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US abortion law overturned after 50 years: Trump says God made this decision | English News | WION

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Anticipation

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Travail sur un extrait de Scarlet Letter

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Travail sur un extrait de Scarlet Letter

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Imagine de Lennon - paroles et consignes (élèves)

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Imagine de Lennon - paroles et consignes (élèves)

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fiche de révision pour le bac

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sexism and racism

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Being a woman, a wife , a mother and suffering from domestic violence

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John Green's Crash course on the Handmaid's Tale - part 2

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John Green's Crash course on the Handmaid's Tale - part 2

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The Handmaid's Tale, Part 2: Crash Course Literature 404

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John Green's Crash Course on The Handmaid's Tale - part 1

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John Green's Crash Course on The Handmaid's Tale - part 1

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The Handmaid's Tale, Part 1: Crash Course Literature 403

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chapitre un pour les élèves qui n'ont pas encore le livre

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chapitre un pour les élèves qui n'ont pas encore le livre

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Shamsia Hassani, an Afghan street artist

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Shamsia Hassani, an Afghan street artist

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recent article about persecution against female Afghan artists

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recent article about persecution against female Afghan artists

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Over the past week, the world has watched as Afghanistan's government collapsed and the Taliban secured rule of the country. Now, questions are circling about what will happen next, especially for women and girls, who under the last period of Taliban rule were denied access to education and the ability to work.

In the 20 years since the Taliban was ousted by US-led forces, women and girls, especially in urban centres such as Kabul, have realised some broader freedoms. According to the USAID development agency, more than 3.5m girls were enrolled in school this year, but the country has remained a difficult place for women to thrive. The arts have been a means by which some courageous women have sought to make their voices heard.

Shamsia Hassani, an art lecturer at Kabul University, is known as Afghanistan's first female graffiti artist. She began by painting on abandoned buildings and war-torn edifices on the streets of Kabul, making her art accessible to people going about their daily lives and for whom galleries and exhibitions were a rarity. But painting so publicly was dangerous because of both continuing violence and the harassment she faced as a female artist.

Hassani developed a technique she called "dreaming graffiti", in which she takes photographs of her city and then graffitis over them. Her images are a mix of bold and colourful illustrations often set against a darker, sober background. Many feature the same main character, a young girl in traditional clothing, wearing a headscarf. Her angular face has no facial features besides closed eyes and long eyelashes. She has no mouth to speak with but the character expresses herself through the various objects she is depicted alongside, from musical instruments to dandelions, to paper planes and boats conjuring thoughts of freedom and escape.

Her art feels like a testament to the strength and resilience of Afghan women but also to Hassani's ability to continue to envision hope

I am struck and moved by how much emotion and feeling Hassani conveys through the sparse drawings and outlines of buildings and cityscapes, and the mostly featureless faces. So much artistic communication relies on the way in which Hassani positions the bodies in her work, and how she relates them to the objects in the images.

In one illustration posted on Instagram this week, a young girl kneels with her face in her hands at the feet of a soldier whose body we only see from the waist down. But we also see the butt of his rifle by his side. And we see a small pot with a single dandelion. It is glowing, bathed in its own light, even in the ominous scene. But it is still losing its seeds, emblematic of the fragility of life and hope.

Works like this seem to represent many of Hassani's images, where beauty and hope are juxtaposed in the same frame with exploding buildings, darkened skylines, shadowy male figures. Her art feels like a testament to the strength and resilience of Afghan women but also to Hassani's ability to continue to envision hope, to proclaim light and life, and to encourage and remind those who see her work that the power of a woman's voice is not easily silenced, even when her mouth is closed.

Afghan artist and curator Rada Akbar, 33, wants to draw attention to the long history of inspiring and accomplished Afghan women. As part of her work, she hopes to remind the world that "the history of Afghan women did not start after 2001".

In March 2019, Akbar launched an annual exhibition called Abarzanan, which translates as "Superwomen", an installation of female mannequins honouring women who've shown strength and resilience in the face of misogyny and patriarchal oppression. The mannequins were presented in works of wearable art that draw on the skill of a wide range of Afghan craftspeople and creatives, from painters to calligraphers to jewellers, celebrating Afghan cultural heritage and highlighting the people who exemplify women's empowerment.

The exhibitions have also paid homage to women who lost their lives under a patriarchal system that limits women's freedom and independence. One installation is of a headless life-sized figure dressed in a long full white burial gown. There is a large ring around her shoulders, so it appears the body is submerged, though it is still fully visible to viewers.

Above the headless form, a shower of stones is suspended in the air, as though raining down from the sky. The stones are lit up and cast a powerful reflection in a circle of light at the base of the mannequin. The work is a tribute to a woman known as Rokhshana, a 19-year-old from the central Afghan province of Ghor, who was stoned to death under Taliban orders after fleeing a forced marriage.

In a stirring speech at the second exhibition, Akbar said: "This exhibition is a response to those powerful men. They want us to remain within the boundaries they negotiated for us. They want us to remain silent, obedient, fearful. We will not.

"If there's anything we can learn from the history of women's struggles in Afghanistan and in the region, it is that even the most oppressive regimes were not able to poison the seeds of rebellion and freedom that grow in our hearts. We'll not go back. We will not submit to the boundaries others create for us. We will not be silent."

Born in Tehran but based in Kabul, the Afghan artist, photographer and curator Fatimah Hossaini wants her work to show a different version of her country and of women. Her images are striking and vivid. Her women reveal their faces, a visibility that draws a viewer into the narrative, catching imaginative glimpses into their personalities and perhaps their lives. Women anywhere are so rarely acknowledged on their own terms without the age-old layers of cultural and societal narratives that try to preset and establish the female identity of any culture.

Hossaini practices what she calls staged photography, so the women are sometimes positioned to suggest particular narratives about their daily lives. They are seen playing traditional instruments, having tea, or engaged in activities atypical for women in public, such as riding a bicycle or reading an international newspaper.

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Hossaini wants the world to see a diversity of Afghan women, and to acknowledge the wide range of their interiority. For her, art is the medium for that. She has said she wants to stay and work in Afghanistan but, as for all these artists, the future remains uncertain.
Enuma Okoro Follow on Twitter to find out about our latest stories first is a New York-based columnist for FT Life & Arts

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'We will not be silent' - the plight of Afghanistan's women artists

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Over the past week, the world has watched as Afghanistan's government collapsed and the Taliban secured rule of the country. Now, questions are circling about what will happen next, especially for women and girls, who under the last period of Taliban rule were denied access to education and the ability to work.

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Imagine by John Lennon, a famous utopia...

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Imagine by John Lennon, a famous utopia...

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1984, the conditioning of individuals and the new language

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1984, the conditioning of individuals and the new language

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Orwell/Huxley : 1984 ou le meilleur des mondes

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Harper Collins - Vox, by Christina Dalcher

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Sujet 0 > l'art et la grande dépression > artistes engagés.

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Sujet 0 > l'art et la grande dépression > artistes engagés.

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Extrait de la base de données ministérielles

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Literature and film can open up to the depth and immensity of social truths we find profoundly difficult, if not impossible, to articulate. If our political vocabulary (as Oxford Dictionaries suggested in their word of the year) has become "post-truth," it can seem like the only honest representations of reality are found in the imaginary.

Amidst the violent upheavals of the last couple decades, for example, we have seen an explosion of the dystopian, that venerable yet modern genre we use to explain our contemporary political conditions to ourselves. It has become common practice in serious debate to gesture toward the outsized cinematic scenarios of Snowpiercer, or The Hunger Games and Harry Potter series, as stand-ins for disturbing present realities.

You may have also encountered recent references to literary speculative fiction like William Gibson's The Peripheral, Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale, Olivia Butler's Parable series, and Philip K. Dick's Radio Free Albemuth, the first novel Dick wrote before about his supposed religious experience. Drafted in 1976 but only published posthumously in 1985, Dick's prescient novel takes place in an alternate U.S. (like The Man in the High Castle), in which paranoid right-wing zealot Ferris Fremont, a Joseph McCarthy/Richard Nixon-like figure, succeeds Lyndon Johnson as president.

There is no point in dwelling on the ethics of Ferris Fremont.... The Soviets backed him, the right-wingers backed him, and finally just about everyone... Fremont had the backing of the US intelligence community, as they liked to call themselves, and exigents played an effective role in decimating political opposition. In a one-party system there is always a landslide.

The stifling totalitarian control Fremont exercises is very much a hallmark of dystopian fiction. But does Dick's novel---set in an alternate present rather than a frightening future, and with an alien/supernatural invasion---qualify as dystopian? What about Harry Potter, with its fairy tale intrusions of the magical into the present? The TED Ed video at the top, narrated by Alex Gendler, sets flexible boundaries for a category we've mostly come to associate with prophetic, futuristic science fiction, and offers a broadly comprehensive definition.

The word dystopia, a Greek coinage for "bad place," dates to 1868, from a usage by John Stuart Mill to characterize the industrial world's moral inversion of Sir Thomas More's Utopia. That word, Gendler points out, is a term More invented to mean either "no place" or "good place." Gendler dates the emergence of the dystopian to Jonathan Swift's satire Gulliver's Travels, a book, like Harry Potter, set in an alternate present featuring many monstrous intrusions of the fantastic into the real. Unlike the boy wizard's saga, however, the monsters in Gulliver serve as allegories for us.

Swift, Gendler argues, "established a blueprint for dystopia." His Lilliputians, Bobdingnagians, Laputions, and Houyhnhnms all represent "certain trends in contemporary society... taken to extremes." In later examples, the form continued to reflect the pernicious thought and science of the age: the extreme eugenics of H.G. Wells' The Time Machine, the prison-like factory conditions of Fritz Lang's film Metropolis, the repressive hyper-rationalization in Yevgeny Zamyatin's 1924 Soviet-based dystopia We, and the medical technocracy of Aldous Huxley's Brave New World.

Borrowing liberally from Zamyatin and competing with Huxley, George Orwell's 1984 set a new standard of verisimilitude for dystopian fiction, starkly reminding thousands of post-war readers that "the best-known dystopias were not imaginary at all," Gendler says. The historical nightmares of World War II and the following Cold War dictatorships birthed horrors for which we can never find appropriate language. And so we turn to novels like 1984 and Kurt Vonnegut's Cat's Cradle, both of which aptly show us worlds where language has ceased to function in any ordinary communicative sense.

Perhaps one of the most-referenced of dystopian novels in U.S. political discourse, Sinclair Lewis' 1935 It Can't Happen Here, gave little but its title to the popular lexicon. "Lewis," writes Alexander Nazaryan in The New Yorker, "was never much of an artist, but what he lacked in style he made up for with social observation." The novel "envisioned how easily," Gendler says, "democracy gives way to fascism." The crisis point comes when the people want "safety and conservatism again," as Roosevelt observed that same year---a year in which "the promise of the New Deal," Nazaryan remarks, "remained unfulfilled for many."

The irony of Lewis' scenario is that those left behind by Roosevelt's policies are those who suffer most under the fictional presidency of authoritarian Senator Berzelius "Buzz" Windrip. Meanwhile, the more comfortable console themselves with hollow denials: "it can't happen here." Extreme economic inequality and social stratification have been an essential feature of classical utopian fiction since its first appearance in Plato's Republic. In the modern literary dystopia, the science, technology, and political mechanization that philosophers once celebrated become implacable weapons of war against the citizenry.

For all the malleable boundaries of the genre-which strays into science fiction, fantasy, surrealism, and satire-dystopian fictions all have one unifying theme: "At their heart," says Gendler, "dystopias are cautionary tales, not about some particular government or technology, but the very idea that humanity can be molded into an ideal shape."
Related Content: A Clockwork Orange Author Anthony Burgess Lists His Five Favorite Dystopian Novels: Orwell's 1984, Huxley's Island & More Octavia Butler's 1998 Dystopian Novel Features a Fascistic Presidential Candidate Who Promises to "Make America Great Again" Huxley to Orwell: My Hellish Vision of the Future is Better Than Yours (1949) is a writer and musician based in Durham, NC. Follow him at @jdmagness

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How to Recognize a Dystopia: Watch an Animated Introduction to Dystopian Fiction

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Literature and film can open up to the depth and immensity of social truths we find profoundly difficult, if not impossible, to articulate. If our political vocabulary (as Oxford Dictionaries suggested in their word of the year) has become "post-truth," it can seem like the only honest representations of reality are found in the imaginary.

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COpié de https://www.hoddereducation.co.uk/media/Documents/English/Study-and-Revise_The-Handmaid-s-Tale_Sample-Pages.pdf

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Maya Angelou, "Caged Bird" from Shaker, Why Don't You Sing? Copyright © 1983 by Maya Angelou. Used by permission of Random House, an imprint and division of Penguin Random House LLC. All rights reserved.

Source: The Complete Collected Poems of Maya Angelou (Random House Inc., 1994)

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Caged Bird by Maya Angelou | Poetry Foundation

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Iconic Author Margaret Atwood on Abortion, Twitter, and Predicting Everything We're Doing Wrong

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Margaret Atwood Talks Real Life Gilead Events | The View

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Margaret Atwood: A Word After a Word After a Word Is Power Trailer | CPH:DOX 2020

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American stand-up comedian Jena Friedman in a 1 woman show

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American stand-up comedian Jena Friedman in a 1 woman show

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Jena Friedman: Treat Nazis Like You Treat Women  - CONAN on TBS

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Femen's breast bearing: firebrand feminism or foolish fad? - italk

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who are they ?

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an original campaign against battered women

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an original campaign against battered women

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why am I a feminist ?

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Simone de Beauvoir Interview  Why I'm a feminist 1975 English Subs

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Virginia Woolf's feminism through her writings

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Virginia Woolf's feminism through her writings

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Cornell University Press fosters a culture of broad and sustained inquiry through the publication of scholarship that is engaged, influential, and of lasting significance.

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being a female monarch...

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fighting for equal pay

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Water *Official Trailer* - With English Subs (HD)

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A woman of power...

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A woman in politics

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Veep - Season 1: Trailer - Official HBO UK

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Handmade's Tale, THE series not to be missed

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Handmade's Tale, THE series not to be missed

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THE HANDMAIDS TALE Season 1 TRAILER (2017) Hulu Series

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THE EVOLUTION OF pEGGY oLSON

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The Evolution of Peggy Olson (Mad Men Supercut)

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Médecin, poète et éditorialiste, née au Bangladesh en 1962, Taslima Nasreen s'est fait mondialement connaître pour ses positions en faveur des femmes opprimées par les religions, et notamment par le fondamentalisme islamique. Des positions qui ont déchaîné de telles passions qu'une petite fille est aujourd'hui encore appelée "Taslima" quand elle refuse d'obéir.

Née de parents aisés et cultivés, Taslima Nasreen devient gynécologue dans un hôpital pendant quelques années. Un métier qu'elle voulait exercer au service des femmes dans les pays musulmans. Mais c'est surtout comme femme de lettres qu'elle exprime son féminisme.

Elle est encore au lycée lorsque publie et édite un magazine littéraire : Lumière dans les ténèbres.

Par la suite, elle va de succès en succès avec des recueils de poèmes, des romans et des éditoriaux qui lui attirent un public de plus en plus large. Aujourd'hui, ses œuvres sont traduites dans plus de 20 langues. Et notamment en français.

En 1994, contrainte à l'exil, elle s'installe en Suède et le Parlement européen lui remet le Prix Sakharov pour la Liberté de Pensée. Elle choisit ensuite de vivre à Berlin ou à New York.

En 1999, Mme Sheikh Hasina Wajed, Première ministre du Bangla Desh, rappelant que Taslima Nasreen a été "trois fois divorcée", déclare qu'elle fait interdire "Enfance, au féminin", un livre qui "n'est ni plus ni moins que de la pornographie". Taslima Nasreen réplique :

"Je suis victime d'un Etat dont le Premier ministre est une femme. Et parce je suis allée un cran trop loin dans la dénonciation de la religion et de l'oppression des femmes, j'ai dû quitter mon pays. Des femmes se sont opposées à moi quand j'ai parlé des droits humains. Selon elles, Dieu ne reconnaît pas tant de droits à la femme. Mais j'ai rencontré dans mon pays des hommes qui réfutent ce que disent les textes religieux et qui croient à l'égalité. Cela ne dépend pas du sexe, mais de la conscience de chacun... Tant qu'une société sera basée sur la religion, tant que la loi ne reconnaîtra pas l'égalité des sexes, la politique ne pourra pas faire avancer la cause des femmes. "

En 2004, elle obtient un permis de séjour en Inde et vit à Calcutta, où, dit-elle, " je pouvais parler ma langue et profiter de la culture bengali ". En 2007, elle reçoit le Prix des Droits de l'homme de la République française.

Mais sa prise de position contre le voile intégral provoque des émeutes et, victime d'une fatwa comme Salman Rushdie, sa tête est mise à prix par un groupe islamiste indien.La prime pour sa décapitation est de 500 000 roupies (environ 9 000 €). En 2008, la voici à nouveau exilée en Europe où elle reçoit le Prix Simone de Beauvoir et devient citoyenne d'honneur de Paris. Mais en Aôut 2010, au terme d'une mobilisation d'intellectuels et de diplomates européens, son visa est finalement est renouvelé.

Pour Caroline Fourest, avec qui elle co-signe "Libres de le dire ..." ce signal est "la preuve que l'obscurantisme a moins d'impact lorsque les démocrates laïques s'unissent pour refuser l'intimidation" et "Peu de femmes incarnent, aussi bien que Taslima Nasreen, la révolte face à l'oppression patriarcale et intégriste".

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Talsima Nasreen : La femme musulmane selon Talsima Nasreen en vidéo

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Médecin, poète et éditorialiste, née au Bangladesh en 1962, Taslima Nasreen s'est fait mondialement connaître pour ses positions en faveur des femmes opprimées par les religions, et notamment par le fondamentalisme islamique. Des positions qui ont déchaîné de telles passions qu'une petite fille est aujourd'hui encore appelée "Taslima" quand elle refuse d'obéir.

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Nameless and Friendless by Emily Osborn 1857

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Nameless and Friendless by Emily Osborn 1857

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Judy CHICAGO: an American female painter

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Judy CHICAGO: an American female painter

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The Crowning

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Banksy art criticises treatment of Calais refugees (2016)

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The Crucible / McCarthysm - Context - Why Miller wrote The Crucible

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The Crucible / McCarthysm - Context - Why Miller wrote The Crucible

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Art as being a source of debate and resistance

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Gary Oldman, Demi Moore - The Scarlet Letter trailer

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Gary Oldman Web : http://twitter.com/GaryOldmanWeb The Scarlet Letter trailer (1995)

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Witch hunts in Salem explained to children

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Witch hunts in Salem explained to children

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What really happened during the Salem Witch Trials - Brian A. Pavlac

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On May 15, 2019, the Alabama State Senate passed a bill that restricts the right to abortion by criminalising doctors who do the procedure. This was followed the next day by the Missouri State Senate passing a law forbidding abortions after 8 weeks of pregnancy. These two bills are the latest in a rapidly escalating attack on a woman's constitutionally protected right to an abortion. Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, and Ohio have all already successfully passed legislation banning abortion after 6 weeks of pregnancy this year.

To read this article in full you will need to make a payment

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We must all support women in the fight for abortion

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On May 15, 2019, the Alabama State Senate passed a bill that restricts the right to abortion by criminalising doctors who do the procedure. This was followed the next day by the Missouri State Senate passing a law forbidding abortions after 8 weeks of pregnancy.

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Poland abortion: Top Court rules out termination for birth defects

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The power/burden of religion: "Unorthodox", a Netflix Series

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The power/burden of religion: "Unorthodox", a Netflix Series

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Unorthodox official Trailer Netflix 2020

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How the Handmaid's tale costume became the symbol of the abortion rights movement.

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How the 'Handmaid's Tale' costume became a symbol of the abortion rights movement

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Over the past two years, a tense political climate, abortion rights advocacy and Hulu's marketing have made the iconic red cape a symbol of protest.

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A demonstration in Philadelphia, July 2018

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A demonstration in Philadelphia, July 2018

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We condemn Alabama's recently passed abortion ban threatening the health and lives of women. The ban applies even in cases of rape and incest and puts doctors at risk of imprisonment for up to 99 years for trying to help women.

States across the U.S. are passing the most restrictive abortion laws in decades. Georgia, Ohio, and Mississippi recently passed legislation making abortion illegal past six weeks into pregnancy, a time when the vast majority of women are not aware they are pregnant. Bans similar to Alabama's have been introduced in other state legislatures and seven US states have passed bills this year that narrow the window for abortion. Many legal observers predict these bans will set up court battles meant to overturn Roe v. Wade.

This dangerous trend puts women's lives at risk.

The US has been exporting anti-choice measures as well. The Trump administration recently expanded the global gag rule which prohibits any organization from receiving funding from the U.S. government if they provide services, referrals, and advocacy related to abortion - even with non-U.S. government financing. As a result, millions of women worldwide will be shut off from comprehensive sexual and reproductive health information and services.

"This is much bigger than abortion," said Musimbi Kanyoro, President and CEO of Global Fund for Women. "The global gag rule affects family planning, maternal health, HIV prevention and services, the LGBTIQ community, sex education for young people-it affects the whole of women's health care around the world. Expanding this policy directly targets the world's women and girls, and rolls back reproductive health and rights globally."

Limitations to abortion rights in the U.S. or anywhere in the globe restrict women's fundamental self-determination and control over their bodies, lives, and destinies.

We know that lack of accessibility to abortion does not reduce the number of abortions. In fact, the rates of unsafe abortion are highest where there are the most restrictions. According to recent estimates, at least 8% of maternal deaths worldwide are from unsafe abortion; at least 22,800 women die each year from complications of unsafe abortion. In 2014, the annual cost of providing post-abortion care from unsafe abortions in developing countries was US$232 million.

Anti-abortion laws have powerful and negative economic consequences. Women in the U.S. who want an abortion, but are denied one, are more likely to spend years living in poverty than women with abortion access.

This public health crisis is 100% avoidable.

Across the world, women are fighting with creativity, resilience, and determination for their sexual and reproductive health and rights. Global Fund for Women wholeheartedly supports these movements.

"It is appalling that in the 21st century we are still battling efforts to criminalize abortion which is an integral part of women's health and rights," said Leila Hessini, Vice President of Programs. "As a global fund, we are inspired by the activists and organizations in the U.S. and across the globe that are working to dismantle sexism and ensure that all women have control and power over their sexual and reproductive lives."

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U.S.'s Extreme Anti-Abortion Policies Put Women's Lives at Risk - in the U.S. and Around the Globe - Global Fund for Women

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We condemn Alabama's recently passed abortion ban threatening the health and lives of women. The ban applies even in cases of rape and incest and puts doctors at risk of imprisonment for up to 99 years for trying to help women. States across the U.S. are passing the most restrictive abortion laws in decades.

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The United States anti-abortion movement (also called the pro-life movement or right-to-life movement) contains elements opposing induced abortion on both moral and religious grounds and supports its legal prohibition or restriction. Advocates generally argue that human life begins at conception and that the human zygote (or embryo or fetus) is a person and therefore has a right to life. The anti-abortion movement includes a variety of organizations, with no single centralized decision-making body. There are diverse arguments and rationales for the anti-abortion stance. Some anti-abortion activists allow for some permissible abortions, including therapeutic abortions, in exceptional circumstances such as incest, rape, severe fetal defects or when the woman's health is at risk.

Before the Supreme Court 1973 decisions in and Doe v. Bolton, anti-abortion views predominated and found expression in state laws which prohibited or restricted abortions in a variety of ways. (See Abortion in the United States.) The anti-abortion movement became politically active and dedicated to the reversal of the Roe v. Wade decision, which struck down most state laws restricting abortion in the first trimester of pregnancy. In the United States, the movement is associated with several Christian religious groups, especially the Catholic Church, and is frequently, but not exclusively, allied with the Republican Party. The movement is also supported by secular organizations (such as Secular Pro-Life) and non-mainstream anti-abortion feminists. The movement seeks to reverse Roe v. Wade and to promote legislative changes or constitutional amendments, such as the Human Life Amendment, that prohibit or at least broadly restrict abortion.

On the other side of the abortion debate in the United States is the abortion-rights movement (also called the pro-choice movement), which argues that pregnant women should have the right to choose whether or not to have an abortion.

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, a movement to liberalize abortion laws gained momentum due in part to the second-wave feminist movement and to a number of high-profile therapeutic abortion cases, such as that of Sherri Finkbine. In 1965, a Supreme Court decision in Griswold v. Connecticut set a precedent for an expansive right to privacy in the area of reproductive healthcare. In the late 1960s, in response to nationwide abortion-rights efforts, a number of organizations were formed to mobilize opinion against the legalization of abortion. Most of these were led by Catholic institutions and communities; most evangelical Christian groups did not see abortion as a clear-cut or priority issue at the time. The first major U.S. organization in the modern anti-abortion movement, the National Right to Life Committee, was formed out of the United States Catholic Conference in 1967.

The description "pro-life" was adopted by the right-to-life (anti-abortion) movement in the United States following the Supreme Court 1973 decision , which held that a woman may terminate her pregnancy prior to the viability of the fetus outside of the womb and may also terminate her pregnancy "subsequent to viability ... for the preservation of the life or health of the mother." The term pro-life was adopted instead of anti-abortion to highlight their proponents' belief that abortion is the taking of a human life, rather than an issue concerning the restriction of women's reproductive rights, as the pro choice movement would say. The first organized action was initiated by U.S. Catholic bishops who recommended in 1973 that the U.S. Constitution should be amended to ban abortion.

Roe v. Wade was considered a major setback by anti-abortion campaigners. The case and the overturning of most anti-abortion laws spurred the growth of a largely religious-based anti-abortion political and social movement, even as Americans were becoming, in the 1970s and 1980s, increasingly pro-choice. The first major anti-abortion success since Roe's case came in 1976 with the passing of the Hyde Amendment prohibiting the use of certain federal funds for abortions. In Harris v. McRae, anti-abortion advocates won a 1980 challenge to the Hyde Amendment. That same year, anti-abortion politicians gained control of the Republican Party's platform committee, adding anti-abortion planks to the Republican position, and calling for a Human Life Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, banning abortion. Four anti-abortion U.S. Presidents - Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump - were elected.

Lisa Miller of The Washington Post wrote about the younger, more feminine face of the anti-abortion movement with the rise of leaders such as Lila Rose of Live Action, Marjorie Dannenfelser of the Susan B. Anthony List, Charmaine Yoest of Americans United for Life, Penny Nance of Concerned Women for America, and Kristan Hawkins of Students for Life, all "youngish Christian working mothers with children at home" who seek to combat the image of the anti-abortion movement as made up of "old white men" who cannot relate to the experience of pregnant women.

The anti-abortion movement has been successful in recent years in promoting new laws against abortion within the states. The Guttmacher Institute said eighty laws restricting abortion were passed in the first six months of 2011, "more than double the previous record of 34 abortion restrictions enacted in 2005-and more than triple the 23 enacted in 2010".

In 2019, six U.S. states (Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Missouri, Mississippi, and Ohio) enacted fetal heartbeat abortion bills. These heartbeat bills generally restrict abortion to the time period in pregnancy before a fetal heartbeat can be detected (which can be as early as six weeks of gestation or as late as twelve weeks). The bills face legal challenges, with their supporters stating they hope the legislation will allow the United States Supreme Court to reconsider Roe v Wade. Other abortion-related laws passed in several US states during this time period, which were upheld by the judicial system, include laws requiring an ultrasound before an abortion and laws that mandate fetal burial or cremation after an abortion.

The anti-abortion movement includes a variety of organizations, with no single centralized decision-making body. There are diverse arguments and rationales for the anti-abortion stance.

Many socially conservative organizations are involved in the anti-abortion movement. Some groups focus solely on promoting the anti-abortion cause, such as American Life League, the Susan B. Anthony List, National Right to Life Committee, Americans United for Life, and Live Action, among many others. Other groups support not only the anti-abortion cause but the broader family values cause, such as Family Research Council, Focus on the Family, American Family Association, and Concerned Women for America, among many others.

Abortion opponents generally believe that human life should be valued either from fertilization or implantation until natural death.[citation needed ] The contemporary anti-abortion movement is typically, but not exclusively, influenced by conservative Christian beliefs and has influenced certain strains of bioethical utilitarianism.[vague ] From that viewpoint, any action which destroys an embryo or fetus kills a person. Any deliberate destruction of human life is considered ethically or morally wrong and is not considered to be mitigated by any benefits to others, as such benefits are coming at the expense of the life of what they believe to be a person. In some cases, this belief extends to opposing abortion of fetuses that would almost certainly expire within a short time after birth, such as anencephalic fetuses.

Some abortion opponents also oppose certain forms of birth control, particularly hormonal contraception such as emergency contraception (ECPs), and copper IUDs which may prevent the implantation of a zygote. Because they believe that the term should be defined so as to begin at fertilization, they refer to these contraceptives as abortifacients because they cause the fertilized egg to be flushed out during menses. The Catholic Church endorses this view. There are, however, anti-abortion physicians who concur with the view that hormonal contraception does not block implantation.

Attachment to an anti-abortion position is often but not exclusively connected to religious beliefs about the sanctity of life (see also culture of life). Exclusively secular-humanist positions against abortion tend to be a minority viewpoint[citation needed ] among anti-abortion advocates; these groups say that their position is based on human rights and biology, rather than religion. Some holding the anti-abortion position also hold a complementarian view of gender roles, though there is also a self-described feminist element inside the movement.

The variety in opinion on the issue of abortion is reflected in the diverse views of religious groups. For example, the Catholic Church considers all procured abortions morally evil, while traditional Jewish teaching sanctions abortion if necessary to safeguard the life and well-being of the pregnant woman.

The only coordinated opposition to abortion in the United States during the late 1960s and early 1970s before the Roe v. Wade decision was from the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops and its Family Life Bureau. Mobilization of a wide-scale anti-abortion movement began immediately after 1973 with the creation of the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC).

Before 1980, the Southern Baptist Convention officially advocated for loosening of abortion restrictions. During the 1971 and 1974 Southern Baptist Conventions, Southern Baptists were called upon "to work for legislation that will allow the possibility of abortion under such conditions as rape, incest, clear evidence of severe fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother." W. Barry Garrett wrote in the Baptist Press, "Religious liberty, human equality and justice are advanced by the [Roe v. Wade] Supreme Court abortion decision." By 1980, conservative Protestant leaders became vocal in their opposition to legalized abortion, and by the early 1990s Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition of America became a significant anti-abortion organization. In 2005, Richard Land, president of the Southern Baptist Convention's Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, said that making abortion illegal is more important than any other issue.

Much of the anti-abortion movement in the United States and around the world finds support in the Roman Catholic Church, the Christian right, the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod and the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod, the Church of England, the Anglican Church in North America, the Eastern Orthodox Church, and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS). However, the anti-abortion teachings of these denominations vary considerably. The Eastern Orthodox Church and Roman Catholic Church consider abortion to be immoral in all cases, but may in some cases permit an act[citation needed ] which indirectly and without intent results in the death of the fetus in a case where the mother's life is threatened. In Pope John Paul II's Letter to Families he simply stated the Roman Catholic Church's view on abortion and euthanasia: "Laws which legitimize the direct killing of innocent human beings through abortion or euthanasia are in complete opposition to the inviolable right to life proper to every individual; they thus deny the equality of everyone before the law."

The National Association of Evangelicals has adopted a number of resolutions stating its opposition to abortion, but "recognizes that there might be situations in which terminating a pregnancy is warranted - such as protecting the life of a mother or in cases of rape or incest." The position of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) is that "elective abortion for personal or social convenience is contrary to the will and the commandments of God" but that abortion may be justified where the pregnancy endangers life of the mother, or where the pregnancy is the outcome of rape or incest. The Taskforce of United Methodists on Abortion and Sexuality (TUMAS) was formed in 1987 to further the anti-abortion ministry in The United Methodist Church. The Southern Baptist Convention believes that abortion is allowable only in cases where there is a direct threat to the life of the woman.

Among Mainline Protestant denominations, the Episcopal Church recognizes a right of a pregnant woman to terminate a pregnancy, but opposes "abortion as a means of birth control, family planning, sex selection or any reason of mere convenience." The United Church of Christ supports abortion rights, viewing it as a matter of reproductive health and justice. The Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) adopts the view that abortion is a personal choice, but acknowledges "diverse conclusions and actions" within the church on the issue. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America's position is that abortion prior to the point of viability "should not be prohibited by law or by lack of public funding" but that "abortion after the point of fetal viability should be prohibited except when the life of a mother is threatened or when fetal abnormalities pose a fatal threat to a newborn."

Supporters of the consistent life ethic also oppose abortions as one of the acts that end human life. In 1979, Juli Loesch linked anti-abortion and anti-nuclear weapons arguments to form the group Pro Lifers for Survival. In 1987 this group defined an ethic of the sanctity of all life, and formed the group Seamless Garment Network. This group was against abortion, euthanasia, capital punishment, militarism, poverty and racism. Beginning in 1983, American Catholic Cardinal Joseph Bernardin argued that abortion, euthanasia, capital punishment, and unjust war are all related, and all wrong. He said that "to be truly 'pro-life,' you have to take all of those issues into account." Paul M. Perl studied 1996 voter statistics and found that the consistent life ethic is difficult for religious leaders to promote because it combines the generally conservative anti-abortion stance with a liberal social attitude.

The Republican Party platform officially advocates an anti-abortion position, which developed alongside the modern pro-life movement. Before Roe v. Wade, the majority of Republicans were not anti-abortion, including most of the party's leadership, which typically cited abortion rights as included within an ideology of limited government and personal freedom. At the 1976 Republican National Convention, the party adopted an anti-abortion amendment as part of their platform, for strategic reasons. The party's leadership hoped to appeal to Catholics, a demographic which had traditionally voted Democratic, a party at the time containing fairly liberal economic views with mixed opinions on social ones, but who might be put off by growing cultural liberalism and who made up the core of the anti-abortion movement. Over time, the anti-abortion plank of the Republican platform became one rallying point for a growing conservative religious coalition in the party, which drove out many pro-choice Republicans and led to a long-term shift in the party's public image and identity.

However, there are some pro-choice Republicans. The Republican group The Wish List supports pro-choice Republican women just as EMILY's List supports pro-choice Democratic women. The Susan B. Anthony List (SBA List) is dedicated to "increasing the percentage of anti-abortion women in Congress and high public office," and seeks to eliminate abortion in the U.S. The Democrats for Life of America are a group of anti-abortion Democrats on the political left who advocate for an anti-abortion plank in the Democratic Party's platform and for anti-abortion Democratic candidates. Former vice-presidential candidate Sargent Shriver, the late Robert Casey, a former two-term governor of Pennsylvania, and former Rep. Bart Stupak (D-Mich), a former leader of the bipartisan anti-abortion caucus in the United States House of Representatives, have been among the most well-known anti-abortion Democrats. However, following his vote in favor of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Marjorie Dannenfelser of the SBA List reported that her organization was revoking an anti-abortion award it had been planning to give to Stupak, and anti-abortion organizations accused Stupak of having betrayed the anti-abortion movement.

The New York Times reported in 2011 that the anti-abortion movement in the United States had been undergoing a disagreement over tactics. Since Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973, the movement had usually focused on chipping away at Roe through incremental restrictions such as laws requiring parental consent or women to see sonograms, restricting late-term abortions, etc., with the goal of limiting abortions and changing "hearts and minds" until there is a majority on the Supreme Court to overturn Roe. However, some activists were calling for "an all-out legal assault on Roe. v. Wade", seeking the enactment of laws defining legal personhood as beginning at fertilization or prohibiting abortions after a fetal heartbeat is detectable at six to eight weeks in the hope that court challenges to such laws would lead the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade. Such activists believed that then-Justice Anthony Kennedy, who nearly decided to overturn Roe in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, was open to rethinking Roe. Others feared that such a legal challenge would result in the solidification of the 1973 decision in Roe. Evangelical Christian groups tended to be in the former camp and Catholic groups in the latter.

Among those who believe that abortion is murder, some believe it may be appropriate to punish it with death. While attempts to criminalize abortion generally focus on the doctor, Texas state Rep. Tony Tinderholt (R) introduced a bill in 2017 and 2019 that may enable the death penalty in Texas for women who have abortions, and the Ohio legislature considered a similar bill in 2018.

Studies indicate that activists within the American anti-abortion movement are predominantly white and educated, with a majority of anti-abortion activism constituted by women. Scholars continue to dispute the primary factors that cause individuals to become anti-abortion activists. While some have suggested that a particular moral stance or worldview leads to activism, others have suggested that activism leads individuals to develop particular moral positions and worldviews.

A 1981 survey of dues paying members of the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) by sociologist Donald O. Granberg found that survey respondents held conservative views on sex, sex education, and contraception. Additionally, Granberg's survey provided basic demographic characteristics of his sample: 98% of survey respondents were white, 63% were female, 58% had a college degree, and 70% were Catholic. Granberg concluded that conservative personal morality was the primary mechanism for explaining an individual's involvement in the anti-abortion movement.

A 2002 study by Carol J.C. Maxwell drawing on decades of survey and interview data of direct-action activists within the anti-abortion movement found that 99% of the sample was white, 60% was female, 51% had a college degree, and 29% were Catholic. Like Granberg's 1981 study, Maxwell concluded that anti-abortion and abortion-rights activists held two different worldviews which in turn are formed by two different moral centers.

In 2008, sociologist Ziad Munson studied the characteristics of both activists and non-activists who considered themselves anti-abortion. The anti-abortion activists of Munson's sample were 93% white, 57% female, 66% Catholic, and 71% had a college degree. Of non-activists who considered themselves anti-abortion, Munson found that 83% were white, 52% were female, 45% were Catholic, and 76% had a college degree. In Munson's analysis personal moralities and worldviews are formed as a consequence of participation in anti-abortion activism. Munson's analysis differs from previous scholarly work in its assertion that beliefs result from activism rather than causing activism. For Munson, life course factors make an individual more or less likely to become an activist.

A 2019 Gallup poll found that men and women in the United States generally hold similar abortion views: "19% of both men and women say abortion should be totally illegal; 31% of women and 26% of men want abortion to be totally legal." In addition, 53% of men and 48% of women favored abortion being legal, but only under certain circumstances.

Gallup polling in 2019 found that 25% of Americans believe abortion should be legal under any circumstances; 13%, under most circumstances; 39%, under only a few circumstances; and 21%, under no circumstances. A 2020 poll by the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research similarly found that 37% of Americans believed abortion should be legal under only a few circumstances. This answer was provided by 45% of Catholics and 67% of white evangelical Protestants.

In the Gallup poll, when respondents were first asked about the legality of abortion, 49% described themselves as "pro-life" and 46% as "pro-choice." However, among people who were not asked about legality first, 43% described themselves as "pro-life" and 52% as "pro-choice." Gallup's 2019 polling also found that 50% of Americans believe abortion to be morally wrong, while 42% believe it to be morally acceptable, and 6% believe that it depends on the situation. When asked whether the Supreme Court should reverse their 1973 decision of , 60% opined that the Court should not, while only 33% said that it should. Polling in 2020 revealed that 32% of Americans are either very or somewhat satisfied about abortion policies as they currently stand, while 24% report being dissatisfied and desire stricter policies and another 22% also express dissatisfaction but desire less strict policies.

According to a 2013 Gallup poll, 15% of Americans with no religious identity are anti-abortion and slight majorities of Catholics, Protestants, Southerners, seniors and nonwhites reported as anti-abortion. A 2019 Gallup poll found that Mormons, the Southern Baptist Convention, and Jehovah's Witnesses have the highest majorities who believe abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, while atheists, agnostics, and Jews have the highest majorities who think the reverse.

Anti-abortion advocates tend to use terms such as "unborn baby", "unborn child", or "pre-born child", and see the medical terms " embryo", " zygote", and " fetus" as dehumanizing.

Both "pro-choice" and "pro-life" are examples of terms labeled as political framing: they are terms which purposely try to define their philosophies in the best possible light, while by definition attempting to describe their opposition in the worst possible light. "Pro-choice" implies that the alternative viewpoint is "anti-choice", while "pro-life" implies the alternative viewpoint is "pro-death" or "anti-life". In part due to this viewpoint, the Associated Press encourages journalists to use the terms "abortion rights" and "anti-abortion".

In a 2009 Gallup Poll, a majority of U.S. adults (51%) called themselves "pro-life" on the issue of abortion-for the first time since Gallup began asking the question in 1995-while 42% identified themselves as "pro-choice", although pro-choice groups noted that acceptance of the "pro-life" label did not in all cases indicate opposition to legalized abortion, and that another recent poll had indicated that an equal number were pro-choice.

A March 2011 Rasmussen Reports poll concluded that Americans are "closely divided between those who call themselves pro-life" and those who consider themselves as "pro-choice". In a February 2011 Rasmussen Reports poll of "Likely U.S. Voters", fifty percent view themselves as "pro-choice" and forty percent "say they are pro-life". In a July 2013 Rasmussen Reports poll of "Likely U.S. Voters", 46 percent view themselves as "pro-choice" and 43 percent "say they are pro-life".

Mass demonstrations: every year, American anti-abortion advocates hold a March for Life in Washington, D.C., on January 22, the anniversary date of the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion in the United States. The event typically draws tens of thousands of attendees and, since 2003, frequently features notable politicians as speakers. Similar events take place on a smaller scale in other U.S. cities, such as the Walk for Life in San Francisco, California.

The life chain: The "Life Chain" is a public demonstration technique that involves standing in a row on sidewalks holding signs bearing anti-abortion messages. Messages include "Abortion Kills Children", "Abortion stops a beating heart" or "Abortion Hurts Women". Participants, as an official policy, do not yell or chant slogans and do not block pedestrians or roadways. Many Right to Life chapters hold Life Chain events yearly and the annual worldwide 40 Days for Life campaigns also use this technique.

The rescue: A "rescue operation" involves anti-abortion activists blocking the entrances to an abortion clinic in order to prevent anyone from entering. The stated goal of this practice is to force the clinic to shut down for the day. Often, the protesters are removed by law enforcement. Some clinics were protested so heavily in this fashion that they closed down permanently. "The rescue" was first attempted by Operation Rescue. Ever since President Bill Clinton signed the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act into law, the rescue has become prohibitively expensive, and has rarely been attempted.

The truth display: Involves publicly displaying large pictures of aborted fetuses. Some anti-abortion groups believe that showing the graphic results of abortion is an effective way to dissuade and prevent others from choosing abortion. The Pro-Life Action League has used this form of activism in its Face the Truth displays. Members of one group, Survivors of the Abortion Holocaust, are known for setting up truth displays on university campuses. This group has faced legal battles over the use of such graphic imagery, and they have generated debate regarding the protection of such displays, by freedom of speech. "Truth displays" are controversial, even within the anti-abortion movement.

: The majority of the facilities that perform abortions in the United States experience some form of protest from anti-abortion demonstrators every year, of which the most common form is picketing. In 2007, 11,113 instances of picketing were either reported to, or obtained by, the National Abortion Federation.

Sidewalk counseling: "Sidewalk counseling" is a form of anti-abortion advocacy which is conducted outside of abortion clinics. Activists seek to communicate with those entering the building, or with passersby in general, in an effort to persuade them not to have an abortion or to reconsider their position on the morality of abortion. They do so by trying to engage in conversation, displaying signs, distributing literature, or giving directions to a nearby crisis pregnancy center.
The "Chicago Method" is an approach to sidewalk counseling that involves giving those about to enter an abortion facility copies of lawsuits filed against the facility or its physicians. The name comes from the fact that it was first used by Pro-Life Action League in Chicago. The intent of the Chicago Method is to turn the woman away from a facility that the protesters deem "unsafe", thus giving her time to reconsider her choice to abort.[non-primary source needed ]

Crisis pregnancy centers: "Crisis pregnancy centers" are non-profit organizations, mainly in the United States, established to persuade pregnant women against having an abortion. These centers are typically run by anti-abortion Christians according to a conservative Christian philosophy, and they often disseminate false medical information, usually but not exclusively about the supposed health risks and mental health risks of abortion. The centers usually provide peer counseling against abortion, and sometimes also offer adoption referrals or baby supplies. Most are not licensed and do not provide medical services, though some offer sonograms, claiming that women who see such sonograms decide not to have an abortion. Legal and legislative action regarding CPCs has generally attempted to curb false or deceptive advertising undertaken in pursuit of the anti-abortion cause. Several thousand CPCs exist in the United States, often operating in affiliation with one of three umbrella organizations (Care Net, Heartbeat International, and Birthright International), with hundreds in other countries. By 2006, U.S. CPCs had received more than $60 million of federal funding, including some funding earmarked for abstinence-only programs, as well as state funding from many states.

In the United States, some states issue specialty license plates that have an anti-abortion theme. Choose Life, an advocacy group founded in 1997, was successful in securing an anti-abortion automobile tag in Florida. Subsequently, the organization has been actively helping groups in other states pursue "Choose Life" license plates.

Some anti-abortion organizations and individuals disseminate false medical information and unsupported pseudoscientific claims about alleged physical and mental health risks of abortion. Many right-to-life organizations claim that abortion damages future fertility, or causes breast cancer, which is contradicted by the medical professional organizations. Some states, such as Alaska, Mississippi, West Virginia, Texas, and Kansas, have passed laws requiring abortion providers to warn patients of a link between abortion and breast cancer, and to issue other scientifically unsupported warnings.

Some right-to-life advocacy groups allege a link between abortion and subsequent mental-health problems. Some U.S. state legislatures have mandated that patients be told that abortion increases their risk of depression and suicide, despite the fact that such risks are not supported by the bulk of the scientific literature, and are contradicted by mainstream organizations of mental-health professionals such as the American Psychological Association.

Violent incidents directed against abortion providers have included arson and bombings of abortion clinics, and murders or attempted murders of physicians and clinic staff, especially the doctors that provide abortions. Acts of violence against abortion providers and facilities in North America have largely subsided following a peak in the mid-1990s which included the murders of Drs. David Gunn, John Britton, and Barnett Slepian and the attempted murder of Dr. George Tiller. Tiller was later murdered in his church in 2009.

As of 1995, nearly all anti-abortion leaders said that they condemned the use of violence in the movement, describing it as an aberration and saying that no one in their organizations was associated with acts of violence. A small extremist element of the movement in the USA supports, raises money for, and attempts to justify anti-abortion violence, including murders of abortion workers, which this fringe element calls "justifiable homicides". An example of such an organization is the Army of God.

The murder of Jim Pouillon was reported as the first killing of an anti-abortion protester.

Mason, Carol. "Opposing Abortion to Protect Women: Transnational Strategy since the 1990s." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 44.3 (2019): 665-692. online

Critchlow, Donald T. Intended Consequences: Birth Control, Abortion, and the Federal Government in Modern America (2001) excerpt

Flowers, Prudence. "'Voodoo biology': the right-to-life campaign against family planning programs in the United States in the 1980s." Women's History Review 29.2 (2020): 331-356.

Flowers, Prudence. "Fighting the "hurricane winds" of abortion liberalization: Americans United for life and the struggle for self-definition before Roe v. Wade." The Sixties 11.2 (2018): 131-155.

Garrow, David J. "Abortion before and after Roe v. Wade: An historical perspective." Labany Law Review 62 (1998): 833+ online.

Haugeberg, Karissa. "'How Come There's Only Men Up There?': Catholic Women's Grassroots Anti-Abortion Activism." Journal of Women's History 27.4 (2015): 38-61. excerpt

Haugeberg, Karissa. Women against abortion: Inside the largest moral reform movement of the twentieth century (U of Illinois Press, 2017). excerpt also PhD dissertation version

Lewis, Andrew R. The rights turn in conservative Christian politics: How abortion transformed the culture wars (Cambridge UP, 2017).

Lowe, Pam, and Graeme Hayes. "Anti-abortion clinic activism, civil inattention and the problem of gendered harassment." Sociology 53.2 (2019): 330-346. online

McCaffrey, Dawn, and Jennifer Keys*. "Competitive framing processes in the abortion debate: Polarization‐vilification, frame saving, and frame debunking." Sociological Quarterly 41.1 (2000): 41-61.

Mohamed, Heather Silber. "Embryonic politics: Attitudes about abortion, stem cell research, and IVF." Politics and Religion 11.3 (2018): 459-497 online.

Munson, Ziad. "Protest and Religion: The US Pro-Life Movement." Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics (2019).

Nelson, Jennifer. "Sterilization, Birth Control, and Abortion: Reproductive Politics from 1945 to the Present." in A Companion to American Women's History (2020): 299-317. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781119522690.ch18

Risen, James, and Judy L. Thomas. Wrath of Angels: The American Abortion War (1998).

Rohlinger, Deana A. "Friends and foes: Media, politics, and tactics in the abortion war." Social Problems 53.4 (2006): 537-561 online.

Williams, Daniel K. "The GOP's Abortion Strategy: Why Pro-Choice Republicans Became Pro-Life in the 1970s." Journal of Policy History 23.4 (2011): 513-539 online.

Williams, Daniel K. Defenders of the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement before Roe v. Wade (Oxford UP, 2016). xiv, 365 pp.

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United States anti-abortion movement - Wikipedia

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The United States anti-abortion movement (also called the pro-life movement or right-to-life movement) contains elements opposing induced abortion on both moral and religious grounds and supports its legal prohibition or restriction. Advocates generally argue that human life begins at conception and that the human zygote (or embryo or fetus) is a person and therefore has a right to life.

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What’s Life Really Like For Women In Afghanistan?

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Lebensborn. Nazi 'Super Kids' Factory | RT Documentary

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In Gilead, the Handmaids are no longer allowed to keep their real names when they are assigned to work in a new household. They have become possessions of their masters, or Commanders. The main character's name in the show is actually June, but she is called "Offred", or "Of Fred." In the books, there is no mention of the main character's first name. A woman serving a man named Warren is called "Ofwarren." Etcetera. If they move to a new house, their name is changed to suit their new master.

When slaves were taken from Africa, they were never allowed to keep their real names, because they were often too foreign-sounding. Slaves were given new names, like John, Bill, or Sally. Their last names were also changed to match their masters. This is why many modern-day African Americans have English-sounding last names, like "Jones". In the privacy of their quarters, slaves would call one another by their true African names.

This is why, during the Civil Rights Movement, there was a resurgence in African-sounding names in the black community. Malcolm X changed his last name to "X" because he did not know his ancestor's original African last name. Changing their names was a way for African Americans to reclaim their identity and freedom. In modern times, many African-American names are not actually based on a name from an African country, but rather just a creative exercise in borrowing unique names from other cultures, or invent new spellings and pronunciation variations for names that already exist.

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17 Moments In History that Inspired the Handmaid's Tale

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Slave Names In Gilead, the Handmaids are no longer allowed to keep their real names when they are assigned to work in a new household. They have become possessions of their masters, or Commanders. The main character's name in the show is actually June, but she is called "Offred", or "Of Fred."

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Epreuves de Term LLCER + épreuves de contrôle (B.O)

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Epreuves de Term LLCER + épreuves de contrôle (B.O)