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"This Garri informant clearly undermines the rhetoric of traditional ownership rights,
and is strongly in favour of using the constitutional provision of the referendum. The Borana are told that they must ‘‘respect the law of the state’’. Whereas the Garri informant lists names and places to confuse the basis of existing claims, the Borana do the opposite  seeing names of places as evidence of their historical and
traditional ownership over them." (781)
Here we can see where rivalries at different levels group identification can lead to the selective picking and choosing of justifications when negotiating on significant issues in national development

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I enjoyed this reading as a follow on from the Adugna article; as a development of the issues related to ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. Where Adugna highlighted problems caused by this system, Orlowska illustrated one way these problems have been addressed. As such they worked well as a consecutive read.

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"Reproduction of language promoted by elites and the apparent absence of directly oppositional language can, on one level, suggest that the state has won the contest for discursive space. Conversely however, looking closely at the ways in which language is used at a local level can allow us to explore the ways in which this language provides a means of continuing long-running discussions about a just society, as well as being used to make claims on the state." (474/5)
Here we can see the incongruence between when terminology propagated through official public channels often takes a distinct form as it functions in the lives of private citizens. The term Ujamaa provides a discursive framework for complex social processes laden with problematic questions of power relations

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"Coming to grips with the idea that a shared memory is the basis for a
collective identity, the political actors were set to solve the legitimacy problem by revisiting the past. Hence, they called up the various parts of the past and relegated those that were not serviceable to active amnesia." (601)
This quote is referencing how the Eritreans sought to define their identity and justify their calls for secession from Ethiopia

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I agree with many of the other posts written by my peers and I found it particularly intriguing when they author stated that “ethnicity is perceived as the home of opposition politics in Kenya. Currently, the formation of the modern nation-state cannot proceed without an examination of ethnicity, and the much-vaunted idea that the modernisation project would lead to the disappearance of ethnic and cultural differences can no longer hold sway.” (205)

Noting that this is indeed an introduction to the topic, I was really intrigued by the whole concept of politicised ethnicity exiting in Kenya. Furthermore, I enjoyed seeing the differing arguments in the latter part of the article discussing that politicisation of ethnicity in Kenya and the effects modernisation plays in it.

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“‘‘politics and ethnicity are interwoven’’ the mobilization for the vote became essentially one of ethnic identity”  (782)

This quote really stood out to me and showed similarity to Ogude’s introductory piece talking about politicised ethnicity. However the thing that grabbed my attention the most was the contestation over Moyale by the Oromia and Somali on a national regional state, as a case study, it showcased the problems with geo-politics, politicised ethnicity and so forth. 

Though I was left in need of more; what effects does this contestation have on the economy, security, nationalism, those with different ethnicities to Oromo or Somali, and so much more? 
However, and perhaps more importantly, I found that this case study casted a light on how we cannot universalise issues in Africa, for even within a relatively small area (such as that in the case study/article) contestation occurred, imagine if such political laws/resources/ethnicities, nationalisms/religions were enforced/universalised on a whole continent!! 

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Abbay quotes Ernest Renan who said that historical enquiry is dangerous to the concept of a nation and how some political actors in the process of Ethiopian state building invoke memories of history for their political goals. In this way they try to imagine their identity by connecting it to the political goals for the present and future.

I think what Abbay is trying to get at is how using history privileges certain parts of history according to one’s interests and turns them into collective representations. This has the danger of alienated people who are ignored by that history. It would have been more helpful if Abbay expanded on the example of this type of state building process. How exactly does history pose a serious challenge to the process of state-building?

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' More generally, the performances of the day were both a ritual of citizenship and sovereignty: parades and choreographies worked as techniques of discipline, inculcating physical obedience to better instil good citizenship and conformity, but they also displayed the state’s omnipotent power over its subjects. ' (5)

Fouéré argued how the idea of 'theatrical nationhood' perpetrated 2011's Nyerere day celebration and acted as a technology of discipline and a technology of the body to coerce a Tanzanian nationality construction in the local level. Adugna (2011) examined how competing nationalist ideologies facilitated local political dispensation. Both accounts discussed nationalist projects in an up-town manner, whereas making on wonder where the participants' agency situates in this complex political matrix. What is interesting to me is to what degree had local communities in both cases agentically used such national-level narratives to achieve local goals by participating or pertaining with various homogenising projects?

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Responding to Haya's post: I totally agree with what you said about how we should not universalise Africa even at the smallest level. Such tendency of talking about Africa as one homogenised continent still haunt narratives and public misconception in the west. To provide an example from the field of archaeology, the study of African diaspora and trans-Atlantic slave trade in American archaeology had suffered a lot from a lack of Africanist perspective and failed to recognise the diverse range of material culture traits in the archaeological record of early diasporic communities.

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(p. 783) "The competing state structure is a real challenge for the residents of Moyale. The general trend has been for Borana to use the Oromia national regional state offices, and Garri to use the Somali national regional state offices. But what are those of other ethnic backgrounds supposed to do? "

This quote refers to the double ethnic administration of Moyale, and addresses the people not belonging to neither of those ethnic groups. In this specific situation, the issue of people from other ethnicities using institutions becomes more apparent as the city itself is undergoing an internal ethic quarrel; however, this made me wonder about the rest of the country. As not all ethnicities have been granted greater administrative powers,  (1) to what extent are people from a different ethnicity  treated equally to people of the main ethnicity of the territory in an administrative setting? and (2) to what extent is this simplification of ethnicities as was created by the constitution in 1994 damaging to minorities?

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I found it very intriguing that the idea of a nation-state does not weaken, but rather strengthen within the Eritrean diaspora. My impressions of a strong unity in the Eritrean diaspora in London / wider UK fit into this frame.

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'To benefit from the new ethnic-based opportunity structure, new ethnic groups have continuously emerged since the implementation of ethnic federalism.'

I was really particularly intrigued by the passage on the post civil-war 1990s and the move towards ethnic federalism. Does anyone with more knowledge of the region have any more information on these 'new ethnic groups'?; Did they survive? Were they taken seriously? Were they really 'new'?

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‘Somali clans, including the Garri, were labelled as ‘‘security threats’’ to Ethiopia because of their connection to the irredentist claim of the Republic of Somalia.’ (784)

This reveals the insecurity of the nation-state, as it appears easily threatened by ethnic minorities’ potential to claim allegiance to another nation-state.

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‘The raison d’être of this publicly-funded national museum is to conserve and protect Nyerere’s personal objects as well as maintain if not enhance his collective memory; but the museum clearly ensures the promotion of nationhood and patriotism, the exhibit displaying a narrative of nation-building in which Nyerere is the central figure.’ (4)

An interesting concept, that a person, or in this case, a political icon, can become the foundations of what a national identity is based on.

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The 60s and 70s are mentioned multiple times in this article, in reference to the nationalist movements which occurred during those decades, particularly from the Somali irredentists. I found myself wondering more about the history of these dynamics: what caused these nationalist movements to become particularly prominent during that time? I wanted to know about the history of the region in order to contextualise the article even further. I also found myself wondering how has this situation developed in the 10 years since this article was written?

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I was intrigued by some parallels to political dynamics that I see in my own country (the UK) and those that Ogude described happening in Kenya, for example the mobilisation of ethnic identity by political elites, and the threat of plutocratic interests on free speech in the media. Of course, in Kenya and any other country there will be very specific dynamics and histories, which I would like to learn more about, however I was interested in what I perceived as the universality of some of these problems

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'In some areas the referendum’s result itself became part of the on-going conflict. If anything, the staging of the referendum led to an increase in conflicts. In many areas where the border was to be delimited by the referendum, previous good social relations between people of differing ethnic identity deteriorated.' (782)

Without a doubt this reiterated the fact that politics and ethnicity are intertwined and in this case bring more harm than good. We also see how some ethic groups are more likely to benefit from the referendum than others.

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Responding to Haya and Benny Q Shen's post, I 100% agree that we should not universalise the continent and that much of scholarly works that exist fail to present an African narrative and perspective. I think many fail to acknowledge the fact that Africa is immensely diverse and filled with fluidity in its culture and history despite there being some similarities.

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'Consequently, the museum is a mnemonic device that plays a crucial role in forcing the past into the present, and shaping contemporary feelings of Tanzania-ness' (4)

I find it particularly interesting of the role of the museum in helping to preserve not only the culture of the state but holding onto the belief of nation-hood. Not only does it help bridge the gap between the past and present but aids the government in their agenda of nation-building.

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'It is the failure of state actors to acknowledge ethnic interests that engenders communal discord. If the structural conditions that are a breeding-ground for violence are tackled and the elite thirst for power is realistically quenched, ethnicity loses its potency as a source of nationalism' (614)

I agree this this point that the lack of acknowledgement has played a role in driving 'communal discord' and a barrier for peace. At the same time, I think a majority of these state actors are very much aware of the routes to take but because of personal interests or to preserve power, they delay neutralisation between these ethnicities.

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Like Somali nationalism, Oromo nationalism celebrated cultural features while rejecting existing territorial boundaries (774)

This reading highlights the divergence between territory and identity. Although state borders are marked along territorial lines, it suggests that different groups within the area dispute the borders. The ‘remapping’ of administrative borders for example, clashes with the pastoral mobility previously available to the Borana and Garri pastoralists. This also reflects the power dynamics at play in representations of space. Why is the more recent idea of fixed boundaries prioritized over traditional representations of space? Is it because mapping increases ‘legibility’ (James Scott 1998) and enables those in power to maintain it?

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Fouéré shows how since 1964, nationalism created in Tanzania ‘‘a deep-seated loyalty and sense of nationhood that has ensured stability and cohesion’’ (p.3). The establishment of symbols and ceremonies has played a major role in the nation-building process.

Fouéré describes for instance, the Uhuru Torch as ‘‘one of Tanzania’s national emblems, introduced by Nyerere and first lit on top of Mt Kilimanjaro on December 9, 1961 as a symbol of freedom, hope and development. Every year, the Uhuru Torch is carried around the country to remind common citizens of its symbolical significance in the history of the nation.’’ (p.2)

The Uhuru Torch reminds Tanzanians their shared values, history and traditions. Moreover, post-1961 values stresses ‘‘Freedom and Unity’’ -Tanzanian Motto- as fundamental principles. Therefore, national symbols are not decorative elements detached from political life, but significant parts of nation-building. Symbols and ceremonies allow a nation to define and differentiate itself from other nations, and to be recognised, especially in a post-colonial context.

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In Tanzania, Fouéré describes how ceremonies are used to commemorate Julius Nyere’s death in an almost ‘ritual’ like manner, in order to periodically reinstall a sense of nationalism amongst the Tanzanian population. I find it interesting that some of these ‘rituals’ contain elements of Gluckman’s “rituals of rebellion” in that they narrate and act out existing tensions in society, for example by mixing soils from Tanganyika and Zanzibar to symbolically celebrate the 1964 Union. This sensitive issue has been “reframed in a national rhetoric of cohesion and unity against divisiveness” in order to continue the nationalist project in Tanzania (Fouéré 2011, 5).

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In Tanzania, Fouéré describes how ceremonies are used to commemorate Julius Nyere’s death in an almost ‘ritual’ like manner, in order to periodically reinstall a sense of nationalism amongst the Tanzanian population. I find it interesting that some of these ‘rituals’ contain elements of Gluckman’s “rituals of rebellion” in that they narrate and act out existing tensions in society in order to diffuse them, for example by mixing soils from Tanganyika and Zanzibar to symbolically celebrate the 1964 Union. This sensitive issue has been “reframed in a national rhetoric of cohesion and unity against divisiveness” in order to continue the nationalist project in Tanzania (Fouéré 2011, 5).

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‘‘The Moi regime, like the preceding colonial system, continues to invent new ethnic groups as the bases of administrative units and as a vehicle for securing political loyalty.’’ (p. 205-206)

Ogunde highlights how ethnic divisions are rooted in the colonial patterns of rule. Like in many African countries, ethnicity was mobilised by colonial administrators to ‘‘divide and rule’’. The article focuses on post-independence Kenya, but I would be interested to know more about the relationship between different ethnic groups before the colonial period. Were there forms of tension? Were these tensions linked to the power held by a centralised authority? Or did the different ethnic groups live independently of each other?

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"the politicisation of ethnicity
as one form of politics that tends to increase cleavages within a society and hardens divisions and barriers through the use of symbols and myths that openly question the ideological bases of the nation-state." (2002:206).

The politicisation of ethnicity- made me think of recent BLM protests and counter protests, how the symbols and myths (i.e. statues of colonial powers) we have been perpetrating and celebrating for years still remain divisive today. It's as though those in favour of keeping them erect, feel that in toppling them this is weakening the image of the nation-state and the ideologies it was built on. Whilst some are all for this, others remain opposed.

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It might be that anthropological enquires nonetheless familiarise a space through the conception of ‘culture’, in this case, ‘ethnicity’. Does the anthropological writings of East Africa, particularly the writings on violence, sexuality and disease can only be interpreted and understood in ways of seeing Ethiopian, for instance, as the ethnical entity? That is, I question the ways that culture attains its meaning in East Africa. For Adugna (776), however, ethnicity is emphasised as as a political identity in the Ethiopian state’s hegemony; and that territoriality is ethnicalised.

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Quoting from a 2007 interview with a Borana elder: “Two governments, two flags, two police forces … this is impossible!”. Adugna provides fascinating insights, particularly on the contested border town of Moyale, where Oromia and Somali administer competing state structures serving the interests of Borana and Garri respectively. Those from other ethnic backgrounds feel completely unprotected. The two administrations are self-serving and can blame one another when things go wrong.

In many ways, Moyale seems to be a microcosm of the contestation over identity and territoriality across all the region’s borderlands.

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"While the EPLF tried to erase the Alula era from the popular memory and the assimilationist Amhara political entrepreneurs preferred to ignore it, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which assumed the custodianship of Tigrayan  nationalism, on the other hand, readily invoked it as a means of mobilising the people for an ethnic nationalist insurgency (1975-91)" (Abbay 2004:606)

I thought it was interesting how the era of Ras Alula was chosen to be be remembered, forgotten or manipulated in order to build an ethnic nationalist identity. Furthermore, the idea that when you don't share this kind of collective memory, how do you establish strong ties of an ethnic identity. The different elements to establishing an ethnic national identity such as importance on literary culture for storing their cultural resources (such as the Oromo), political and historical myths as well as cultural aspects, Abbay argues important to build their sense of community and may thereafter enable the engaging in an national insurgency.

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Responding to Tripti's post, I definitey can see how mapping increases legibility. This is because boundaries can become written in stone (even if they are disputed) which connects to today's lecture about how one reason for the creation of nationalism and nation states is because of the invention of printing.

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Comment to Nour's Post: I think the point you are raising is a really important and interesting one. I was thinking about the same thing actually while reading it and remembered when studying Ethnography of South Asia, we discussed a similar issue about the caste system. Was it a colonial invention or was it a historical, cultural aspect of Indian culture? We cam to the conclusion that while the caste system was definitely present before colonial rule (in the case of Kenya, ethnic diversity), it was furthered and exploited by colonialism which made different groups turn against each other in a more violent way than before. I am not sure if this is 100% right but this is what I understood :-)

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‘marginalized ethnic groups increased their communal awareness and began to engage in the intense competition for power, thus creating a revolutionary situation.’ P. 598

I found this reading interesting because it explored the inequalities of political powers and the responses to these unequal power structures whilst not ignoring those who are ignored. I believe this quote highlights the shift away from the 'assimilationist' path

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Response to Umu Bashir's post:
I find this concept of museum as a device for the creation of the nation very interesting as well. The exposition of Nyéré’s belongings open the space for a reflection on the past of the nation; however, I’m not really sure how this museum is representing the present as well. If the aim of the museum is to “force the past into the present” (4), how ‘present’ is actually this ‘present’? As the nation is evolving, how sustainable is it to rely on the past to shape our present minds?

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The questions of the marginalisation and emergence of ethnic groups hightailed by Eleonora and Tom might be central in thinking about the nature of ‘ethnic authenticity’, and the relationship between nationalism and ethnicity in the context of East Africa. Tom questions the nature ‘new’ ethnic groups; as such, I also question the possibility to see the newly emerging ethnic groups as a form of resistance.

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In response to Tom: the formation of 'new' ethnic groups since the establishment of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia makes evident the fact that ethnicity is a social construct (Berman). In the case of an ethnic federation, ethnicities are  constructed and employed in order for a group of people to establish themselves as autonomous political actors. This is similar to Bernal's argument on that one of the reasons of a high Eritrean nationalism (even amongst the diaspora) is because in today's global world, a nation is a key actor in the global arena (14). For example, having an independent state allows for membership in intergovernmental institutions.

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Aneurin makes important points about unequal power structures and a key element feeding into this might be the impact of language and the privileging of Amharic as the language of political and economic power. It is perhaps significant that Oromo political organizations are rejecting Amharic and as Abbay says: ‘the more neutral an official/national language is, the safer it is’. (613)

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Nationalist projects based on politics of ethnic identity in the borderlands between Oromo-Somali groups in Southern Ethiopia became the main source for contesting existing territorial boundaries as well as newly implemented federal policies. Pastoralists like the Borana and the Garri (with some exception) found identity politics useful in mobilizing against a referendum that would further parade federal rather local administrative power structures. As foreseen by many, heightened violence in the region was the result of state intervention in local politics.

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Readings sign-posted in lecture and tutorial by others :)

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Readings sign-posted in lecture and tutorial by others :)

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"A Grain of Wheat" by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o (Mau Mau)

"Being Maasi, Becoming Indigenous" by Dorothy Hodgson

"The Havoc of Choice" by Wanjiru Koinange

"The Shadow King" by Maaza
Mengiste (Ethiopia's resistance fighters during Italo-Ethiopian war).

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The "remapping" of Ethiopia sparked importance as the country was reorganised into nine autonomas regional states in 1994. Six regional states became ethno-national and the remaining three are ethnically organised. This created important effects on identity politics.
- Emphasis on identity has encouraged the strengthening of ethnicity.
- To highlight and emphasise the importance of the definition of territorial borders between ethnic groups.

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The same patriotism we can observe in Cuba, China or in the former Soviet Union with every year parades and performances, high- ranking officials and demonstrations as invariable attributes of democratization and national development. The next political and social state of repression, corruption and dictatorship  may be rather   predictable referring to the past political experience of the Soviet Union, Chili and Argentina. The history is  repeating it's self.(Olga Prudenko)

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The same patriotism we can observe in Cuba, China or in the former Soviet Union with every year parades and performances, high- ranking officials and demonstrations as invariable attributes of democratization and national development. The next political and social state of repression, corruption and dictatorship  may be rather   predictable referring to the past political experience of the Soviet Union, Chili and Argentina. The history is  repeating it's self.(Olga Prudenko)

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"culture and artistry were redefined and reshaped to reflect egalitarian principles, order, conformity, discipline and patriotism."
The article keeps reinforcing how the celebrations and histories keeping being moulded in order to fit the national message that they want to portray.

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Response to Aneurin & Lyn -

I too found this paper an interesting read, as you put it, in its exploration of the unequal power structures “whilst not ignoring those who are ignored”. To expand I found this papers touch on the power and significance of language of particular concern; how people were encouraged directly or indirectly to abandon their mother tongue, in aim to remove such a symbol of ethnic identity. Therefore, like Lyn, I too see the significance of the Oromo political organisations rejecting Amharic. I would like to know more about the interpretation of colonial language as “a blessing in disguise” (p.613) in retrospect to its impact and response on the people, as i am confused on how something implemented can be argued as "neutral"?!

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This paper shows how political icons and cultural objects can be used to create nation-wide narratives of national identity, creating social cohesion. The presence of the Nyerere’s personal objects in the Mwalimu Nyerere Museum show how an object’s intrinsic meaning can be controlled to give new narratives – in this sense objects become a political device. Ritual practice sustains the civil body, such as the importance of Uhuru Torch or going to visit the portraits and favourable objects of a political icon presents  themselves as acts of worship or as ideological apparatus. This transforms citizenship into something active in turn creating a sense of national identity and a “tool for nationalist development” (p.4). This paper made me think of the work of Carol Duncan (1991) on the transformation of the Louvre Palace into a national museum which shows the importance of objects in their creation of “spiritual heritage of the nation” (Duncan, p.95).

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"violence that have constituted the political conflict in Kenya over the decade cannot be attributed directly to ethnic hatred, but rather to a deliberate mobilisation of ethnicity by the political elite and for political ends" (2002:206)
This seems an age old problem of power in the the elite. I wondered, was this the problem with the Mau Mau movement uprising? We focused in the lecture on this group being poor farmers but were the the political elite involved also?

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I found it is interesting to see how the term "Ujamaa" was used in Tanzanian society. Also, the article insists that the metaphor confronted against challenges of nation-building. It seems that the contradiction between the metaphor of Ujamaa and reality resulted in failure of Ujamaa.

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Being very new to anthropological articles, I found this paper very useful in (re)considering the sovereignties and geography of the region. Contestation over land, resources, supply chains etc. span locally, regionally, internationally, between towns and across borders. A previous comment noted the microcosmic character to the town Moyale and this was very apt, and as also noted previously, what mechanisms might work at national level (referendums for example) may not work locally. How can administrations work to bridge these divides that seem to have been exacerbated by State intervention?

Bringing in microcosms again, the paper highlights how important access to water is and the conflicts that can easily become politicised because of it. Not only does this happen here between 'ethnic identities' within Ethiopia as Adugna shows, but is a major issue between Egypt/Sudan and the EAC, borne through old colonial pacts that created hierarchies along the Nile.

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This reading by Abbay plainly describes the instability of the modern nation-state using 'diversity and state-building in Ethiopia'." Nation-states assumes that people collapse their diverging identity in pursuit of a single state identity. Creating (In-Out group) dynamics. Favoring assimilation, which is well represented in the politics of language. Abbay uses 'Amharanization' to show the kind of state-making processes that marginalized and intentionally or unintentionally cause tension in a state, trying to bring together many nations. Politics of Language(writing), power and nation-making is analysed.

It seems when identity has to be collapsed into the tiny imagination of the nation-state project it becomes disingenuous.

I disagree with Abbay when they say "The fact that most African states use neutral colonial language is a blessing in disguise" (p.613) This is an obfuscating and problematic statement to make. From which perspective is colonial language neutral ? perhaps in this case as a middle ground between amharanization, however even then it reifies the hegemony with which it comes to occupy places in the continent . For example why then the use of Latin script (p.605) "promoted as a primary symbol of national Oromo identity" despite it not being native. One could argue that this because of association of the Ge'ez script to Amharanization. Thus Latin is used politically as a dominant script globally to counter this. This is not a call to replace English/Latin script with Amhara, but rather to problematize this phraseology and seek a nuanced analysis instead. What does it mean to say "Neutral Colonial languages are a blessing ?" Colonial languages are never neutral, in any context.  Here Wittgenstein's philosophy of language is useful.

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I think this paper complements Abbays paper very well, in many ways go hand in hand. While Abbay's paper focuses more so on the politics of state-making in Ethiopia. This paper extrapolates it to encompass the horn of Africa region, encompassing Kenya and Somalia. I feel as well the politics of language is another theme that comes up in both papers . While in Abbay's paper the focus was more on Amharanization. In Adugna's we see Amharanization, intermingle with Oromo language with Somali, and the "appropriation" of one language by the opposite category for political "progression" in their claims to territory. Well seen in (p.775) The Oromo speaking Somalis and the 'Somali Abo Liberation Front.

What i find interesting is as well the groups fall into this category of "Oromo speaking Somali" "Gabra, Garri, Gurra, Borana" (p.775) . These identities are also collapsed into the category of 'Somali' or 'Wariya' in Kenyan society. Regardless of whether they identify as Oromo or Somali.

I would like to challenge, tease out the identity politics between Oromo and Somali dissidents within the disputed areas of land. Kenya's long term friendly relations with the Ethiopian state, and collusion against greater Somali project perhaps place the categories caught in the cross-fire in Kenya in a precarious position. As well as being undeniably Oromo or Somali, many people in these communities also hold stake to a 'Kenyan' identity(despite being institutionally marginalized). So what would be as well more beneficial to see is how the 'kenyan' identity and  Kenyan state-making processes add to this powder-keg.

The article also underlines the limitations of the nation-state, with regard to "mapping identity onto space". We are also able to see how cosmologies of the various groups do not fit neatly into the conceptions of the nation-state. As observed with the wells . This again underlines the problematics on the Kenyan- stateside of lumping Oromos and Somalis into almost an umbrella. As well this paper briefly demonstrates the problems with statemaking in Kenya as well. with regard to the North-Eastern region of Kenya this article highlighted Moyale. But as well Wajir, Garissa . Moyale is perhaps more 'inflammatory' as it is in the contested area of Oromia and greater Somalia.

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Narjiss, I agree with your connection of the quote you highlighted and it relevance today in regard to BLM. I think that was really quite smart and speaks to 'divide and rule' politics. While the instruments of this has changed over time, the underlying aim remains and an elite who have political monopoly can usually pervert this to control narratives around history/identity and nation.

Tanya, I don't claim to know much but I believe the origins of the Mau Mau uprising was in part due to the appropriation of good fertile farming lands for white settlers by the colonial administration. So the colonial/political elite were certainly involved. I'm not sure how this played out with Kenyan leaders or what roles ethnicity played though.

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"Ethnicity rather than class remains the main instrument of political contestation"(p.206). I do not agree with this statement. As it works to obfuscate the contemporary class dynamics in Kenya. In Joe Khamisi's, Kenya :Looters and grabbers . We can see the formation of dynasties based on grabbing of land and areas of rich natural resources. Moi for example is not part of the presiding "ethnic ruling class" but that does not make he's family power and influence less palpable. The Odinga dynasty, passed down from Oginga Odinga, monopolizes he's place in kenyan politics and coalition politics under the banner of he's class and ethnicity. These have trickle-down effects, and material benefits for the communities involved. Therefore the statement made above does not ring true. This is especially the case in Nairobi, where even due to class some Somalis (Aden Duale) are afforded some material and political benefits . A more nuanced understanding is required. It is not as cut and dry as "ethnicity remains the main instrument of political contestation". More nuance must be accompanied .

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A part of this article that really stood out to me was the bit in the Borana/Garri case study where the elders from the pastoral groups rejected the notion of establishing fixed borders among pastoralists stating that "the fixing of boundaries was unwelcome, as it would limit their opportunistic use of the rangelands ". It was not until after the state showed its determination to move forward with the referendum that each group sought to make claims as to why their ownership was valid over the opposing group and the conflict over resources began. This made me think about the use of fixed territorial divides and how this is the most hegemonic use of geographical organization in modern states but is actually a counterproductive system when it comes to regions where ethnic divides are so clearly intertwined with history and tradition. I find it interesting that, up until the referendum, both of these groups could carry on peacefully in a social order that had been established previously. This is further illustrated in the position of the Garri elder's statement when he says "I travelled to Somalia. I found places such as Garba Harre, Geedo, Boru Hache . . . They are Borana names . . .. They may indicate that the Borana have once settled there. On the other hand, in the Guji country you find a place name called Adola. Adola is a name of my apical ancestor .....Can we claim it back today? No. It is impossible. Borana should think the same way. Now, we are under the state law." His statement hints at the fact that it is modern conceptions of ownership over land and borders that create the biggest loss for people and that, it the context of this region, is a system that fails.

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I read this in the context of having just read an account of the precursors of the genocide in Rwanda and was struck by the precarious and dangerous nature of state-building efforts in multi-ethnic countries such as Ethiopia (but also many countries in sub-Saharan Africa).  Arguably, one of the challenges of moving to a ‘democratic’ political system seems to be that it promotes the idea of equality and representation – yet, as Abbey’s account shows, minority ethnic groups may not feel represented if politics is dominated by the majority group. And  without  a stable political system political unrest is difficult to contain leading to the repeated collapse and fragmentation of nascent nation-states.

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It was interesting to note how political parties identified with their own ethnic groups - for example, languages, territories, rites. I couldn't help but think how race may impact such identity movements? Certainly race is a factor however, this piece made me think of alternative ways when understanding the complex identities between such spaces.

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This piece critically analyzes the term "Ujamaa" through a social history lens. The term was used in Tanzanian political circles, but was also used on the ground with ordinary people. In this way, "Ujamaa" became a common term when Tanzanian peoples engaged with each other. It helped unite the people of Tanzania therefore creating a collective sense of identity. "Ujamaa" reflected the Tanzanian family - one which can be argued to represent, black, Tanzanians. It rejected the white, European colonizers and described them as being the oppressors. It was interesting to note that South Asians were omitted from this concept - perhaps this had to do with the fact that they were closely aligned with the British, and a majority of them were exploiting black Tanzanians.

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This piece critically analyzes the relationship between nation-building and diversity. Ethiopia's ethnic diversity comprises of various groups, including the Tigrayans, Amharas and the largest group, the Oromo. The Amharic peoples eventually controlled Ethiopia and began a process of amharanization - one which sought to assimilate all ethnic groups into the Amharic group. This method was believed to create a unified nation state rather than allow a diversity of groups to co-exist with one another. This was done in radical ways and most certainly achieved its goal. Ethiopia is revered for its historical past - one which is rich in language and culture.

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‘In many areas where the border was to be delimited by the referendum, previous good social relations between people of differing ethnic identity deteriorated’ (782)

Despite agreement amongst the Somali and Oromia elders for a referendum to settle land disputes, the results ultimately acted as the impetus for further social disintegration. Perhaps this is evidence that macro level "solutions" are resented at the local level; certainly because of the issues of water wells and ritual access, but maybe also because the introduction of borders uncovered the ethnic tensions in populations that had previously been living in harmony. The concept of 'the other' and an 'us and them" mindset is very powerful, even amongst friends.

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"the
legalism of the constitutional approach to the problem of territorial affiliation has so
readily impinged a pragmatic politics upon the accepted pattern of traditional access
and use of resources"
This, for me, goes to the heart of the matter. Whilst, as Adugna concludes, these conflicts may well have older roots, the fact that modern state lines are fixed and do not take into account the fluidity of old claims to land and resources, potentially lends energy to conflict.

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I completely agree with Melany’s point. Although ethnicity does play a strong role in societal and political divisions in Kenya, it is by no means the only one. In the article itself, Ogude speaks about politicians use of ethno-tribal differences to push their own political agendas, however it is important to acknowledge that with money comes power. Ethnic conflict say for example in past elections, has had a far greater impact on the average Kenyan than it has had on the elite, those who have the wealth to float above such ethnic tensions to a certain extent have the choice as to whether they choose to involve themselves in these divides. Ethnicity and tribe are major deterrents of democracy in Kenya,  but corruption amongst the political elite is equally as bad of an issue.

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After reading this article, the first thing that came to my mind is loyalty of the  Tanzanians toward their Nation, a Nation they consider is of primary importance. Moreover there is this desire to transmit the same sense of Nationalism to the youth  by teaching them synchronised choreographies to be performed during the commemoration by 600 children and teenagers.This can be fine, meaningful, as long as it doesn't shape their minds and doesn't influence their thoughts in a sense that they must do be free to think with their own mind and not be influenced by their ancestors.
Stefania

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The most interesting part of this article for me was the following quote:
"Violence of this kind was not usual in this region before the
referendum was mooted, and must be viewed as the ‘‘results of the heightened
intervention of the state in the local economic and legal affairs’’.40 (pg. 782)

In Adugna's conclusion, he mentions that these issues may have older roots. I wonder if those roots are linked to colonialism and whether detangling the complications of that history would aid these contemporary issues.

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Ujamaa as an official development discourse is internalised in the social life and moral values of individuals and is embodied as divided practices. The state redefines virtue in the name of ujamaa, which is associated with self-reliance and a commitment to national development, while the grassroots people over-moralise the term and thus generate conflict practices. My question is in what sense can the discursive space shaped by such a borrowing of official discourse, which presupposes a significant degree of centripetal identification, be a national conversation? Or is it possible for such a discursive space to actually move towards equality and maturity and have influence in agenda setting?
-Zhenyuan Fang

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In response to Sophie Falshaw's post:

I find your point really interesting in a world in which we are constantly given information about the strengths of nation-states and their robustness it is interesting to look at this in a different perspective. I similarly found the idea of 'security' interesting as I feel this demonstrates the resistance of people against a nation-state. The fragility of a nation-state is rarely considered. This is relevant especially in consideration of the increasing presence of border agencies e.g frontex holding overarching power it is interesting to see different perspectives.

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"Political entrepreneurs who present themselves as champions of their communal groups exaggerate and manipulate the identity fear for their own advantage. As such, not only are they products of the communal fear of the future, but they are also its manufacturers."

The author identifies 'identity' as being inordinately useful political capital: since ethnic groups are used to competition with each other, their representation in politics is paramount. This has the obvious repercussion of reinforcing longstanding competition and divisions between ethnics groups, while marring the progress towards unionism or more generally, cooperative national politics.

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It is evident from the reading, that the Oromo-Somali borderlands of southern Ethiopia, have been highly contested spaces for a number of decades and that despite the existence of a referendum, it would appear that nothing has been able to arrest the violence and conflict that continues to plague the region, or appease the warring factions who lay claims and counter-claims to the region's resources. Adugna observes that the 're-mapping' of Ethiopia, had two very profound effects on the shaping of identity, namely that i) resources became interlocked with the notion of identity, thus fostering the idea of ethnicity as a political identity (ethnic federalism)  and ii) the ethnic delimitation of territorial boundaries became more pronounced; however, the Ethiopian government's objective to place ethnicity and territoriality at the centre of all local politics, by calling for a referendum, did little to dislodge the deep-seated distrust and resentment that existed among the Borana and Garri (pastorlist) ethnic groups, as demonstrated by the bloody conflicts of 2008 and 2009, respectively. In fact, Adugna notes that prior to the intervention of the state in 'local economies and legal affairs,' relationships between the disparate groups were relatively peaceful. The 'two-headed' administration in the town of Moyale, on the Kenyan border, is another glaring example of the referendum's failure to successfully deal with the highly contentious issue of contested spaces. Laura A

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It is evident from the reading, that the Oromo-Somali borderlands of southern Ethiopia, have been highly contested spaces for a number of decades and that despite the existence of a referendum, it would appear that nothing has been able to arrest the violence and conflict that continues to plague the region, or appease the warring factions who lay claims and counter-claims to the region's resources. Adugna observes that the 're-mapping' of Ethiopia, had two very profound effects on the shaping of identity, namely that i) resources became interlocked with the notion of identity, thus fostering the idea of ethnicity as a political identity (ethnic federalism)  and ii) the ethnic delimitation of territorial boundaries became more pronounced; however, the Ethiopian government's objective to place ethnicity and territoriality at the centre of all local politics, by calling for a referendum, did little to dislodge the deep-seated distrust and resentment that existed among the Borana and Garri (pastorlist) ethnic groups, as demonstrated by the bloody conflicts of 2008 and 2009, respectively. In fact, Adugna notes that prior to the intervention of the state in 'local economies and legal affairs,' relationships between the disparate groups were relatively peaceful. The 'two-headed' administration in the town of Moyale, on the Kenyan border, is another glaring example of the referendum's failure to successfully deal with the highly contentious issue of contested spaces. Laura A

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Overlapping Nationalist Projects and Contested Spaces

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Overlapping Nationalist Projects and Contested Spaces

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Reading this article has enlightened my mind on the importance of the commemoration day of Julius Nyerere in Tanzania. The activities conducted on a commemoration day enhance and instil the identity of being Tanzanian. Also, the national ceremonies" replayed the coincidence between discipline and productivity" (p 5). This is made possible since people are reminded to work instead of wasting time on organising demonstrations (p 5).

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Contested borders and the question of territoriality and nationality are usually situated in ethnic, social and historical sentiments, and they should be treated as such. There must be a deliberate attempt  to define what ethnicity, territoriality or nationality is, not from the point view of the West nor political elites. It should not even be a matter of a referendum, after all, as Adugna has put, referenda end up serving the interests of politicians and elites. The question is: where does a nation state begin? Does it begin with colonialism, independence, etc? What is a tribe? And what constitutes one? These are questions that politicians are not going to answer as long politics is for their self aggrandisement. These are questions that people  themselves within those contested borders must address to forge a way forward.

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In response to Kiyingi's post, this question of who decides for the nation-state and who ultimately benefits from it is something I found very interesting while reading your post. People within the boarders should decide for themselves what constructs of a nation-state would best reflect the societies they live under...

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This paper demonstrates how ‘contestation over identity and territoriality…reflects a

complex interplay between ethno-nationalists and the state at a regional level, and

pastoralist actors at a local level.’ Alongside examining and detailing the multi-faceted interactions between state patriotism, ethno-nationalism, irredentism and ethno-federalism, the part titled the ‘re-mapping’ of Ethiopia particularly stood out to me, the writer explains how ‘Contestation over territory has its roots…in struggles of the 1960s and 1970s, but the post-1991 politico-administrative structure in Ethiopia has given a new and greater intensity to territorial claims and counter-claims…the ‘‘re-mapping’’ of Ethiopia’s internal, domestic administrative borders has had particularly adverse impacts in those areas where pastoralist mobility has worked against the notion of fixed and permanent boundaries.’

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I agree with many of the points above and I found the connection between the quote and its relevance today in the context of BLM highlighted by Narjiss particularly interesting. For me somethings that stood out to me was the fact that ‘Ethnicity is perceived as the home of opposition politics in Kenya’ and the idea of ‘Ethnic mobilisation’ playing a huge role in the politics and defying ‘the fundamental concepts on which the modern nation-state is built.’ Lewis Odhiambo’s examination of ethnic-based plutocratic regimes as working to ‘undermine freedom of the media in spite of the constitutional provisions aimed at entrenching fundamental human rights’ also stood out to me.