić and Saša Kralj. The partners also organized a public encounter with two survivors of Fascist concentration camps, Marija Šimić and Slavko Malnar, whose stories are also included in the exhibition as panels and video materials. The program also included a guided tour in places connected to WWII in Udine, and a series of guided visits to the exhibition for the students. The exhibition was opened for three weeks and available to the public.

Finally, the project included a series of multiplier events in the partner countries, with the aim of presenting the project and its results.

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The project " Meeting Memories: Learning from the Past to Confront Dehumanization Today (MeMe)" was developed and implemented by Documenta - Centre for dealing with the past, and its partners Javna ustanova Spomen podrucje Jasenovac (Croatia); Centar za informativnu dekontaminaciju mladih (Bosnia Herzegovina); Stiftung Jugendgästehaus Dachau (Germany); Università degli studi di Udine (Italy); Centre for Public History (Serbia), and Socialna Akademija (Slovenia).

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RECOM is a regional commission for the establishment of facts about war crimes and other serious violations of human rights committed in the former Yugoslavia from January 1, 1991 until December 31, 2001. The Initiative for RECOM advocates for the establishment of RECOM.

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Coalition for RECOM Takes Charge of Creating List of War Victims on the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia - REKOM ~ KOMRA ~ RECOM

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At its 9th Session, held on 15 December 2019 in Zagreb, the Assembly of the Coalition for RECOM passed a...

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Artikel 7 -  Unser Recht /  Člen 7 – Naša Pravica  (2005) – Trailer 

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Artikel 7 -  Unser Recht /  Člen 7 – Naša Pravica  (2005) – Trailer 

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Documentary about the “Ortstafelsturm“ and “Ortstafelstreit” (“name place sign conflict”) in Carinthia

The trailer is in German. Please ask a German-speaking person for help with the translation. The movie itself is in German and Slovenian, whereas the Slovenian parts have German subtitles.

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Artikel 7: Unser Recht - DOKUMENTATION (2006)

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Izginjanje / Verschwinden (2022) – Trailer

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Izginjanje / Verschwinden (2022) – Trailer

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Director: Andrina Mračnikar

(Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HXFNMmehuZ0)

Disclaimer: Trailer is in German, please use automatically generated subtitles and/or ask a german speaking person for help)

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Maja Haderlap: Angel of Oblivion (2011). Part 1

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Maja Haderlap: Angel of Oblivion (2011). Part 1

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Maja Haderlap: Angel of Oblivion (2011). Part 2

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Maja Haderlap: Angel of Oblivion (2011). Part 2

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German speaking Carinthians illegally removing a multi-lingual place name sign.
Source: https://www.klahrgesellschaft.at/Mitteilungen/Gstettner_4_02.html

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Partisans – Military Resistance in Carinthia/Koroška

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Partisans – Military Resistance in Carinthia/Koroška

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1941-1945: Partisan*innen - Militärischer Widerstand in Kärnten/Koroška

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Das Haus der Geschichte Österreich ist das erste zeitgeschichtliche Museum der Republik. Zeitgemäß vermittelt und pointiert erzählt, lädt das neue Museum in der Hofburg zur Auseinandersetzung mit der ambivalenten österreichischen Geschichte ein.

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In 1992, 25.671 people who had legal rights to reside in Slovenia were unlawfully deprived of their legal status in Slovenia. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Slovenia with its decisions no. U-I-284/94 of 1999 and no. U-I-246/02 of 2003 found the deprivation of their legal status unlawful, and the Aliens Act that the authorities invoked as a legal basis for this measure of erasure unconstitutional. The Court ordered the legislative to remedy the unconstitutionality in a time limit of six months. The decision of the Constitutional Court, however, remained unimplemented for seven years.

The goal of the project is to keep reminding the authorities about their constitutional and international obligations to respect the decisions of their highest court and to remedy the violations of human rights, raise awareness of the public about the gravity of the consequences of the erasure and assist the erased people in regulation of the their legal status and other status-related issues.

Activities

1. Monitoring of the application of the amendments to the Act Regulating the Legal Status of Citizens of Other Republics of the Former SFRY in the Republic of Slovenia, and alert the authorities about the encountered shortcomings.

2. Collection of data on circumstances of erasure and its consequences by conducting interviews with the erased people as well as writing and archiving their stories (by ensuring the protection of their personal data).

3. Offering free legal aid to the erased people and representation in administrative and judicial proceedings.

4. Raising awareness of the public, holding lectures and organizing public events on erasure, its consequences and its contextualization from the perspective of transition, migration, human rights law and constitutional law, nationalism, health, language position and emancipatory practices.

Members of the project team

Neža Kogovšek Šalamon

defended her PhD dissertation at the University of Ljubljana Faculty of Law in 2011 on constitutional, international and comparative legal aspects of the erasure from the registry of permanent residents. She worked for the Legal Information Centre of Non-governmental Organizations - PIC in Ljubljana, and for Human Rights Watch in New York. In 2005 she joined a research team at the Peace Institute where she continues her legal and advocacy work on the national and international level.

Aleksandar Todorović

is one of the most prominent individuals who have been erased from the register of permanent residents. He was the first president and co-founder of the Association of the Erased People of Slovenia and Civil Initiative of Erased Activists.

Brankica Petković

holds master's degree in the field of sociology of culture. Her work at the Peace Institute is focused on monitoring, policy research, advocacy, training/education and publishing activities in the field of media accountability (professional standards), access of minority groups and citizens to the media (communication rights of citizens and minority groups), media content diversity and media ownership pluralism. She is author of number of articles and reports and co-author of books on the above mentioned topics.

Maja Ladić

graduated in 2010 at the Faculty of social sciences (political science - international relations) in Ljubljana. Areas of research: human rights, protection of the minorities, ethnic discrimination, ethnic conflicts, social inclusion, gender equality, development and development cooperation. At the Peace Institute she is a coordinator of development projects in Rwanda. She is also involved with The Erased: Remedying Human Rights Violations and Consistency of Migration and Development Policy projects.

Jelka Zorn

holds a PhD in sociology and is a senior lecturer of social work at the Faculty of social work, University of Ljubljana. She is a researcher in the fields of the erasure and migration.

Katarina Vučko

is a Master's student of international law at the University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Law. She worked at the Legal Information Centre of Non-governmental Organizations - PIC in Ljubljana as legal advisor in the field of human rights and asylum. In 2009 she joined the Peace Institute where she works on human rights and provides legal aid for the erased people of Slovenia.

Sara Pistotnik

is post-graduate student at the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana. The field of her interest is migration; the most intensively she is researching the erasure.

Uršula Lipovec Čebron

holds a PhD in anthropology and is employed at the Department for ethnology and cultural anthropology, Faculty of Arts, as an assistant since 2001. Fields of her research are medical anthropology or anthropology of health, anthropology of migrations, anthropological research among asylum seekers, refugees and other categories of migrants.

Partners

Donor

Open Society Foundations financially supported the project Erased People of Slovenia - A Challenge of a Young Nation-State which was implemented by the Peace Institute from 2007 to 2009 and the project The Erased: Remedying Violations of Human Rights (2010-2012) in the framework of which also this information-documentation portal was created.

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In 1992, 25.671 people who had legal rights to reside in Slovenia were unlawfully deprived of their legal status in Slovenia. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Slovenia with its decisions no. U-I-284/94 of 1999 and no. U-I-246/02 of ... Continue reading →

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Once upon an Erasure - From citizens to illegal residents in the Republic of Slovenia

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Once upon an Erasure - From citizens to illegal residents in the Republic of Slovenia

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Amnesty International Slovenia: 30th anniversary of the erasure: Exhibition at Gallusovo nabrežje

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Amnesty International Slovenia: 30th anniversary of the erasure: Exhibition at Gallusovo nabrežje

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Amnesty International Slovenia_30th anniversary of the erasure Exhibition at Gallusovo nabrežje

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Thomas Korschil: Will Carinthia Remain German?

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Thomas Korschil: Will Carinthia Remain German?

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Reflections on the "Signpost Dispute" and Experiences with a Film

Translated by Aileen Derieg

Thomas Korschil

After years of dealing with the issue of the Carinthian minority in the course of our work on and with the film "Artikel 7 - Unser Recht!"[1] ("Article 7 - Our Right!"), I am wondering whether we understand the issue better now. How much the film might have contributed to others' better understanding is another question.

The initially apparently trivial story - the conflict over bilingual signposts in southern Carinthia - holds an abundance of chasms at a closer look, which inevitably link this story with larger historical and political contexts. One would think that once these have come into view, it would no longer be so easily possible to disregard them, that a more in-depth confrontation would be inevitable. Again and again, however, public discourse asserts the surface of this issue, at best indirectly alluding to the background or playing it as a kind of trump card in a distorted form.

In practical politics this is evident in the constant reduction and stagnation of the Carinthian "minority question". The fact that the minority is a question at all and that this minority's rights are even debated already indicates the state of the problem.

The negotiations involve bilingual signposts, for which Austria accepted an obligation in the State Treaty in 1955. Nevertheless, posting an appropriate number of these signposts has been prevented up to the present day. Yet even in the case of this one right, the subject is reduced again: bilingual, German-Slovenian topography does not mean merely signposts, but originally covered all public designations and signs, such as schools and public offices, and also maps and surveying land registers. The point is - or was - the visibility and recognition of Slovenian as the second language of the country and thus the recognition of the Carinthian-Slovenian minority in its distinctiveness. In practice, public bilingual designations are often the basic precondition for the functioning of other rights, such as the recognition of Slovenian as an official language or bilingual school education. From the perspective of the Narodni svet koroških Slovencev (NSKS), the Council of Carinthian Slovenes, the minority rights anchored in Article 7 of the State Treaty have not been completely implemented in even a single point.[2]

The course and status of the "negotiations" on signposts illustrate how politics have come to a standstill. Simply the fact that the implementation of constitutionally guaranteed rights has to be negotiated indicates the scandal.

The scenario of 2006 is a nearly identical repetition of 2002. The aim is a consensus between the parties and the still openly German nationalist "Defenders of the Homeland" - not only regarding the smallest possible number of additional bilingual signposts, but also in terms of regulating an end to the discussions: in 2002 in the form of a "settlement of disputes clause", in 2006 euphemistically disguised as an "opening clause". By state decree, the minority's grounds for further "disturbance of the peace" - as which demanding constitutionally guaranteed rights is regularly denounced in Carinthia, even from the highest level - were to be withdrawn, thus rendering Article 7 effectively "innocuous". This consensual assault on the constitutional state was held at bay solely by the refusal of the minorities representative, so that negotiations had to be halted twice without results - both times, coincidentally, only a few months before a parliamentary election; in Carinthia the "defense" against minorities can still be used as an election campaign issue.

Considering the historical background, even just briefly, there is no other description for this scenario than scandalous and shameful. The minority rights anchored in Article 7 of the State Treaty are there because Austria felt an obligation to make reparations to the minority persecuted under National-Socialism; because Yugoslavia gave up its territorial claims to southern Carinthia in return; because the Carinthian Slovenes resisted the Nazi regime - specifically it was the strongest military resistance in the entire "Greater German Empire"[3] - thus contributing to Austria's self-liberation in the sense of the Moscow Declaration. Now, over sixty years later, they are expected to abandon their history and relinquish any entitlement in return for a few signposts more, which do not do justice by far to either the historical or the current distribution of the minority (language). With this expectation, current policies flow into a long continuity of restrictive, case by case and still discriminatory minority policies up to the present.

The effects of these policies were and are quite concrete: as far as can be measured in official demographics, the minority persistently continues to shrink. This fact is unscrupulously used by politicians for further limitations or the non-implementation of language rights: "Why more signposts for fewer Slovenes?" was the question asked by the KHD (Carinthian Defenders of the Homeland), repeated by Governor Haider and finally decreed by Federal Chancellor Schüssel in 2002 - a chain of command that vividly illustrates Austrian minority policies. The fact that censuses are even taken - thus forcing people to state an "avowal" for or against an "ethnic group" - and that percentages are set for the validity of rights, is the fundamental problem of ethnicizing policies that have never been able or willing to recognize a bilingual territory provided for in the State Treaty.

The rapid assimilation of the Carinthian Slovenes throughout the entire 20th century is of central significance in the current dispute (an issue that may not be presented quite clearly enough in our film). Historically this is far more complex than a quasi natural adaptation of a numeric minority to the majority, which is why the "minority problem" would by no means be solved with the disappearance of the "last Slovene". This pertains to the majority in multiple ways. In fact, it is a "majority problem", the core of which lies less in how the Other, the supposedly foreign is dealt with than in the self-understanding of the "majority".

Whereas the proportion of the Slovenian-speaking population in southern Carinthia was nearly 50% around the end of the 19th century (and over 80% in many communities), which was roughly a third of the entire population of Carinthia, these number have dropped by a factor of ten today: to an average of 5% of the population of southern Carinthia and barely over 2% of the population of the province as a whole. Indeed, Germanization was originally also a product of modernization: the Slovenian, Catholic and pro-Habsburger peasantry was confronted with a Protestant and secular, German-liberal bourgeoisie and proletariat. However, the extent of this assimilation was only possible on the basis of German-nationalist ideology and politics, which sought to exclude and devalue everything that was Slovenian (e.g. through targeted educational policies) under the declining monarchy and in the First Republic. Across all the differences of the various systems, German nationalism has been maintained as a fundamental consensus of the state of Carinthia up to the present day. "In Carinthia they pretend that Carinthia is German, as though the province belonged to a naturally, ethnically and linguistically defined majority."[4]

Because such a large portion of the (southern) Carinthian population at least attempted to divest itself of its origins within a relatively short period of time, many are still susceptible to an instrumentalization of identity issues today. The desire for unambiguous identities seems to be so important, because it is a matter of so much uncertainty. Unofficial censuses or projections additionally indicate that the proportion of the Slovenian-speaking population is actually much larger than the official numbers suggest. In his analysis of the language survey in the micro-census of 1999, the sociologist Albert Reiterer found 60,000 Slovenian speakers (as opposed to 12,500 according to the census of 2001), which corresponds to a population proportion of roughly 25% for the bilingual region and 10% for Carinthia as a whole.[5] Consequently, bilingual signposts would have to be provided in about 800 places, rather than a mere 142 as most recently "offered" by the Federal Government.

What come into play here, however, are not only ethnic attributions and situatedness, but there is also a historical, political self-understanding at stake. According to Anton Pelinka, Carinthia is a "European exceptional case", but not because of its history, the existence of a minority or multilinguality; all of that is normal in Europe. What is different about Carinthia is how this is dealt with - especially with the history of National-Socialism.

"In many cases we note that a language from a distant past is used in Carinthia, because the recent past, namely the period of National-Socialism, is a blind spot. Border and border defense battles - just the fact that it is taken so much for granted that these terms are not used to refer to the occupation of Austria by Nazi Germany, but to 1920 and to partisans and the partisan war in conjunction with the liberation of Austria in 1945 is certainly a peculiarity of Carinthia."[6]

Whereas the partisan resistance in Carinthia continues to be ignored on the official side, or even denigrated as treason, nothing hinders the province from officially commemorating loyalty to the Führer and fulfillment of duty at the "returnee rally" at Ulrichsberg every year[7]. "That which cannot be integrated in Europe, is integrated in Carinthia", and at the same time "that which is commendable in Europe, is hidden and repressed."[8]

This is how it is possible that multilinguality is still perceived as a threat today in Carinthia and can be presented as such by politicians. The bilingual signpost threatens a world view that is maintained with distorted images of history and seemingly unambiguous identities. It is a kind of writing on the wall that is not to be read, because it recalls the past that has been split off - recalls origins and the entanglement in crimes, guilt and suffering.

The resulting insecurities continue to be exploited by the political parties. The minority is misused to create majorities. It serves as an issue for agitation and instigation - the Carinthian governor Jörg Haider has repeatedly invoked "popular opinion" virtually as a threat - and for distraction from other issues and the politicians' own failings, especially in economic policies.

What makes this possible again and again is largely due to the media and a passive public, which too often simply accepts issues and the way they are treated without resistance. The precarious position of a Federal Chancellor dependent on the Carinthian governor and the increasing influence of the federal government over the public broadcasting corporation have additionally exacerbated the situation in recent years. If the governor maligns the constitutional court and attacks its president for a decision on bilingual signposts that he does not agree with, the consequence is not a condemnation of Haider's behavior mocking the constitutional state, but a debate initiated by him about appointments to the constitutional court.

It is astonishing how much can remain unrefuted, even in serious media. The Austrian Broadcasting Corporation (ORF), for example, transported false assertions from Federal Chancellor Schüssel (and other members of the governing conservative party ÖVP) about the placement of twenty additional bilingual signposts in 2005 on several occasions without comment. (New bilingual signs were put up in 2005 in only five places; the seemingly absurd aim of the federal government, which was thus not achieved, was to execute a law from 1976/77 in the anniversary year of the State Treaty, although crucial points of that law have long since been suspended by the constitutional court - the federal government has been violating the decision regarding signposts for five years now.)

Due to the lack of support from a critical public, the minority is additionally under pressure. The way that its representatives increasingly conform to dominant policies, which has also been criticized by many members of the minority, is therefore not surprising. They obviously have no other choice if they wish to remain in discussion with power at all. However, this further exacerbates the informal and obscure character of minority policies, which thus increasingly degenerate into policies of personal relationships, policies of deals, of unreliable promises and attempted extortion.[9]

With our film, which was a relatively small production in terms of (financial) costs and impact (so far), we frequently experienced that there is a need for information, education and discussion on this issue, also outside the circle of politically interested people, in Carinthia and elsewhere. "Artikel 7 - Unser Recht!" attempts to recount aspects of the complex history and some of the background of the current situation from the perspective of members of the minority - the protagonists of this story who have received too little attention. The film is intended to be a work on history and its images and thus also on the self-understanding of the people of this region.

A film like ours would fill the gap in critical discussions of political issues that the ORF has allowed to become larger and larger in recent years - as a representative from ORF recently confirmed to us, publicly stating that it was 'embarrassing' that ORF has not long since produced a film like this itself. At the same time, "Artikel 7 - Unser Recht!" was explicitly conceived and produced for television broadcast in cooperation with ORF employees, but it was canceled by ORF shortly before the confirmed scheduled broadcast date. The purported reason for this at the last minute was the criterion that it allegedly lacks "objectivity". Subsequently there was a requirement to "diffuse" it, neutralize it with counter-opinions - specifically recommending Haider and the Kärnter Heimatdienst[10]. This would lead to an apparent resolution of conflicts, the conventional zero-sum game of a staged equilibrium. In ORF's view, commentaries containing confirmed and generally known facts - for instance that the KHD operates in a way hostile to the minority (which is documented in the film with archive material from ORF, among other things) - cannot be broadcast. Neither obsolete images of history nor the status quo are to be called into question.

Over the course of two periods of the black-blue government[11], the Carinthian view has come to predominate in ORF. When our film became a problem in this atmosphere, our contacts there, who had given us active and advisory support during production, suddenly capitulated without resistance. The belated attempt to shift the issue to a legal level was not credible, as the responsible persons from ORF had no qualms about naming the source of their fears - Haider could, no he certainly would file a lawsuit. In that case ...

Despite all the impenetrable complexity, in the end everything seems quite simple again. It is evident at all the different levels - historical and contemporary, in the minority issue and in our experiences with ORF - that phenomena of conformity are at work everywhere: conforming to power, adapting to given, presumably dominant conditions, which actually first become dominant through this confirmation. All as it should be. As it always has been. As it should always remain.

One motivation for making "Artikel 7 - Unser Recht!" was the resistance of young Carinthian Slovenes in the 1970s, who took action, in protest against their own elites, with "scrawl actions" (sign post additions), thus initiating a movement of solidarity throughout Austria. Commemorating this, especially since these movements cannot be counted among the "victors" in history, was something that we considered necessary.

[6] Pelinka, op.cit., p. 106f.

[8] Pelinka, op.cit., p. 110.

biography

biography

Will Carinthia Remain German? Bleibt Kärnten deutsch?

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Thomas Korschil: Will Carinthia Remain German? | translate.eipcp.net

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Criticism regarding overturning of verdict

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Criticism regarding overturning of verdict

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Dissertation: Persecution and Resistance: The Carinthian Slovenes and Memories of the Second World War

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Dissertation: Persecution and Resistance: The Carinthian Slovenes and Memories of the Second World War

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Persecution and Resistance: The Carinthian Slovenes and Memories of the Second World War

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Open rehabilitation of local collaborationist fascists from WWII

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Open rehabilitation of local collaborationist fascists from WWII

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Some prominent case studies from Croatia, Hungary, Slovenia and Ukraine

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Map of Revisionist Monuments - Newsletter No. 1

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Open rehabilitation of local collaborationist fascists from WWII. Some prominent case studies from Croatia, Hungary, Slovenia and Ukraine

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An exploration of Yugoslavia's historic and enigmatic endeavor into abstract anti-fascist WWII monument building between 1960 & 1990.

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Spomenik Database | The Monumental History of Yugoslavia

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The Spomenik Database explores Yugoslavia’s historic and enigmatic endeavor into creating stunningly space-age abstract WWII monuments from 1960-1990.

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Kvltgames.com - Be aware that this is right-extremist content and we are showing it here to learn from it. Please do not reproduce it without contextualizing it!

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Kvltgames.com - Be aware that this is right-extremist content and we are showing it here to learn from it. Please do not reproduce it without contextualizing it!

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KVLTGAMES ist ein patriotisches Indie-Spielestudio, das den Globalisten den Kampf angesagt hat. Mikroaggressionen statt Mikrotransaktionen!

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@brittpettibone - Be aware that this is right-extremist content and we are showing it here to learn from it. Please do not reproduce it without contextualizing it!

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@brittpettibone - Be aware that this is right-extremist content and we are showing it here to learn from it. Please do not reproduce it without contextualizing it!

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Welcome back to Instagram. Sign in to check out what your friends, family & interests have been capturing & sharing around the world.

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Waldheims Waltz (2018) - Trailer                   Director: Ruth Beckerman

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Waldheims Waltz (2018) - Trailer                   Director: Ruth Beckerman

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A documentary movie about the former U.N. General Secretary and Austrian President Kurt Waldheim. Kurt Waldheims past and his way of (not) talking about his time in the Wehrmacht during his presidential election campaign 1985/86 sparked an international controversy about Austrias way of dealing with its National Socialist past. He was elected president of Austria in 1986 anyway.

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Waldheims Walzer - The Waldheim Waltz - Ein Film von Ruth Beckermann www.waldheimswalzer.at de

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WALDHEIMS WALZER ist ein Film über Lüge und Wahrheit. Über „alternative Fakten“. Über individuelles und kollektives Bewusstsein. Eine Analyse der Entlarvung des ehemaligen UN-Generalsekretärs Kurt Waldheim durch den Jüdischen Weltkongress. Und ein Lehrstück über den erfolgreichen Einsatz von antisem…

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Article: A German Far-Right Group Is Trying to Recruit Kids with a Free Video Game - Tim Hume

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Article: A German Far-Right Group Is Trying to Recruit Kids with a Free Video Game - Tim Hume

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A German Far-Right Group Is Trying to Recruit Kids with a Free Video Game

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Players are encouraged to battle antifa and globalists.

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Die Wiederbegründung der Republik Österreich am 27. April 1945 ist auch die Geburtsstunde des Selbstverständnisses von Österreich als „erstem Opfer" des Nationalsozialismus. Die provisorische Regierung bezeichnete den „Anschluss" im März 1938 als militärische Besetzung durch eine fremde Macht und Österreich als das „erste freie Land, das der Hitlerischen Aggression zum Opfer gefallen ist". Diese Darstellung beruht auf einer einseitigen Interpretation der Moskauer Deklaration der alliierten Außenminister von 1943. Darin wurde die Wiederherstellung eines freien und unabhängigen Österreich als Ziel der alliierten Kriegsführung bezeichnet. Diese Erklärung enthielt aber eine Klausel, die nach 1945 in Österreich ausgeblendet wurde: Die Verantwortung für die „Teilnahme am Kriege an der Seite Hitler-Deutschlands", daher müsse das Land einen Beitrag zu seiner eigenen Befreiung leisten. Die Alliierten wollten damit den Widerstand gegen das NS-Regime in Österreich anspornen. Das war die eigentliche Absicht der Moskauer Deklaration, die jedoch praktisch wirkungslos blieb.

Die Darstellung von Österreich als „erstem Opfer" stand in eklatantem Widerspruch zur tatsächlichen Situation in den Jahren 1938 bis 1945. Österreich war seit dem „Anschluss" Teil des nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Reiches, Österreicher kämpften als deutsche Staatsbürger in der Wehrmacht gegen die Alliierten, mehr als 500.000 Österreicher*innen waren Mitglieder der NSDAP gewesen, unter den Hauptverantwortlichen für den Holocaust fanden sich etliche Österreicher*innen. Dieser Widerspruch führte dazu, dass sich die Opferthese bald nur noch auf die offizielle Selbstdarstellung nach außen beschränkte, während in Österreich selbst nicht dem Widerstand, sondern den gefallenen Wehrmachsoldaten Denkmäler errichtet wurden.

Seit der Waldheim-Debatte 1986 gilt die Opferthese als „Geschichtslüge" (Robert Menasse), die es nach 1945 ermöglicht hatte, die Verstrickung der österreichischen Gesellschaft in den Nationalsozialismus erfolgreich auszublenden. 1991 legte Bundeskanzler Vranitzky das Bekenntnis zur „Mitverantwortung" für das Leid, das zwar nicht Österreich als Staat, wohl aber Bürger dieses Landes über andere Menschen und Völker gebracht haben", ab. Damit war die Opferthese auch offiziell außer Kraft gesetzt.

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Die Grundlage für die Ausblendung von Mitverantwortung Österreichs an der NS-Herrschaft

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Haus of Austrian History: 1943: The Moscow Declaration

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Haus of Austrian History: 1943: The Moscow Declaration

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In der zweiten Oktoberhälfte 1943 trafen sich in Moskau die Außenminister der USA, der Sowjetunion und Englands (Cordell Hull, Wjatscheslaw Michailowitsch Molotow und Robert Anthony Eden), um erste Überlegungen zu einer Nachkriegsordnung anzustellen. Am 30. Oktober wurde die Moskauer Deklaration beschlossen, zwei Tage später wurde sie veröffentlicht. Ein entscheidender Passus ist dabei Österreich gewidmet, das als das „erste freie Land, das der typischen Angriffspolitik Hitlers zum Opfer fallen sollte", nach dem Krieg als unabhängiger Staat wiederentstehen sollte. Auf diesen Passus baute nach 1945 die sogenannte „Opferthese" auf.

Die Deklaration erinnert aber auch an die Verantwortung für die Teilnahme am Krieg und weist darauf hin, dass Österreich auch danach beurteilt werden wird, „wieviel es selbst zu seiner Befreiung beigetragen haben wird".

Ziel war es, den Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus zu motivieren. Während man bei Deutschland auf eine bedingungslose Kapitulation setzte, hoffte man im Falle Österreichs durch die positive Formulierung auf eine partielle Mitwirkung der Bevölkerung bei der Niederringung des Nationalsozialismus.

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Das Haus der Geschichte Österreich ist das erste zeitgeschichtliche Museum der Republik. Zeitgemäß vermittelt und pointiert erzählt, lädt das neue Museum in der Hofburg zur Auseinandersetzung mit der ambivalenten österreichischen Geschichte ein.

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Statement from EinProzent.de concerning the indexation of "Heimat Defender" - Disclaimer: Right-Extremist Content; don't reproduce without contextualization.

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Statement from EinProzent.de concerning the indexation of "Heimat Defender" - Disclaimer: Right-Extremist Content; don't reproduce without contextualization.

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Statement von Ein Prozent - Indizierung Heimat Defender DE_ENG

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Tripartite Declaration on Austria (Moscow, 1 November 1943)

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Tripartite Declaration on Austria (Moscow, 1 November 1943)

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Source: The Department of State Bulletin. Dir. of publ. Department of State. Volume IX, 1943. Washington: US Government Printing Office. "Tripartite Declaration on Austria (1 November 1943)", p. 310.

Copyright: United States of America Government Printing Office

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tripartite declaration on austria (moscow

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Tripartite Declaration on Austria (Moscow, 1 November 1943)

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On 1 November 1943, in the Tripartite Declaration made in Moscow, the British, Soviet and US Allies assert that 'Austria, the first free country to fall a victim to Hitlerite aggression, shall be liberated from German domination' and regain full and complete independence.

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Heidemarie Uhl: Victim Theses, Revisited: Austria's Ambivalent Approach to the Nazi Past // Translation: Verein GEDENKDIENST (2018)

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Heidemarie Uhl: Victim Theses, Revisited: Austria's Ambivalent Approach to the Nazi Past // Translation: Verein GEDENKDIENST (2018)

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Video by derstandard.at

Ernst Kirchweger was the first person who was killed in a political conflict in Austria since World War II. He was killed in 1965 in a violent attack by a neo-Nazi during a demonstration against the university professor Taras Borodajkevicz, who was reproducing National Socialist thoughts and ideologies in his lectures.

Disclaimer: Please use automatically generated subtitles if you don’t speak German. Be aware that some of the auto-generated subtitles might be misleading or hard to understand. Ask a German-speaking person for help if you have questions.

Triggerwarning:
At minute 4:27 – 4.36 there is graphical content of Ernst Kirchweger lying on the ground (blood is visible), presumably dead already.

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Borodajkewycz und Kirchweger –  erstes politisches Todesopfer der Nachkriegszeit

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Interview with Martin Sellner about his Identitarian connections to the Christchurch attacks

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Interview with Martin Sellner about his Identitarian connections to the Christchurch attacks

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Last month, 50 people were killed in attacks on two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand. It's since been revealed that the suspected attacker donated money to a number of organizations, including Austria's anti-immigration Identitarian youth movement. Keith Walker speaks with the group's leader, Martin Sellner, about what went through his mind when he saw the donation from the suspect.

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Martin Sellner and his Identitarian take on Europe - DW - 04/11/2019

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Last month, 50 people were killed in attacks on two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand. It's since been revealed that the suspected attacker donated money to a number of organizations, including Austria's anti-immigration Identitarian youth movement. Keith Walker speaks with the group's leader, Martin Sellner, about what went through his mind when he saw the donation from the suspect.

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Martin Michael Sellner (born 8 January 1989) is an Austrian far-right political activist, and leader of the Identitarian Movement of Austria. He is also involved an important role within the Neue Rechte in Germany.

In March 2018, he was denied entry to, and deported from, the United Kingdom. A year later, he was denied entry to the United States.

Sellner was raised outside of Vienna. He became involved in nationalist politics as a teenager, being part of Austria's neo-Nazi scene.

In 2006, at the age of 17, Sellner admitted to placing stickers with another person on a synagogue in Baden bei Wien, Lower Austria. Stickers with a swastika and the inscription "Legalise it" as well as stickers with a coat of arms and the letters AJ (for "Aryan Youth") were used. The accomplice later stated in an interrogation that they had "wanted to do something" when they heard about the conviction of the British Holocaust denier David Irving. Sellner did 100 hours of community service in a diversion at the Jewish cemetery in Baden, leading to the public prosecutor's office renouncing a criminal trial.

In 2008, he helped a leading Austrian activist group hinder communist demonstrations and made pilgrimages to memorial services for Wehrmacht soldiers. In 2016, he said that he had broken with neo-Nazism, and that the rising popularity of Nazism is a failure of society.

In April 2016, he disrupted a theatre performance of Elfriede Jelinek's piece, Die Schutzbefohlenen (theatre performance with migrants seeking asylum), along with around 30 members of his organisation, spilling fake blood. The blood was intended to symbolize the "blood of Bataclan and Brussels".

In February 2017, Sellner was involved in a fight in a Vienna U-Bahn station where he used pepper spray on people he described as far-left activists. Since this incident, he has been banned from carrying weapons.

In March 2018, Sellner and his girlfriend Brittany Pettibone were denied entry to the United Kingdom at Luton Airport on the grounds that their presence in the United Kingdom was not conducive to the public good. Sellner intended to deliver an address at Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park, London. They were denied entry, detained for two days and deported.

On 25 March 2019, Sellner's apartment was searched by the Austrian police. His computer, mobile phone, all data storage devices and cash cards were confiscated on suspicion that he was a member of a terrorist organization; early in 2018 he had received a donation of $1,500 from the Australian-born suspect in the Christchurch mosque shootings in Christchurch, New Zealand. Sellner denied any involvement in the attacks.

According to Sellner, U.S. authorities canceled his permit to travel without a visa to the United States thus preventing him from visiting Pettibone, who was now his fiancée. In 2019, the Republican Committee of Pettibone's home county of Kootenai County, Idaho, called on the American federal government to allow Sellner to travel to the United States. The move caused considerable controversy within the Republican Party and the State of Idaho. Sellner has said he wants to be allowed into the country so he can marry his fiancée and so they can live together in Post Falls, Idaho, rather than his native Austria.

Austrian police expanded their searches of Sellner's property during June 2019 in connection with the Christchurch shootings. This search was later ruled illegal by a judge.

In June 2019, Sellner was permanently excluded from entering the UK on security grounds.

Wolfgang Ullrich has suggested that there are connections between the worldview of Sellner and the theories of the philosopher Martin Heidegger and the political theorist Carl Schmitt.

ITV's documentary film investigation Undercover - The New British Far-Right claimed the existence of undercover footage of Sellner discussing contacts between Generation Identity and white supremacist groups in the United States, but stated that these contacts must be hidden due to public relations. The documentary claimed that Sellner stated that Jews were a problem in the 1920s and made references to the " Jewish question". Sellner also said that the domination of the American alt-right by the "Jewish question" is a "complete strategical and theoretical failure". It claimed he said he was an antisemite in his youth, and that his friends made offensive comments about the Holocaust. He supports The Great Replacement conspiracy theory. Sellner responded by calling the documentary a "hit piece", and that the statements were taken out of context. In a statement released by Generation Identity and Sellner, they stated that the group wants to preserve European "ethno-cultural identity" and stated that the group has no hidden agendas.

In 2016, Sellner was studying philosophy in Vienna. He dropped out of law school.

Sellner married Brittany Pettibone, an American alt-right activist who describes herself as an American nationalist, in 2019.

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Martin Michael Sellner (born 8 January 1989) is an Austrian far-right political activist, and leader of the Identitarian Movement of Austria. He is also involved an important role within the Neue Rechte in Germany. In March 2018, he was denied entry to, and deported from, the United Kingdom.

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Ultra-Catholic Fascist Bullshit - Alexandra Stanic // Article About Marko Perkovic

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Ultra-Catholic Fascist Bullshit - Alexandra Stanic // Article About Marko Perkovic

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In many languages, the Roma*Romnja and Sinti*Sintizze people are described with a word that is considered racist and derogatory (English: the g-word). Please be aware of the context in which the term is used and who uses them. If you are not part of the group, do not reproduce it and be aware of the discriminatory meaning. In these testimonies, some individuals of the Roma community use the term to describe themselves or their family

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Jörg Haider - Short Bio / Death Report in Denver Post 

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Jörg Haider - Short Bio / Death Report in Denver Post 

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VIENNA, AUSTRIA - Joerg Haider, who catapulted his rightist anti-immigration party into a powerful force with sharp attacks on rivals and provocative praise of the Nazi era, died today in a car accident. He was 58.

His death on a little traveled stretch of a southern highway left Austria without one of its best-known politicians - a figure whose strident rhetoric that sometimes sounded contemptuous of Jews once led to months of international isolation for the Alpine republic.

Alone at the wheel, Haider was overtaking another motorist when his car veered off the road, crashing into a concrete pillar and overturning. He died of multiple injuries. Authorities said they do not suspect foul play, but are investigating.

Although he was commonly labeled a rightist, Haider was more a populist who defied categorization, often swiftly embracing positions contrary to his early reputation as an admirer of Nazi times and a hater of foreigners.

Often at odds with the telegenic Haider, politicians from across the ideological spectrum expressed shock at his death.

Austrian President Heinz Fischer described it a "human tragedy." Chancellor Alfred Gusenbauer expressed his condolences to Haider's family and said he had shaped Austria's domestic political landscape over decades.

Haider, who never held a post in the national government, was governor of the province of Carinthia at the time of his death and leader of the Alliance for the Future of Austria - a party he formed after breaking away from the far right Freedom Party in 2005.

He achieved notoriety for past remarks that sounded sympathetic to the Nazis and critical of Jews, a visit with Saddam Hussein on the eve of the Iraq war and a friendship with Moammar Gadhafi when Libya was still an international pariah.

He praised a member of Hitler's notorious Waffen SS convicted of eradicating the population of an Italy village as someone "who (only) did his duty." He lauded Nazis as creating "a good policy of employment." He condemned the "laziness of the Southerners" - meaning immigrants south of Austria, describing their countries as "the place of criminality and corruption." And in a mocking reference to the first name of Vienna's Jewish leader, which is also that of a popular detergent, Haider said: "I don't understand how someone called Ariel can have so much dirt on his hands." But later in his political life, he also endorsed European Union membership for Turkey - out of line with most Austrians. He apologized for some comments hateful of Jews and contemptuous of foreigners and stopped making others.

His indirect comparison of President Bush to Saddam and Hitler in 2003 outraged many members of Austria's political establishment while stirring consternation abroad. The year before, the U.S.

State Department, which normally takes scant public notice of tiny Austria, linked Haider to electioneering comments that "could be interpreted as xenophobic or anti-Semitic." Still, such sentiments, and his Freedom Party's anti-foreigner stance, played well with Austrians critical of America, unrepentant about their country's role in Nazi atrocities and fearful of the growing influx of Islam and other outside cultures.

When Haider took over the party in 1986, it was a staid middle-of-the-road fringe organization polling well below 10 percent nationally. By 2000, it was No. 2 force in the country, capturing 27 percent of the vote and powered by Haider's sharp attacks on traditional political rivals and his bursts of xenophobia and immigrant-bashing.

His party subsequently formed Austria's government in coalition with the centrist People's Party, prompting Israel to recall its ambassador in protest and the EU to impose unprecedented sanctions on a fellow member nation.

But for Haider, the balloon burst five years later - his party split, and his faction sank nearly into inconsequence as the extreme radical wing of the party blossomed in popularity.

That trend was moderated this year after Haider took an active role in the fortunes of his Alliance for the Future of Austria. The party took nearly 11 percent of the vote last month, up from just over 4 percent in the last election.

Haider was born Jan. 26, 1950, in the Upper Austrian town of Bad Goisern to parents who were enthusiastic Nazi party members. His father, a shoemaker, was forced after the war to unearth mass graves dug by the SS, while his mother, a teacher, was prohibited from working in her profession for several years.

His right-wing associations continued into high school, where he was a member of a dueling fraternity that is part of Austria's network for the country's extreme nationalists. In 1974, he took over the leadership of the youth wing of the party he would later head, while studying for his doctorate in law at the University of Vienna.

A brief stint in the army was followed by work as a university lecturer before he turned to full time political activities.

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Our large family lived in three houses in the village of Predavec in 1941, and besides my wife Lola, 18, and daughter Višnja, 18 months old, my father Ivan Nikolic, 54, was alive, my mother Jana, 54, brother Stevo, 34, his wife Dragica, 29, with their four children, the oldest of whom, Milan was 5, Jana 4, Zlatko, 3, and one small boy of 1, whose name I cannot remember. I also had brother Milan, 31, his wife Roza 30, and their two children, of whom Dorica was 4, and Ankica 2... ... My numerous family was taken with me to Jasenovac concentration camp, no one ever returned home, nor do I know what happened to them, but I assume that they were all killed in that camp.
Josip Nikolic - Joka, Predavec near Čazma, on the suffering of his family in the Jasenovac camp (from the indictment of Andrija Artuković in 1952)
I am aware that a municipal notary in Dalj, together with the local militia and armed men, arrested all members of eleven Gypsy families from Dalj, on one night in June 1942. This had been ordered by one named Katić, district commander from Osijek. The other day members of these gypsy families were taken to a concentration camp from where they never returned. These gypsies were craftsmen, tough-makers, and were honest and hardworking citizens ...
Krešimir Vinaj, artisan from Dalj on the deportation of Roma (from the indictment of Andrija Artuković in 1951)
Me and other 34 gypsies were separated from a large group and assigned to work on potato digging and weeding ... On the same day, our wives and children were taken to the dug-out pits, which were 6 x 8 m in length, and 3 or 4 meters high, and were killed there, children too. I went to work on cleaning the railway for eight days, that is how long I stayed in Jasenovac, and every day I saw large groups of gypsies, several hundred accompanied by Ustashas, to the pits and killing them... When the hole was filled with corpses, they were not all dead immediately, first, they were covered with a thin layer of earth and then with lime, and each time I saw the surface of that hole moving, which I believe happened because people were still alive ...
Stjepan Nikolić from Velika Gorica on the killing of Roma in Jasenovac (from the Public Prosecutor's Office records, District in Velika Gorica, in 1952)
I was sent to Jasenovac camp, with my first wife Anica, our two children and my mother. I managed to escape after twelve days but my mother, wife, and children were killed there... While I was in the camp I saw with my own eyes where this Ustaša killed a pregnant woman, because he had a bet with another Ustaša for ten dinars whether the child was a male or female, and they killed her with a knife, they slaughtered her.
Nikola Mitrovic from the village of Novi Jankovci about the brutality in the camp (from the List of gypsies, from St. and N. Jankovci, who were in the camp in Jasenovac and Gradiška )
I was taken to the camp in 1942 in May, with me another 830 gypsies were sent to Jasenovac... While we were in the camp, me and the others that managed to escape, we saw Ustašas killing with hammers, sticks, axes, shotguns, bombs, pistols, and all other means. When they were killing children and women, I was only 8 - 10 meters away, and when we looked they ordered us to turn to the other side and that time my four children were killed, both my wife and my mother.
Toso Mitrovic from the village of Novi Jankovci about the executions in the camp (from the List of gypsies, from St. and N. Jankovci, who were in the camp in Jasenovac and Gradiška )

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Testimonies - Romski Memorijalni Centar Uštica

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Testimonies Roma in concentration camp Jasenovac (Photo: Jasenovac Memorial Site) Our large family lived in three houses in the village of Predavec in 1941, and besides my wife Lola, 18, and daughter Višnja, 18 months old, my father Ivan Nikolic, 54, was alive, my mother Jana, 54, brother Stevo, 34, his wife Dragica, 29, with [...]

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Translation Artikel // Kitzmüller comment retweeted by Janša 

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Translation Artikel // Kitzmüller comment retweeted by Janša 

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Article about Janša Connection to Austria - in Mladina

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Article about Janša Connection to Austria - in Mladina

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Avstrijski tisk je kritičen do stranke SDS in njenega predsednika, ki podpira skrajna gibanja identitarcev. Slednje namreč želijo v Avstriji prepovedati.

Članek o Janši v vplivnem avstrijskem časniku Kleine Zeitung
© Kleine Zeitung

Avstrijski mediji pišejo, da slovenska stranka SDS za razliko od njene sestrske stranke v Avstriji ÖVP nima strahu pred stiki z gibanjem identitarcev. Kot navajajo, je prvak SDS Janez Janša še v ponedeljek delil njihov tvit (kljub temu, da je šlo za prvoaprilsko šalo, da bo Generacija identitete na evropskih volitvah podprla stranko Levica). Slovenska policija je medtem sporočila, da ne vodi nobenega predkazenskega postopka v povezavi s tem gibanjem. Kot spominja avstrijska tiskovna agencije APA, je predsednik avstrijske ljudske stranke (ÖVP) in kancler Sebastian Kurz od koalicijskih svobodnjakov (FPÖ) terjal, da prekinejo vsakršne stike z avstrijskim identitarnim gibanjem. Že prejšnji teden so na Dunaju sporočili, da razmišljajo o razpustitvi gibanja. To se je namreč znašlo sredi preiskave zaradi sredstev, ki mu jih je nakazal avstralski desničarski skrajnež, osumljen za poboj 50 ljudi v novozelandskem Christchurchu prejšnji mesec.

Slovenska SDS pa razliko od ÖVP očitno nima večjega strahu pred stiki s slovensko podružnico identitarnega gibanja, danes pišejo med drugim APA ter tudi časnika Die Presse in Der Standard na spletnih straneh. Kot navajajo, je nekdanji slovenski premier Janša tako še v ponedeljek delil tvit Generacije identitete, več pa je bilo tudi skupnih javnih nastopov slovenskih identitarcev in politikov iz vrst SDS.

Janša, ki večkrat deli tvite Generacije identitete in njenih simpatizerjev, je, kot izpostavlja APA, njihov zadnji tvit delil po tistem, ko so se ti jasno postavili v bran svojemu kolegu iz Identitarnega gibanja Avstrije (IBÖ) Martinu Sellnerju, ki se je zaradi donacije osumljenca za napade v Christchurchu znašel sredi preiskave. APA navaja tudi vsebino tega prvoaprilskega tvita Generacije identitete, češ da bo na evropskih volitvah podprla Levico, ker si "v Evropi želimo kulturne obogatitve migrantov iz tretjega sveta, želimo si mavrične Evrope".

Generacija identitete je prejšnji teden na svoji spletni strani objavila odziv na napoved avstrijske vlade o preučitvi pravnih možnosti za razpustitev avstrijske veje identitarnega gibanja, pri tem pa izrazila prepričanje, da se bodo obtožbe na račun Sellnerja zaradi omenjene donacije, "tako kot vselej, izkazale kot neresnične". "Celotna slovenska podružnica Generacije identitete pokončno in trdno stoji za avstrijskim soborcem Martinom Sellnerjem," so dodali.

Na Twitterju se je oglasil tudi Sellner sam in se Janši zahvalil, tudi v slovenščini.

Ob poročanju avstrijskih medijev se je na Twitterju oglasil tudi Sellner sam in se Janši zahvalil, tudi v slovenščini. Kot je zapisal, je Janša "časten človek".

Avstrijska tiskovna agencija APA danes piše še, da SDS in Generacija identitete zanikata povezave, a obenem ne skrivata obojestranskih simpatij. Spominja, da je poslanec SDS in predsednik strankinega podmladka Žan Mahnič lani na dan prisege slovenske nove vlade na Twitterju delil fotografijo knjige Manifest za domovino, projekta Generacije identitete, ki jo je prinesel s seboj v parlamentarno dvorano. APA prav tako spominja, da je knjigo izdala založba, ki je v solastništvu SDS.

APA spominja še, da se je decembra lani slovesnosti ob ustanovitvi podmladka SDS poleg Janše udeležil tudi predstavnik identitarcev, kranjska SDS pa je tam skupaj z identitarci organizirala razpravo o migracijah in človekovih pravicah.

Identitarce jasno podpira tudi SNS, dodaja APA ter omenja še Bernarda Brščiča, ki je bil državni sekretar v Janševem kabinetu, ko je bil ta premier, zdaj pa je obraz novoustanovljene stranke Domovinska liga (DOM).

"Seznanjeni smo z obstojem omenjenega gibanja, kot tudi da gre za del večjega, panevropskega gibanja. V nekaterih članicah EU so bili pripadniki teh gibanj obravnavani kot storilci kaznivih dejanj z obeležjem nasilja in ogrožanja ustavne ureditve."
(Slovenska policija)

Iz slovenske policije so medtem za STA v zvezi z dogajanjem okoli identitarnega gibanja v Avstriji sporočili, da ne vodijo predkazenskega postopka zoper osebe, ki bi bile povezane s tem gibanjem v Sloveniji.

"Seznanjeni smo z obstojem omenjenega gibanja, kot tudi da gre za del večjega, panevropskega gibanja. V nekaterih članicah EU so bili pripadniki teh gibanj obravnavani kot storilci kaznivih dejanj z obeležjem nasilja in ogrožanja ustavne ureditve. Slovenska policija pa do sedaj v tej zvezi ni ugotovila elementov kaznivih dejanj, katerih storilci se preganjajo po uradni dolžnosti, kot tudi s tem v zvezi ni prejela nobene prijave," so za STA v teh dneh pojasnili na policiji.

STA je za komentar na pisanje avstrijskih medijev zaprosila tudi SDS, a odgovora iz stranke ni prejela.

PREBERITE SI TUDI:

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Avstrijci kritični do Janševe podpore skrajnih identitarnih gibanj | MLADINA.si

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Avstrijski mediji pišejo, da slovenska stranka SDS za razliko od njene sestrske stranke v Avstriji ÖVP nima strahu pred stiki z gibanjem identitarcev.

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Translation Mladina Article about Janša Connection to Austria

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Translation Mladina Article about Janša Connection to Austria

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Podcast_Remembering Yugoslavia: Croatia’s Political Tragedy – Ivo Goldstein (Podcast Episode 13)

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Podcast_Remembering Yugoslavia: Croatia’s Political Tragedy – Ivo Goldstein (Podcast Episode 13)

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On German

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Jedes Jahr an einem Wochenende im Mai findet im kärntner Bleiburg/Pliberk eine riesige Veranstaltung zum Gedenken an das angebliche Massaker von Bleiburg statt: Hochrangige kroatische Politiker_innen, Vertreter_innen von katholischer Kirche und muslimischen Glaubensgemeinschaften versammeln sich neben Rechtsextremen, Konservativen und Neonazis. Vereint im Geschichtsrevisionismus treffen sie sich zum Gottesdienst an einer Gedenkstätte, die dem faschistischen Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien und damit auch seinen Verbrechen gedenkt. Jahrzehntelang kaum beachtet fand und findet hier eines der größten geschichtsrevisionistischen Treffen Europas statt, bis vor wenigen Jahren hatte das Treffen ein Volksfestcharakter mit Bierzelten und Verkaufsständen.

Erst als die Kritik zu groß wurde und die katholische Kirche drohte, den kirchlichen Segen zu entziehen, verschwanden die Bierzelte und Verkaufsstände. Doch die Inhalte blieben die gleichen. Wir freuen uns, gemeinsam mit Radio Orange eine Reihe über die Hintergründe und verschiedene Aspekte zum alljährlichen Bleiburg-Treffen gestalten zu dürfen. In acht Sendungen wollen wir und Expert_innen das Thema aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln betrachten. Hier findet sich die Reihe in Form eines Podcast zum Nachhören.
Mehr zur Sendereihe auf Radio Orange (Link)

Im ersten Teil sprechen wir vom AK Bleiburg/Pliberk über die Ustaša, den faschistischen NDH-Staat, die Flucht nach Kärnten/Koroška, die Ereignisse in Bleiburg/Pliberk sowie die Verklärung dieser zum "Mythos Bleiburg".

Im zweiten Teil der Sendung berichten wir über den Mythos Bleiburg, über seine zentralen Elemente sowie über die Personen und vor allem Gruppen, die für die Verbreitung des Mythos verantwortlich waren und sind. Außerdem sprechen wir über den Gedenkort am Loibacher Feld/Libusko Polje in Bleiburg/Pliberk. Und über das Treffen selbst sowie darüber, wie es sich über die Jahre entwickelt hat.

Im dritten Teil spricht Ljiljana Radonić vom Institut für Kulturwissenschaften und Theatergeschichte an der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften darüber, wie dem sogenannten Massaker von Bleiburg, jedoch auch dem NDH und den Ustaša-Verbrechen im ehemaligen Jugoslawien gedacht wurde und was sich unter der Regierung von Franjo Tuđman nach dem Zerfall Jugoslawiens verändert hat. Außerdem wird es darum gehen, wie das Treffen heute in Kroatien wahrgenommen wird und welchen Stellenwert es für Politik und Gesellschaft hat.

Teil 4: Teilnehmer_innen am Treffen und Veränderungen seit 2018

Im vierten Teil der Sendung waren die Journalisten Danijel Majić und Krsto Lazarević zu Gast und über das Treffen selbst, ihre Erfahrungen vor Ort, über die Besucher_innen des Treffens und darüber, wie es sich seit 2018 verändert hat.

Teil 5: Politik, Behörden und das Ustaša-Treffen

Im fünften Teil der Sendung sprechen wir über die Rolle von Politik und Behörden, ohne die das Ustaša-Treffen in Bleiburg/Pliberk nicht möglich wäre. Doch in der Geschichte des Treffens zeigte sich, dass die Behörden auch repressiv gegen das Treffen vorgehen können - wenn sie nur wollen.

Teil 6: Parlamentarische Debatten

Im sechsten Teil der Sendung sprach Nationalratsabgeordnete Olga Voglauer über ihr persönliches Engagement gegen das Ustaša-Treffen in Bleiburg/Pliberk und über den parlamentarischen Vier-Parteien-Antrag von Juli 2020 in dem der Innenminister aufgefordert wird, eine Untersagung des Treffens zu prüfen.

Teil 8: Bleiburg 2020 und ein Ausblick

Mit einem Rückblick auf das Bleiburg-Treffen 2020 und einem etwas schwierigen Ausblick auf das Treffen 2021 endet unsere Sendereihe auf Radio Orange.

Auch im Jahr 2020 waren wir im Radio zu Gast. Nachfolgend findet ihr unser Interview mit Radio Agora und Radio Orange.

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Will man die politische Entwicklung Kroatiens seit den ersten demokratischen Wahlen 1990 nachvollziehen, muss man das am stärksten umkämpfte Gebiet vergangenheitspolitischer Debatten untersuchen: den Umgang mit dem "Unabhängigen Staat Kroatien" (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska - NDH). [...]Weiterlesen...

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Communication occurs when your ideas get into the head of someone else and it is understood - not just when your message is sent, not even just when it arrives at 'their end'. Useful communication occurs when their ideas also get into your head. Many campaigns fail because they are communicating only with their existing supporters, and not with the audiences who can bring about change. Others fail because campaigners are more concerned with getting 'coverage' - getting on tv or radio or in the press - than they are in looking for signs of the effect of the campaign. Remember that your ears are as important as your mouth is.

'Communication is the act of sending information from the mind of one person to the mind of another'.

P R Smith, Chris Berry, Alan Pulford
Strategic Marketing Communications
Kogan Page 1997

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campaignstrategy.org - don't send messages

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Communication occurs when your ideas get into the head of someone else and it is understood - not just when your message is sent, not even just when it arrives at 'their end'. Useful communication occurs when their ideas also get into your head.

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....A book, strategy card deck, online toolbox and creative campaign incubator.

An international network of artist-activist-trainers helping grassroots movements become more creative and effective.

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Beautiful Trouble: Пособие по креативному активизму

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Constitutional complaint against the judgment of theSupreme Court of the Republic of Sloveniano. I Ips 3425/2014 of 8 October 2019in the case of Leon Rupnik 

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Constitutional complaint against the judgment of theSupreme Court of the Republic of Sloveniano. I Ips 3425/2014 of 8 October 2019in the case of Leon Rupnik 

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PPT for Mo, 3rd (important terms and introduction)

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PPT for Tue, 4th Interactive Presentation

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From the foreword by Hugo Slim, Head Of Policy, International Committee of the Red Cross
"The brief chapters, or reflections, in this book are like the famous mezze from the kitchens of the Middle East, the part of the world in which this book was born. Dipping into each new reflection, you will savor a particular, delicious piece of wisdom. At the end of it all, you will have eaten a feast that will help you, as an activist and humanitarian worker, to live your own life better and to be more useful to those around you."

"You are about to read a wonderful, beautiful, healing book. Luckily for you, the way the book is written means that you may not read it all at once but rather can read each small chapter one at a time, cherishing this book bit by bit, reading it over and over again. It may well last you a lifetime. The brief chapters, or reflections, in this book are like the famous mezze from the kitchens of the Middle East, the part of the world in which this book was born. Dipping into each new reflection, you will savor a particular, delicious piece of wisdom. At the end of it all, you will have eaten a feast that will help you, as an activist and humanitarian worker, to live your own life better and to be more useful to those around you.

Alessandra's book is a work of contemplation. Her chapters are like the beads of a mishbaha or rosary. Holding each chapter in mind as you read it will help you to remember yourself and the things that are important in this life. In many ways, this book is one big reminder.

Alessandra speaks to us in a kind, simple voice that will be deeply refreshing to people who are living through our bureaucratized era of humanitarian action. There is no jargon in this book; its pages are full of stories, poems, and wise words. Alessandra writes as one of us and boasts no special expertise. She is truly herself and hopes that we too will become our true selves, rather than let our way of working and the damaging cultures of our organizations distort us. More than suggesting this, Alessandra actually takes us, in the gradual movement of each reflection, toward a way of being which offers us the means to stay healthy in this work or leave it well.

This book's appearance is perfectly timed. It comes at a moment when many humanitarian workers are admitting that the sector is too often marked by a dysfunctional culture-one in which people get more burned out from the bad habits of their organizations than from the suffering they see in the wars and disasters in which they work. This has to stop. Alessandra makes clear that we need to treat ourselves humanely, just as we declare our main aim is to show humanity to others.

Alessandra's work has always been as much about "helping the helpers" as about helping people directly hurt by armed conflict and disasters. In these pages you will find the gold from all her years of sifting patiently through people's experience. Her message is simple: choose life, and be realistic about it. For it is only by being realistic that activists and humanitarian workers will avoid the inevitable disenchantment of idealism and find a good, healthy way to be close to the suffering of this world. And it is only by creating respectful and creative work cultures that we will avoid burnout.

At the heart of Alessandra's message to each of us is the idea that the challenge lies within, so it is within that we must change. As she reminds us, this should not be too difficult, because burnout is not a mental health condition-it is situational and attitudinal, and usually we can change these things fairly easily.

When I set off for my first humanitarian operation on the Sudanese border with Ethiopia in 1985, I took my sister's old Sony Walkman with me. A Walkman was considered amazing technology back then, and I chose four tapes to take along with me: Mozart, Schubert, Brahms, and, because I am rather British, Elgar too. In the evenings and on my days off, I would listen to these in my tukul, the traditional Sudanese hut, or down by the river. I also read many novels in those days and maintained a prayer life, too, because I am religious. Alongside these more contemplative efforts, I also tried to develop heartfelt relationships with people I met so as always to remain more human than humanitarian.

All of this helped to keep me from burning out and meant that I returned fairly sane and still connected with myself and with the beautiful things of life. In subsequent years, it was not always thus, and I wish now that I had been lucky enough to have Alessandra's book beside me at those other times. But now I will-and this news should come as a great relief to my poor soul and to the people around me.

I commend this book to you most warmly. It is an honor to write its preface."

- Dr. Hugo Slim, Head of Policy, The International Committee of the Red Cross

Geneva, Switzerland, May 2016

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The idealist's survival kit - Alessandra Pigni

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From the foreword by Hugo Slim, Head Of Policy, International Committee of the Red Cross "The brief chapters, or reflections, in this book are like the famous mezze from the kitchens of the Middle East, the part of the world in which this book was born.

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Wer Widerstand leistet gegen bestehende Herrschaftsverhältnisse ist häufig mit Repression konfrontiert. Diese kann viele verschiedene Gesichter haben: gewalttätiges Vorgehen der Polizei, juristische Kriminalisierung, Überwachung oder Einsperrung. Ebenso vielfältig sind die negativen Folgen von Repression oder auch von Konfrontationen mit Nazis: neben leicht greifbaren Auswirkungen wie einer blutigen Nase oder finanzieller Belastung durch Prozesskosten gibt es auch weniger offensichtliche Auswirkungen wie emotionalen Stress bis hin zu einem psychischen Trauma.

Diese Auswirkungen sind durchaus gewollt: Über die Traumatisierung Einzelner soll allgemein von politischem Widerstand abgeschreckt werden, indem ein Gefühl von Handlungsunfähigkeit und Ohnmacht gegenüber staatlicher Herrschaft erzeugt wird. Die Betroffenen ziehen sich häufig aus der Bewegung und auch aus ihrem persönlichen Umfeld zurück, wenn sie keine Unterstützung bei der Bewältigung des Erlebten erhalten.

Die Emotionale Erste Hilfe-Gruppe Out of Action kämpft gegen diese Effekte von Gewalt und Repression und für einen offenen, solidarischen Umgang miteinander.

Wir bieten Unterstützung von Aktivist_innen für Aktivist_innen. D.h. wir sind keine Expert_innen für das Thema „Trauma", sondern uns hat unsere politische Arbeit zusammen gebracht. Wir glauben, dass Menschen immer Expert_innen ihrer eigenen Situation sind. Wir möchten Informationen zum Thema zugänglich machen und bei der Bewältigung schwieriger Situationen unterstützen. Unser Ziel ist dabei, uns selbst überflüssig zu machen.

Wir sprechen uns gegen Leistungsdenken und eine Kultur der Härte aus, welche uns auch innerhalb von emanzipatorischen Bewegungen immer wieder begegnen. Auch die Individualisierung von psychischen Problemen unter Verkennung der gesellschaftlichen Ebene ist ein typisches Phänomen im Kapitalismus, das auch in unseren politischen Zusammenhängen nach wie vor verbreitet ist.

Als Anti-Repressionsgruppe schließen wir eine Kooperation mit Repressionsorganen kategorisch aus. Die Gespräche, die wir mit Ratsuchenden führen, sowie deren Inhalte behandeln wir absolut vertraulich. Wir haben den Anspruch, in unseren eigenen Zusammenhängen bestehende Hierarchien abzubauen und rassistische, sexistische und andere diskriminierende Strukturen aufzulösen. Des Weiteren sind wir keine Dienstleister_innen, sondern wir entscheiden individuell, ob wir bei einem bestimmten Event vor Ort sind bzw. Gruppen und Personen unterstützen; dazu gehören aber keinesfalls Nazis, Rassist_innen, Antisemit_innen, Sexist_innen und andere Vertreter_innen antiemanzipatorischen Verhaltens.

Out of Action, der Name unserer Gruppe, beinhaltet für uns unsere eigene Herangehensweise, sowie gemeinsam erarbeitete Grundlagen und Standards, auf die wir uns geeinigt haben.

Wir freuen uns, wenn andere bzw. ihr am Thema Trauma arbeitet, Emotionale Erste Hilfe anbietet etc. Wir unterstützen euch gerne bei der Gründung einer Gruppe, geben Workshops und Infoveranstaltungen. Wenn ihr Teil der bundesweiten Out of Action-Struktur werden wollt, wendet euch bitte an uns! Ansonsten bitten wir euch, für eure Gruppe einen anderen Namen zu wählen, da Out of Action ein individueller Gruppenname und kein Label ist, gleichbedeutend mit jeglicher Repressionsarbeit auf emotionaler/psychischer Ebene.

Wir wünschen uns, dass unser Anliegen aufgegriffen und weiterverbreitet wird, um den Mechanismen der kapitalistisch organisierten Gesellschaft, die wir ablehnen, weiterhin den Boden zu entziehen!

Für ein solidarisches Miteinander!

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Wer Widerstand leistet gegen bestehende Herrschaftsverhältnisse ist häufig mit Repression konfrontiert. Diese kann viele verschiedene Gesichter haben: gewalttätiges Vorgehen der Polizei, juristische Kriminalisierung, Überwachung oder Einsperrung. Ebenso vielfältig sind die negativen Folgen von Repression oder auch von Konfrontationen mit Nazis: neben leicht greifbaren Auswirkungen wie einer blutigen Nase oder finanzieller Belastung durch Prozesskosten gibt es auch weniger offensichtliche Auswirkungen wie emotionalen Stress bis hin zu einem psychischen Trauma.