# data[].attributes.body
-the ethical theory of relativism suggests values tp be culturally and individually determined. In a relativist views, global agreements on the most fundamental aspects of human life are hence difficult to achieve

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-the t=ethical theory of universalism puts forward the nption of a universal HN thtat trancends traditional boundaries of identity. In a universal view, universal values are theoretically possible

# data[].attributes.body
-emphasizes peacefu; and nonviolemtn solutions in all disputes
-violence and war are unjustifiable in all ocntexts
-values, HR, ROL, strengthening international orgs to resolve conflicts

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The Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute

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As a theologian, Martin Luther King reflected often on his understanding of nonviolence. He described his own "pilgrimage to nonviolence" in his first book, Stride Toward Freedom, and in subsequent books and articles. "True pacifism," or "nonviolent resistance," King wrote, is "a courageous confrontation of evil by the power of love" (King, , 80). Both "morally and practically" committed to nonviolence, King believed that "the Christian doctrine of love operating through the Gandhian method of nonviolence was one of the most potent weapons available to oppressed people in their struggle for freedom" (King, Stride, 79; Papers 5:422).

King was first introduced to the concept of nonviolence when he read Henry David Thoreau's Essay on Civil Disobedience as a freshman at Morehouse College. Having grown up in Atlanta and witnessed segregation and racism every day, King was "fascinated by the idea of refusing to cooperate with an evil system" (King, Stride, 73).

In 1950, as a student at Crozer Theological Seminary, King heard a talk by Dr. Mordecai Johnson, president of Howard University. Dr. Johnson, who had recently traveled to India, spoke about the life and teachings of Mohandas K. Gandhi. Gandhi, King later wrote, was the first person to transform Christian love into a powerful force for social change. Gandhi's stress on love and nonviolence gave King "the method for social reform that I had been seeking" (King, Stride, 79).

While intellectually committed to nonviolence, King did not experience the power of nonviolent direct action first-hand until the start of the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955. During the boycott, King personally enacted Gandhian principles. With guidance from black pacifist Bayard Rustin and Glenn Smiley of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, King eventually decided not to use armed bodyguards despite threats on his life, and reacted to violent experiences, such as the bombing of his home, with compassion. Through the practical experience of leading nonviolent protest, King came to understand how nonviolence could become a way of life, applicable to all situations. King called the principle of nonviolent resistance the "guiding light of our movement. Christ furnished the spirit and motivation while Gandhi furnished the method" (Papers 5:423).

King's notion of nonviolence had six key principles. First, one can resist evil without resorting to violence. Second, nonviolence seeks to win the "friendship and understanding" of the opponent, not to humiliate him (King, Stride, 84). Third, evil itself, not the people committing evil acts, should be opposed. Fourth, those committed to nonviolence must be willing to suffer without retaliation as suffering itself can be redemptive. Fifth, nonviolent resistance avoids "external physical violence" and "internal violence of spirit" as well: "The nonviolent resister not only refuses to shoot his opponent but he also refuses to hate him" (King, Stride, 85). The resister should be motivated by love in the sense of the Greek word agape, which means "understanding," or "redeeming good will for all men" (King, Stride, 86). The sixth principle is that the nonviolent resister must have a "deep faith in the future," stemming from the conviction that "The universe is on the side of justice" (King, Stride, 88).

During the years after the bus boycott, King grew increasingly committed to nonviolence. An India trip in 1959 helped him connect more intimately with Gandhi's legacy. King began to advocate nonviolence not just in a national sphere, but internationally as well: "the potential destructiveness of modern weapons" convinced King that "the choice today is no longer between violence and nonviolence. It is either nonviolence or nonexistence" (Papers 5:424).

After Black Power advocates such as Stokely Carmichael began to reject nonviolence, King lamented that some African Americans had lost hope, and reaffirmed his own commitment to nonviolence: "Occasionally in life one develops a conviction so precious and meaningful that he will stand on it till the end. This is what I have found in nonviolence" (King, Where, 63-64). He wrote in his 1967 book, Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?: "We maintained the hope while transforming the hate of traditional revolutions into positive nonviolent power. As long as the hope was fulfilled there was little questioning of nonviolence. But when the hopes were blasted, when people came to see that in spite of progress their conditions were still insufferable ... despair began to set in" (King, Where, 45). Arguing that violent revolution was impractical in the context of a multiracial society, he concluded: "Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that. The beauty of nonviolence is that in its own way and in its own time it seeks to break the chain reaction of evil" (King, Where, 62-63).

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As a theologian, Martin Luther King reflected often on his understanding of nonviolence. He described his own "pilgrimage to nonviolence" in his first book, Stride Toward Freedom, and in subsequent books and articles. "True pacifism," or "nonviolent resistance," King wrote, is "a courageous confrontation of evil by the power of love" (King, Stride, 80).

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-embedded within all levels of society
-aspect of culture used to legitimize violence
-may be committed in private or ouboic
-Id'd in the mindset, beliefs, and values of a society
-potentiallu hard to eliminate

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Iran was rocked by an unprecedented popular uprising against the Islamic Republic system. Security forces unlawfully fired live ammunition and metal pellets to crush protests, killing hundreds of men, women and children and injuring thousands. Thousands of people were arbitrarily detained and/or unfairly prosecuted solely for peacefully exercising their human rights. Women, LGBTI people, and ethnic and religious minorities suffered intensified discrimination and violence. Enforced disappearances, torture and other ill-treatment, including through the deliberate denial of medical care, were widespread and systematic. Cruel and inhuman punishments, including flogging, amputation and blinding, were imposed and/or carried out. The use of the death penalty increased and public executions resumed. Trials remained systematically unfair. Systemic impunity prevailed for past and ongoing crimes against humanity relating to prison massacres in 1988 and other crimes under international law.

Background

An unprecedented popular uprising rocked Iran from September, with people calling for an end to the Islamic Republic system. Protests were ongoing at the end of the year.

In March, the UN Human Rights Council renewed the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Iran. In November, the same body established a fact-finding mission to investigate human rights violations relating to the uprising.

All independent UN experts and international monitors other than the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of the unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights were denied entry to Iran.

In March, Iran signed a bilateral treaty with Belgium - the Transfer of Sentenced Persons - raising concerns about its potential use to grant impunity for Iranian state agents arrested and convicted abroad of serious human rights violations. In December, the Constitutional Court of Belgium partially suspended implementation of the treaty and was due to rule on its annulment in early 2023.

Iran continued to provide military support to government forces in the armed conflict in Syria (see Syria entry).

Iran supported the Russian government's invasion of Ukraine by providing Shahed 136 drones, which were used to target and destroy civilian infrastructure.

In September/October, the Revolutionary Guards attacked Kurdish opposition groups inside the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, resulting in the deaths of more than a dozen people, including a pregnant woman.

Freedom of expression, association and assembly

The authorities ramped up already suffocating levels of repression, leaving no space for peaceful dissent.

Freedom of expression and association

The authorities censored media, jammed satellite television channels and, from September, added Instagram and WhatsApp to the list of blocked and/or filtered mobile apps and social media platforms, which included Facebook, Signal, Telegram, Twitter and YouTube.

The authorities repeatedly shut off or disrupted internet and mobile phone networks during protests to suppress mobilization and hide the scale of violations by security forces.

The Internet User Protection Bill, which would further erode online freedoms and access to the global internet, remained pending. In September, an executive directive was issued further limiting access to online content.

The authorities banned all independent political parties, civil society organizations and independent trade unions, and subjected striking workers to reprisals.

Freedom of assembly

The authorities systematically adopted a militarized response to localized and nationwide protests.

In May, security forces in Khuzestan province, as well as Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province, unlawfully used live ammunition, birdshot, tear gas and water cannon to crush largely peaceful protests over soaring food prices and a deadly building collapse in Abadan, Khuzestan province. At least four people were killed. Scores of others, including children, sustained injuries from birdshot, the use of which violates the prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment.

The death in custody of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini at the hands of Iran's "morality" police on 16 September sparked a nationwide uprising that continued the rest of the year. The authorities extensively and unlawfully fired live ammunition, metal pellets and tear gas and subjected protesters to severe beatings. Amnesty International recorded the names of hundreds of protesters and bystanders unlawfully killed by security forces, including dozens of children. Hundreds were blinded or sustained other serious eye injuries due to security forces firing metal pellets. Thousands more sustained injuries for which many did not seek medical care due to fear of arrest.

More than half of those killed belonged to the oppressed Baluchi minority in Sistan and Baluchestan province and the oppressed Kurdish minority in the provinces of Kurdistan, Kermanshah and West Azerbaijan.

Peacefully protesting university students and schoolchildren were expelled and subjected to violent raids, beatings and other ill-treatment.

Arbitrary detention and unfair trials

Thousands of people were arbitrarily detained and/or unfairly prosecuted throughout the year for peacefully exercising their human rights; many remained unjustly imprisoned.

According to a leaked audio-recorded official statement, between 15,000 and 16,000 people were detained during the first weeks of the uprising. The authorities continued mass arbitrary arrests until the end of the year and subjected many to unjust prosecutions and unfair trials.

Two young men were arbitrarily executed in relation to the nationwide uprising after sham trials and without advance notice to their families, while scores of others were under the sentence of death or remained on trial for overly broad capital charges including "enmity against God" ( moharebeh) and "corruption on earth" ( efsad-e fel-arz).

The authorities further suppressed civil society, subjecting hundreds of human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists, political dissidents, activists, conservationists, writers, artists, musicians, university students and schoolchildren, to arbitrary detention and/or unjust prosecution.

Hundreds of workers, including teachers, faced arbitrary detention for going on strike, taking part in International Workers' Day rallies, and/or otherwise raising concerns about workers' rights.

The practice of arbitrarily detaining foreign and dual nationals for leverage continued and, in some cases, constituted the crime of hostage-taking.

The arbitrary house arrest of dissidents Mehdi Karroubi, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard entered its 12th year.

The judiciary lacked independence and oversaw a repressive apparatus replete with systematic due process violations, including denial of access to a lawyer at the investigation stage, enforced disappearance, incommunicado detention, admission of torture-tainted "confessions" as evidence, and summary and secret sham trials bearing no resemblance to judicial proceedings, resulting in imprisonment, flogging and death sentences.

Torture and other ill-treatment

Torture and other ill-treatment, including through prolonged solitary confinement and deliberate denial of medical care, remained widespread and systematic. Forced "confessions" obtained under torture and other ill-treatment were broadcast on state television.

Prison and prosecution authorities, working under the judiciary, held prisoners in cruel and inhuman conditions characterized by overcrowding, poor sanitation, inadequate food and water, insufficient beds, poor ventilation and insect infestation.

Dozens of people died in custody in suspicious circumstances involving credible reports of physical torture and/or denial of medical care. No investigations were conducted in line with international standards.

The Penal Code retained punishments violating the prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment, including flogging, blinding, amputation, crucifixion and stoning.

Between May and September, the authorities amputated the fingers of at least five men convicted of theft: four in Evin prison, Tehran province, and one in Raja'i Shahr prison, Alborz province.

In October, the cases of two men and a woman were sent to the Office for Implementation of Sentences in Tehran to carry out their sentences of blinding under the principle of qesas (retribution-in-kind). No public information emerged on their implementation by the end of the year.

Courts issued at least 178 flogging sentences, according to Abdorrahman Boroumand Center.

Discrimination

Ethnic minorities

Ethnic minorities, including Ahwazi Arabs, Azerbaijani Turks, Baluchis, Kurds and Turkmen, faced widespread discrimination, curtailing their access to education, employment, adequate housing and political office. Continued under-investment in minority-populated regions exacerbated poverty and marginalization.

Persian remained the sole language of instruction in primary and secondary education, despite repeated calls for linguistic diversity.

Security forces unlawfully killed scores of unarmed Kurdish cross-border couriers ( kulbars) between the Kurdistan regions of Iran and Iraq and Baluchi fuel porters ( soukhtbar) in Sistan and Baluchestan province. Authorities failed to investigate the killings and hold those responsible accountable.

Religious minorities

Religious minorities, including Baha'is, Christians, Gonabadi Dervishes, Jews, Yaresan and Sunni Muslims, suffered discrimination in law and practice, including in access to education, employment, child adoption, political office and places of worship. Hundreds were arbitrarily detained, unjustly prosecuted, tortured or ill-treated and/or subjected to other forms of harassment for professing or practising their faith. People born to parents classified as Muslim by the authorities risked arbitrary detention, torture or the death penalty for "apostasy" if they adopted other religions or atheism.

Members of the Baha'i minority were subjected to widespread and systematic violations for practising their faith, including arbitrary detention, interrogation, torture and other ill-treatment, and enforced disappearance. Authorities forcibly closed Baha'i businesses, confiscated dozens of Baha'i properties, demolished their homes and cemeteries, and banned Baha'is from higher education. In June, an appeal court upheld a verdict authorizing the confiscation of 18 Baha'i properties in Semnan province. In August, the authorities bulldozed six Baha'i houses and confiscated more than 20 hectares of land in a village in Mazandaran province, resulting in loss of livelihood.

Authorities raided house churches and subjected Christian converts to arbitrary arrest, confiscation of personal property, prosecution on national security charges, and punishments such as imprisonment, fines and internal "exile".

Several Gonabadi Dervishes remained unjustly imprisoned.

LGBTI people

LGBTI people suffered systemic discrimination and violence. Consensual same-sex sexual relations remained criminalized with punishments ranging from flogging to the death penalty. State-endorsed "conversion therapies" amounting to torture or other ill-treatment remained prevalent, including against children. Hormone therapy and surgical procedures including sterilization were mandatory for legal gender changes. Gender non-conforming individuals risked criminalization and denial of access to education and employment.

In August, LGBTI rights defender Zahra Sedighi-Hamadani, known as Sareh, and another woman, Elham Choubdar, were sentenced to death for "corruption on earth" by a Revolutionary Court in Urumieh, West Azerbaijan province, due to their real or perceived sexual orientation and/or gender identity and their social media activities in support of LGBTI communities. The Supreme Court quashed their conviction and sentence in December and sent their case for retrial.

Women and girls

The authorities continued to treat women as second-class citizens, including in relation to marriage, divorce, child custody, employment, inheritance and political office.

The legal age of marriage for girls remained at 13, and fathers could obtain judicial permission for their daughters to be married at a younger age.

Women and girls were at the forefront of the popular uprising, challenging decades of gender-based discrimination and violence, and defying discriminatory and degrading compulsory veiling laws that result in them facing daily harassment and violence by state and non-state actors, arbitrary detention, torture and other ill-treatment, and denial of access to education, employment and public spaces.

There was a stricter enforcement of these laws in mid-2022, culminating in the death in custody of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini in September, days after she was violently arrested by Iran's "morality" police amid credible reports of torture and other ill-treatment.

Authorities failed to provide adequate gender-specific healthcare to women prisoners.

The "Defending dignity and protecting women against violence" bill, introduced over a decade earlier, stalled in parliament. Lawmakers failed to revise the bill to define domestic violence as a separate offence, criminalize marital rape and child marriage, or ensure men who murder their wives or daughters face proportionate punishments.

Refugees' and migrants' rights

Security forces unlawfully fired live ammunition at Afghan men, women and children attempting to cross the Afghanistan/Iran border, resulting in unlawful killings. Afghans who managed to enter Iran were arbitrarily detained and subjected to torture and other ill-treatment before being unlawfully and forcibly returned.

Death penalty

Executions increased from the previous year and public executions resumed after a two-year hiatus.

The authorities used the death penalty as a tool of political repression against protesters, dissidents and ethnic minorities.

The oppressed Baluchi minority made up a disproportionate number of those executed.

The death penalty was imposed after grossly unfair trials, including for offences not meeting the threshold of the "most serious crimes" such as drug trafficking, financial corruption, vandalism and for acts protected under international human rights law, including the peaceful exercise of the right to freedom of expression.

Several people were executed for offences that occurred when they were children; scores of others who were below 18 years of age at the time of the crime remained on death row.

No public official was investigated or held accountable for extrajudicial executions and other unlawful killings, torture, enforced disappearance and other grave human rights violations committed in 2022 or previous years.

The authorities covered up the real number of those killed by security forces during protests by blaming deaths on "rioters" or, in some cases, including those of children killed, claiming their deaths resulted from suicide or accidents. They dismissed complaints by victims' families and threatened to kill or harm them or their children if they spoke out.

No independent investigation was carried out into Mahsa (Zhina) Amini's death in custody. The authorities denied responsibility, concealed vital evidence, and threatened her family and others disputing the official narrative and calling for truth and justice.

Relatives seeking truth and justice and witnesses from the November 2019 protests who testified at the International People's Tribunal on Iran's Atrocities in London, UK, faced arbitrary detention and other forms of harassment.

No independent investigations took place into the use of unlawful force against prisoners in Evin prison in October or into the circumstances surrounding the deaths of at least eight prisoners.

The authorities continued to conceal the truth surrounding the January 2020 missile strike against Ukraine International Airlines Flight 752, which killed 176 people. In August, the judiciary announced the return of the case of 10 low-ranking officials tried before a military court for their involvement in the missile strike to the prosecutor's office due to a "flawed investigation".

Impunity prevailed for ongoing crimes against humanity relating to the mass extrajudicial executions and enforced disappearances of 1988, with many of those involved holding top positions, including the president. High concrete walls were erected around the Khavaran mass graves where the remains of several hundred victims are believed to be buried, raising concerns about the security of the site. In July, a Swedish court sentenced former Iranian official Hamid Nouri to life in prison over crimes relating to the 1988 prison massacres, following an historic trial under the principle of universal jurisdiction.

Failure to prevent climate change and environmental degradation

Environmental experts criticized the authorities' failure to address Iran's environmental crisis, marked by loss of lakes, rivers and wetlands; deforestation; air pollution; water pollution caused by the discharge of wastewater into urban water sources; and land subsidence.

In July, Iran was one of only eight countries to abstain from a UN General Assembly resolution, adopted with 161 states in favour, which declared access to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment a universal human right.

1. Iran: They are Shooting Brazenly: Iran's Militarized Response to May 2022 Protests, 3 August

2. Iran: Leaked Official Documents Ordering Deadly Crackdown Highlight Need for International Action, 30 September

3. Iran: The Crime of Holding Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe Hostage Must Not Go Unpunished, 1 June

4. "Iran: Finger amputation risk for eight prisoners", 16 June

5. "Iran: Intensified assault on Iran's Baha'i minority", 23 August

6. "Iran: Iranian LGBTI defender sentenced to death: Zahra Sedighi-Hamadani & Elham Choubdar", 15 September

7. Iran: Urgent International Action Needed to Ensure Accountability for Mahsa Amini's Death in Custody, 27 September

8. Iran: Authorities Violating Absolute Prohibition of Torture Through Harassment of Witnesses Involved in Iran Atrocities Tribunal, 7 April

9. "Iran: Tortured prisoners at Evin prison are in urgent need of international protection", 18 October

10. "Iran: Walls erected around graves of massacre victims show urgent need for international investigation," 13 September

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Stay up to date on the state of human rights in Iran with the latest research, campaigns and education material from Amnesty International.

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-when power functions in a way that physiclaly or mentally harms indiviudals/groups
-a govt. commits this when it forcibly limits HD
-leads to suffering that could be prevented
-often unchallenged/unacknowledged

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Black Codes and Jim Crow

The first steps toward official segregation came in the form of " Black Codes." These were laws passed throughout the South starting around 1865, that dictated most aspects of Black peoples' lives, including where they could work and live. The codes also ensured Black people's availability for cheap labor after slavery was abolished.

Segregation soon became official policy enforced by a series of Southern laws. Through so-called Jim Crow laws (named after a derogatory term for Blacks), legislators segregated everything from schools to residential areas to public parks to theaters to pools to cemeteries, asylums, jails and residential homes. There were separate waiting rooms for whites people and Black people in professional offices and, in 1915, Oklahoma became the first state to even segregate public phone booths.

Colleges were segregated and separate Black institutions like Howard University in Washington, D.C. and Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee were created to compensate. Virginia's Hampton Institute was established in 1869 as a school for Black youth, but with white instructors teaching skills to relegate Black people in service positions to whites.

The Supreme Court and Segregation

In 1875 the outgoing Republican-controlled House and Senate passed a civil rights bill outlawing discrimination in schools, churches and public transportation. But the bill was barely enforced and was overturned by the Supreme Court in 1883.

In 1896, the Supreme Court ruled in Plessy v. Ferguson that segregation was constitutional. The ruling established the idea of "separate but equal." The case involved a mixed-race man who was forced to sit in the Black-designated train car under Louisiana's Separate Car Act.

Housing Segregation

As part of the segregation movement, some cities instituted zoning laws that prohibited Black families from moving into white-dominant blocks. In 1917, as part of Buchanan v. Warley, the Supreme Court found such zoning to be unconstitutional because it interfered with property rights of owners.

Using loopholes in that ruling in the 1920s, Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover created a federal zoning committee to persuade local boards to pass rules preventing lower-income families from moving into middle-income neighborhoods, an effort that targeted Black families. Richmond, Virginia, decreed that people were barred from residency on any block where they could not legally marry the majority of residents. This invoked Virginia's anti-mixed race marriage law and was not technically in violation with the Supreme Court decision.

Segregation During the Great Migration

During the Great Migration, a period between 1916 and 1970, six million African Americans left the South. Huge numbers moved northeast and reported discrimination and segregation similar to what they had experienced in the South.

As late as the 1940s, it was still possible to find "Whites Only" signs on businesses in the North. Segregated schools and neighborhoods existed, and even after World War II, Black activists reported hostile reactions when Black people attempted to move into white neighborhoods.

Segregation and the Public Works Administration

The Public Works Administration's efforts to build housing for people displaced during the Great Depression focused on homes for white families in white communities. Only a small portion of houses was built for Black families, and those were limited to segregated Black communities.

In some cities, previously integrated communities were torn down by the PWA and replaced by segregated projects. The reason given for the policy was that Black families would bring down property values.

Red-Lining

Starting in the 1930s, the Federal Home Loan Bank Board and the Home Owners' Loan Corporation conspired to create maps with marked areas considered bad risks for mortgages in a practice known as "red-lining." The areas marked in red as "hazardous" typically outlined Black neighborhoods. This kind of mapping concentrated poverty as (mostly Black) residents in red-lined neighborhoods had no access or only very expensive access to loans.

The practice did not begin to end until the 1970s. Then, in 2008, a system of "reverse red-lining," which extended credit on unfair terms with subprime loans, created a higher rate of foreclosure in Black neighborhoods during the housing crisis.

Housing Segregation

In 1948, the Supreme Court ruled that a Black family had the right to move into their newly-purchased home in a quiet neighborhood in St. Louis, despite a covenant dating back to 1911 that precluded the use of the property in the area by "any person not of the Caucasian race." In Shelley v. Kramer, attorneys from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), led by Thurgood Marshall, argued that allowing such white-only real estate covenants were not only morally wrong, but strategically misguided in a time when the country was trying to promote a unified, anti-Soviet agenda under President Harry Truman. Civil rights activists saw the landmark case as an example of how to start to undo trappings of segregation at the federal level.

But while the Supreme Court ruled that white-only covenants were not enforceable, the real estate playing field was hardly leveled. The Housing Act of 1949 was proposed by Truman to solve a housing shortage caused by soldiers returned from World War II. The act subsidized housing for whites only, even stipulating that Black families could not purchase the houses even on resale. The program effectively resulted in the government funding white flight from cities.

One of the most notorious of the white-only communities created by the Housing Act was Levittown, New York, built in 1949 and followed by other Levittowns in different locations.

Segregation in Schools

Segregation of children in public schools was struck down by the Supreme Court as unconstitutional in 1954 with Brown v. Board of Education. The case was originally filed in Topeka, Kansas after seven-year-old Linda Brown was rejected from the all-white schools there.

A follow-up opinion handed decision-making to local courts, which allowed some districts to defy school desegregation. This led to a showdown in Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1957, when President Dwight D. Eisenhower deployed federal troops to ensure nine Black students entered high school after Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus had called in the National Guard to block them.

When Rosa Parks was arrested in 1955 after refusing to give up her bus seat to a white man in Montgomery, Alabama, the civil rights movement began in earnest. Through the efforts of organizers like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the resulting protests, the Civil Rights Act was signed in 1964, outlawing discrimination, though desegregation was a slow process, especially in schools.

Boston Busing Crisis

One of the worst incidents of anti-integration happened in 1974. Violence broke out in Boston when, in order to solve the city's school segregation problems, courts mandated a busing system that carried Black students from predominantly Roxbury to South Boston schools, and vice versa.

The state had passed the Elimination of Racial Balance law in 1965, but it had been held up in court by Irish Catholic opposition. Police protected the Black students as several days of violence broke out between police and Southie residents. White crowds greeted the buses with insults, and further violence erupted between Southie residents and retaliating Roxbury crowds. State troopers were called in until the violence subsided after a few weeks.

Segregation in the 21st Century

Segregation persists in the 21st Century. Studies show that while the public overwhelmingly supports integrated schools, only a third of Americans want federal government intervention to enforce it.

The term "apartheid schools" describes still-existing, largely segregated schools, where white students make up 0 to 10 percent of the student body. The phenomenon reflects residential segregation in cities and communities across the country, which is not created by overtly racial laws, but by local ordinances that target minorities disproportionately.

Sources

Stamped From the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America by Ibram X. Kendi, published by Bodley Head.
The Case for Reparations by Ta-Nehisi Coates, The .
Dismantling Desegregation by Gary Orfield and Susan E. Eaton by the New Press.

Fact Check

We strive for accuracy and fairness. But if you see something that doesn't look right, click here to contact us! HISTORY reviews and updates its content regularly to ensure it is complete and accurate.

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Segregation in the United States - Meaning, Facts. & Legacy

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After the United States abolished slavery, Black Americans continued to be marginalized through Jim Crow laws and diminished access to facilities, housing, education-and opportunities.

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-when a group is physically/mentally harmed through direct action
-straightforward, easy to ID
-possible to investigate and establish responsibility
-possible to measure
0possible to hold those accountable
Ex. ICC

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-peace is the absence of structual, direct, and cultural violence
-peace is non-violent and creative conflict transformation

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The eight Pillars of Positive Peace - Vision of Humanity

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The eight Pillars of Positive Peace, were derived from the datasets that had the strongest correlation with internal peacefulness.

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positive peace is sustainable and stable

# data[].attributes.body
negative peace is always fragile
-based on shfting configuartions of power in the international system or within a state

# data[].attributes.body
-along with the absence of violence, structual violence (violence embedded in social, economic, and political systems) is also absent
Ex. Norway

# data[].attributes.body
-definition of peace that refers to the absence or missing of something
-the absence of war and direct violence

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Gn pays Gs because GN in developed, and emit more co2 than GS. Gn pays reperations so that GS can develop, since they are less wealthy and development requires wealth.
Note: Gn wants GS to develop in a different way than GN did- green development. There is no action plan to this. Gn doesn;t tell GS how to develop, because they don't know

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There is an unmistakable moral imperative for humanitarian organisations to get involved in crisis situations like the Tsunami or Haiti. This type of aid is efficient in lessening immediate suffering; however it is not the solution in the long-run and does not help provide a stable platform for these countries to sustainably develop. It may have been a success with the US's Marshall Plan in the late 1940s but more recent foreign aid efforts have been found to hinder development where it is indispensable, and they involve so much more money than was needed to rebuild Europe after World War 2...

Let's focus on Sub-Saharan Africa. We hear about all these efforts but when we take a look at the statistics of foreign aid budgets to Chad, Angola or Nigeria , the level of progress suddenly appears to be very low in comparison to the huge sums received. The continent as a whole receives roughly $50 billion of international assistance annually. Yet, instead of drastically improving the living conditions of the 600 million people who live below the poverty line, this aid makes the rich richer, the poor poorer and hinders economic growth in the region, not to mention catalysing the vicious cycle of corruption.

Foreign Aid is Synonymous With Promotion of Corruption and Dependence

So why are we still giving?

It ultimately makes our politicians look like they all look out for each other and care about each other. The political and strategic interests of the donors dictate the aid giving process more than concerns of good governance in the recipient nations.

This makes African countries look like a helpless civilisation led by corrupt kleptomaniac elites. Colonial history also plays a huge role in the foreign aid process. France tends to gives a lot to its former colonies as a consequence of guilt of the past. Australia and Nordic countries have a tendency to discriminate, or unlike France and the UK they "can" choose to give only to the less corrupt countries because they have no colonial legacies thus freeing them from political pressures.

Can economic growth in the region be steered back into the right direction ?

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Foreign aid is hurting, not helping Sub-Saharan Africa

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Providing developing countries and in particular Sub-Saharan Africa with aid - under many forms, social, economic, humanitarian - has been our priority since the post-independence era in the 1960s. NGOs are in their hundreds of thousands trying to make the world a better place, fighting fatal...

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-countries that are rich in resources but still underdeveloped
Ex. Venezuela

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NANDITHA NAIR - OCTOBER 15TH, 2019 EDITOR: SHAWN SHIN

Prior to the 1980s, Venezuela was hailed as the richest country in South America. Now, some four decades later, it's on the brink of total collapse. Despite its abundance in oil-dubbed 'black gold'-which promised a bright future for the country's economy, Venezuelans today are surviving on foreign aid. It's bound to go in the history books as a classic case of the "resource curse": the tendency of resource-rich countries to have unstable economies and undemocratic institutions. Today, Venezuela faces the triple burden of economic, humanitarian, and political crises that show little hope of resolving themselves.

Nicolas Maduro, the president of Venezuela and a member of the United Socialist Party, has continued the socialist regime established by his predecessor and mentor Hugo Chavez since his election to power in 2012. In 2018 he began his second six-year term, following an election which has been widely claimed as fraudulent by his two opposition parties, the international community, and independent watchdogs like Freedom House. Reacting to the irregularities of that election, Venezuela's opposition-led legislative body, the National Assembly, declared Maduro a usurper in January of 2019. In addition, the parliament referenced constitutional article 233 and declared its own president, Juan Guaido, as interim head of state and demanded a rerun of the elections.

The country has since reached a gridlock-one which has not been solved by the participation of a divided international community. Guaido has garnered the support of over 50 countries, including and most importantly, that of the United States. Since January, the Trump administration has tightened restrictions of access to US financial markets as well as trade sanctions on Venezuelan state companies, which fund the Maduro regime. This is a continuation of established during the Bush and Obama regimes, which have supported opposition parties in favor of Chavez and Maduro. The US also placed sanctions on international actors, such as the Russian Evrofinance Mosnarbank, which have been affiliated with the Venezuelan state oil company PdVSA. Guaido has also won the support of most of South American countries , increasingly putting the country in a position of political and economic isolation. These measures have compounded over 20 years of continued economic mismanagement, resulting in the lowest national oil production volumes in decades.

However, Guaido's claim to the presidency has hardly been substantiated. Since January, Guaido has mobilised Venezuelans from disillusioned slums into protests. But the government has responded in kind through anti-riot crackdowns that have resulted in over 100 deaths , as well as by organising counter-protests in favor of Maduro. Furthermore, Guaido's efforts to spark a military coup have been fruitless, attracting only a few low-level dissidents while top leaders remained loyal to Maduro. In effect, Maduro remains in control of Venezuela's key institutions, including the Supreme Court. The de facto president has rejected Guaido's presidency, and echoing Chavez's fears of US interference in Venezuelan politics, has called Guaido a "US puppet." In addition to domestic control, Maduro is backed by Russia, China, and a few other countries. They have been key players in supporting the Maduro regime, vetoing a US draft resolution at the UN Security Council calling for re-elections in February. Russia, which has a history of investment in PdVSA through its own state-owned arms and oil industries, no doubt wishes to ensure that the Maduro regime lives to repay its debts. In addition, Venezuela's geopolitical position means it is of particular interest to the European superpower, which aims to extend its influence on the South American continent. China on the other hand seems to be on the fence , and is supporting the status quo by default.

However, international support for Maduro has been mostly symbolic and the regime has not had the good fortune of having physical proximity to its allies. Surrounded by countries enforcing heavy trade sanctions, the future looks bleak for Venezuela unless the government and the opposition can reach a settlement. Mediation efforts facilitated by Norway have fallen apart, with the government and legislature failing to arrive at a compromise between the demands for relaxed sanctions and free elections. As the stalemate continues, so does the suffering of the country's population of 32 million, of which about 90 percent are living below the poverty line -a statistic that has been increasing steadily since Maduro's rise to power.

Since the time of Chavez's rule, known as Venezuela's supposed golden age, the country has periodically faced severe shortages of basic consumer goods . Following the plummet in oil prices in 2014, the situation has only worsened, with the country's economy going into a tailspin. In addition to the scarcity of food and water, inflation-which has remained at around 10 million percent over the past year-has left most Venezuelans scarcely able to afford one meal a day. An ever-increasing shortage of medicine and healthcare professionals has been accompanied by the return of malaria, diphtheria, and measles, with fatality rates increasing by the year. These conditions have sparked a refugee and migrant crisis in the region, with over 4 million Venezuelans fleeing into neighbouring countries, according to the UNHCR .

Venezuelans have Hugo Chavez and the expensive policies of his "Bolivarian Revolution" to thank for its current state. Chavez implemented a number of socialist reforms during his term, making healthcare, education, and housing more affordable. To fund these changes, he siphoned profits liberally from the PdVSA. While his measures were popular with the masses and Venezuela's GDP continued to rise throughout his presidency, the expensive socialist regime neglected to maintain the capital-intensive oil industry on which its economy was so dependent. With little resources left behind, the PdVSA neglected to sufficiently reinvest in the discovery and drilling of new oil wells, which, while it is a crucial aspect of maintaining production volumes in any oil industry, was and is even more imperative for the Venezuelan case owing to its geological peculiarities. Chavez's policy changes did not occur without resistance from within the PdVSA, but he paved his way to complete control through rounds of mass firings. This resulted in a massive loss of technical expertise, which spectators believe will take decades to rebuild.

In retrospect, the current crisis seems to have been inevitable for an economy propped up on a single price-sensitive industry. Adding to this mix a healthy serving of corruption and a fair share of political repression, it's clear to see that the crisis in Venezuela has been a long time coming. According to Deputy of the National Assembly , Juan Andres Mejia, the revival of the Venezuelan economy depends on the replacement of the 2001 Hydrocarbon Laws implemented under Chavez with new efforts to foster private sector growth. In addition, reparations of essential infrastructures and a temporary reliance on food imports, at least while the agricultural industry is being restored, are the first plans of action. But with the military firmly in Maduro's hands, how long this crisis will take to resolve and stabilize will depend on how willing both parties are in negotiating a settlement, and how capable international actors are in facilitating those discussions.

Featured Image Source: The Independent

Disclaimer: The views published in this journal are those of the individual authors or speakers and do not necessarily reflect the position or policy of Berkeley Economic Review staff, the Undergraduate Economics Association, the UC Berkeley Economics Department and faculty, or the University of California, Berkeley in general.

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NANDITHA NAIR - OCTOBER 15TH, 2019 EDITOR: SHAWN SHIN Prior to the 1980s, Venezuela was hailed as the richest country in South America. Now, some four decades later, it's on the brink of total collapse. Despite its abundance in oil-dubbed 'black gold'-which promised a bright future for the country's economy, Venezuelans today are surviving on foreign aid.

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-increased sharing of ideas, meaning across the world

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increasing the global governance beyond nations/states

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increasing the integration and interdependence of global economies

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a process of global interaction and integration. It occurs between people, trading entities, and govts. of all nations

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The Challenges of Globalization for Africa --Alassane D. Ouattara

Address by Alassane D. Ouattara
Deputy Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund
at the Southern Africa Economic Summit
sponsored by the World Economic Forum
Harare, May 21, 1997

Introduction
Globalization has become a major topic of discussion and concern in economic circles since the mid-1990s. It is clear that the trend toward more integrated world markets has opened a wide potential for greater growth, and presents an unparalleled opportunity for developing countries to raise their living standards. At the same time, however, the Mexican crisis has focussed attention on the downside risks of this trend, and concerns have arisen about the risks of marginalization of countries. All of this has given rise to a sense of misgiving, particularly among developing countries.
So what is "globalization"? What are its implications for the conduct of economic policy, particularly in Africa? What are its potential benefits and risks? What will developing countries have to do to benefit from it, to avoid its downside risks? Is there any good reason to fear globalization? To answer these and other questions, it would be useful first to explain what globalization is, and what it is not, what has caused it, and what effects it has had. Situating the discussion in this context will make it easier to identify the benefits and the true risks of the trend to global integration and, in turn, to determine the correct policy response.
What is globalization?
In most basic terms, the globalization of the world economy is the integration of economies throughout the world through trade, financial flows, the exchange of technology and information, and the movement of people. The extent of the trend toward integration is clearly reflected in the rising importance of world trade and capital flows in the world economy. An increasingly large share of world GDP is generated in activities linked directly or indirectly to international trade. And there has been a phenomenal growth in cross-border financial flows, particularly in the form of private equity and portfolio investment, compared with the past. In addition, the revolution in communication and transportation technology and the much improved availability of information have allowed individuals and firms to base their economic choices more on the quality of the economic environment in different countries. As a result, economic success in today's world is less a question of relative resource endowments or geographical location than it used to be in the past. Now, it is more a question of the market perception of the orientation and predictability of economic policy.

Globalization is first and foremost a result of the expansion, diversification and deepening of trade and financial links between countries, especially over the last ten years. This reflects above all the success of multilateral tariff reduction and trade liberalization efforts. The Fund has played a key role in encouraging current account convertibility as a basis for the expansion of world trade, and more than two-thirds of the Fund's member countries have committed themselves to this principle by accepting the obligations of Article VIII. Also, economic thought itself has evolved over time, toward the general acceptance of the fact that outward- oriented and open economies are more successful than closed, inward-looking ones. Consequently, more than at any time previously, individual countries in all parts of the world are liberalizing their exchange and trade regimes in the conviction that this is indeed the best approach for growth and development. Moreover, there is a deeper commitment of national authorities throughout the world to sound macroeconomic policies, and to creating a more stable environment for investment and the expansion of economic activity. Finally, with the increasing liberalization of financial markets, and their growing sophistication, capital markets have become integrated, and capital flows are now largely driven primarily by considerations of risk and return.

The benefits of these developments are easily recognizable--increasing trade has given consumers and producers a wider choice of low-cost goods, often incorporating more advanced technologies, and facilitated a more efficient use of global resources. Greater access to world markets has allowed countries to exploit their comparative advantages more intensively, while opening their economies to the benefits of increased international competition. The rapid increase in capital and private investment flows has raised the resources available to countries able to attract them, and accelerated the pace of their development beyond what they could otherwise have achieved.

Moreover, greater openness and participation in competitive international trade have increased employment, primarily of skilled labor, in tradable goods sectors. With the expansion of these sectors, unskilled labor has found increased employment opportunities in the nontradable sectors, such as construction and transportation. The expansion of merchandise trade may also have lessened migrationary pressures. On the other hand, the movement of labor across national boundaries has in many cases lessened production bottlenecks, raising the supply response of recipient economies, and increasing income in the supplying countries through worker remittances. Openness to foreign expertise and management techniques has also greatly improved production efficiency in many developing countries.

But there are also risks to globalization. The ability of investment capital to seek out the most efficient markets, and for producers and consumers to access the most competitive source, exposes and intensifies existing structural weaknesses in individual economies. Also, with the speedy flow of information, the margin of maneuver for domestic policy is much reduced, and policy mistakes are quickly punished. Indeed, increased capital mobility carries the risk of destabilizing flows and heightened exchange rate volatility, in cases where domestic macroeconomic policies are inappropriate. And finally, it is clear that countries that fail to participate in this trend toward integration run the risk of being left behind.

Who benefits and who loses?
It is important to recognize that globalization is not a zero-sum game--it is not necessary for some countries to lose in order that others may gain. But to take advantage of this trend, countries will have to position themselves properly through the right policies. Clearly, those economies that open themselves to trade and capital flows on a free and fair basis and are able to attract international capital will benefit the most from globalization. Open and integrated markets place a premium on good macroeconomic policies, and on the ability to respond quickly and appropriately to changes in the international environment.

Success in open markets, and in attracting new investment and advanced technology, also means that the structure of economies is changing more rapidly than ever before. As with any structural change, there will be some segments of society that are at a disadvantage in the short term, even while other segments, and the economy as a whole, are benefiting. This does not mean, however, that countries should seek to isolate themselves from globalization. Rather, governments must fully embrace globalization in awareness of its potential risks, and seek to provide adequate protection for the vulnerable segments of society during the process of change.

While globalization raises the rewards of good policy, it also accentuates the costs of poor policy. Credibility of economic policy, once lost, has become more difficult to regain. What is now critical is the perception of markets that economic policy formulation and implementation is consistent and predictable. This underscores the importance of flexible and well-informed policy-making, of solid, well-governed institutions, and of transparency in governance. Countries with a poor or inconsistent policy record will inevitably find themselves passed by, both from expanding trade and from private capital flows for development. These are the countries that run the risk of marginalization.

What policy response to globalization?
The question of what policies are needed to benefit from globalization has preoccupied economic thinking in recent years. In fact, this topic is a central theme of the most recent edition of the IMF's World Economic Outlook. We studied those economies that have made the most economic progress in recent years, and have profited the most from recent trends. We found that success is closely linked to an appropriate combination of policies with three main objectives: (i) achieving and preserving macroeconomic stability; (ii) promoting openness to trade and capital flows; (iii) and limiting government intervention to areas of genuine market failure and to the provision of the necessary social and economic infrastructure.

More importantly, no one set of policies is a sufficient condition for success--indeed, experience shows that poor policies in one area can obstruct progress, even if policies in other areas are good. The three objectives of policies complement and reinforce each other:

macroeconomic stability, embodied in low inflation, appropriate real exchange rates and a prudent fiscal stance, is essential for expanding domestic activity, and is a precondition for benefiting from and sustaining private capital flows;

openness, in the resolute pursuit of policies to rationalize and liberalize the exchange and trade regimes, is vital in international competition. This forces the economy to fully exploit its comparative advantage through trade;

and finally, the primary role of the government should be the creation of an enabling environment that encourages foreign and domestic investment, and of a solid infrastructure to support an expanding economy. The government must also implement policies that eliminate the structural weaknesses that would be exposed by the heightened international competition. Not surprisingly, these elements are generally central to the policy dialogue between the International Monetary Fund and its members.

The Challenges of globalization for Africa
Globalization will continue to reinforce the interdependencies between different countries and regions. It can also deepen the partnership between the advanced countries and the rest of the world. And to support this partnership in a mutually beneficial way, the advanced countries could help to further open their markets to the products and services in which the developing world has a comparative advantage. In addition, the reform efforts of the African countries will need to continue to be supported by adequate financing on concessional terms. In this regard, I am pleased to note that the Fund has put the ESAF, our concessional lending facility, on a permanent footing, so that it can continue to support reform efforts of the poorer countries, especially in Africa. Moreover, the Fund and the World Bank have recently begun implementing the framework for action to resolve the external debt problems of heavily indebted low-income countries (HIPC), including their large multilateral debt. Three African countries--Burkino Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, and Uganda--are among the first countries to be considered under the Initiative.
The challenge facing the developing world, and African countries in particular, is to design public policies so as to maximize the potential benefits from globalization, and to minimize the downside risks of destabilization and/or marginalization. None of these policies is new, and most African countries have been implementing them for some time. In particular, sub-Saharan Africa has made substantial progress toward macroeconomic stability:

there has been continued improvement in overall growth performance. Average real growth has increased from less than 1 percent in 1992 to over 5 1/2 percent in 1996, and this positive trend is expected to continue;

there has been some success in bringing down inflation--many countries have already achieved single digit inflation rates, and for the region as a whole, average inflation is expected to fall from the peak of 60 percent in 1994 to 17 percent in 1997;

countries have also reduced their internal and external imbalances. The external current account deficit has fallen from an average of 15 1/2 percent of GDP in 1992 to about 9 percent projected for this year, while the overall fiscal deficit has been cut from almost 12 percent of GDP to 6 percent over the same period.

African governments have also made considerable strides in opening their economies to world trade. A good indicator of this is the fact that 31 Sub-Saharan African countries have accepted the obligations of Article VIII of the Fund's Articles of Agreement, almost all of them since 1993. Most countries have moved ahead with trade and exchange liberalization, eliminating multiple exchange rates and nontariff barriers, and also lowering the degree of tariff protection. A recent qualitative study by the African Department of the Fund indicates that the number of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa with a "restrictive" exchange regime declined from 26 in 1990 to only 2 in 1995, while the number of countries with a "substantially liberal" trade regime rose from 26 to 38 over the same period.
Finally, the restructuring of many African economies is gaining momentum. Throughout the continent, government intervention in economic activity is on the wane. Administrative price controls are being reduced and agricultural marketing has been widely liberalized. The process of restructuring and privatizing state enterprises has been underway for some time in most countries, though with varying speed and degrees of success. And finally, fiscal reform is gaining ground--African countries are taking firm steps to rationalize their tax systems, to reduce exemptions, and to enhance administrative efficiency. At the same time, they are also reorienting expenditures away from wasteful outlays towards improved public investment and spending on key social services, particularly health and basic education.

But, as I pointed out earlier, it is essential to achieve the right combination of policies. While Africa is clearly on the right track, there is still some way to go. I see five main areas where African countries need to achieve greater progress in order to speed up their participation in globalization:

maintaining macroeconomic stability and accelerating structural reform
As the continent enters the "second phase of adjustment", the emphasis must be to maintain economic stability and to reinforce the implementation of structural policies that will make the economies more flexible, encourage diversification, and reduce their vulnerability to exogenous shocks. These include further reforms in the areas of public enterprise activity, the labor markets, and the trade regime. Governments must also ensure that public services--including transportation networks, electricity, water, and telecommunications, but also health services and education--are provided in a reliable and cost-efficient fashion.

ensuring economic security
Establishing the right framework for economic activity addresses the second requirement of policy--removing the sense of uncertainty that still plagues economic decision-making in most of Africa. The direction and orientation of future policy must be beyond question. This requires the creation of a strong national capacity for policy formulation, implementation and monitoring. Moreover, the transparency, predictability and impartiality of the regulatory and legal systems must be guaranteed. This goes well beyond the respect of private property rights and the enforcement of commercial contracts. It also involves the elimination of arbitrariness, special privileges, and ad-hoc exemptions, even where these are intended to encourage investment.

reforming financial sectors
As the Interim Committee observed during its April meetings in Washington, an open and liberal system of capital movements is beneficial to the world economy. However, rising capital flows place additional burdens on banking regulation and supervision, and require more flexible financial structures. This aspect of globalization thus confronts developing countries with a new challenge--to accelerate the development and liberalization of their financial markets, and to enhance the ability of their financial institutions to respond to the changing international environment. Much remains to be done to reform and strengthen Africa's financial systems, many of which are weak and poorly managed.

achieving good governance
National authorities should spare no efforts to tackle corruption and inefficiency, and to enhance accountability in government. This means reducing the scope of distortionary rent-seeking activities; eliminating wasteful or unproductive uses of public funds; and providing the necessary domestic security. Many African countries will also have to undertake a comprehensive reform of the civil service, aimed at reducing its size while enhancing its efficiency. In short, governments must create confidence in their role as a valued and trusted partner of private economic agents.

a partnership with civil society
Finally, African governments will need to actively encourage the participation of civil society in the debate on economic policy, and to seek the broad support of the population for the adjustment efforts. To this end, governments will need to pursue a more active information policy, explaining the objectives of policies and soliciting the input of those whom the policies are intended to benefit.

Globalization and regional integration
With closer economic integration, each country has an interest in ensuring that appropriate policies are followed in its partner countries. This could be achieved by coordination the relevant national policies within a regional context. Throughout the continent, African governments are coming together to coordinate components of their policies, and virtually all countries are now members of regional organizations. Efficient regional cooperation allows the economies of Africa to overcome the disadvantages of their relatively small size and, by opening access to larger markets, to realize economies of scale. The obligations of membership in some of these organizations also make it easier for each individual country to achieve further progress in regulatory and judicial reform (as is the case in the CFA franc zone); to rationalize payments facilities and to relax restrictions on capital transactions and investment flows (as in the Cross-Border Initiative); and to develop the mutual economic infrastructure (as in the SADC). Enhancing the trade links among themselves naturally also strengthens their ability to participate in trade on a global scale, and could lead toward further progress in the direction of nondiscriminatory multilateral trade liberalization.
The challenge for the future will be to ensure that these regional organizations are perceived as effective vehicles for the integration of African countries into the world economy, providing mutual support to their members in their reform efforts. They should not be considered as defensive mechanisms, intended to ward off the "negative" aspects of globalization. Common regional objectives should be set in terms of international best practices. And the regional organizations should seek to push through reforms in the areas of the legal and regulatory frameworks, financial sector restructuring, labor and investment code reform, and exchange and trade liberalization that seek to reach international standards as quickly as possible. The pace of progress should be what is feasible, not what is comfortable for the slowest member.

IMF EXTERNAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT

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The Challenges of Globalization for Africa --Alassane D. Ouattara

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Address by Alassane D. Ouattara Deputy Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund at the Southern Africa Economic Summit sponsored by the World Economic Forum Harare, May 21, 1997 Introduction Globalization has become a major topic of discussion and concern in economic circles since the mid-1990s.

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-encourages countries to work together in order to create sustainable progress across 17 different areas
-each goal has a specific target tjat is intended to be reached by 2030

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-focuses on continuing global development in a way that meets the needs of the present without comprimising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs
-2000: adoption of the Un millenium goals, targets to be acieved by 2015

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The United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are 8 goals that UN Member States have agreed to try to achieve by the year 2015.

The United Nations Millennium Declaration, signed in September 2000, commits world leaders to combat poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy, environmental degradation, and discrimination against women. The MDGs are derived from this Declaration. Each MDG has targets set for 2015 and indicators to monitor progress from 1990 levels. Several of these relate directly to health.

Progress report on the health-related MDGs

While some countries have made impressive gains in achieving health-related targets, others are falling behind. Often the countries making the least progress are those affected by high levels of HIV/AIDS, economic hardship or conflict.

Millennium Development Goal 1: eradicate extreme poverty and hunger

Target 1.C. Halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people who suffer from hunger

Undernutrition which includes fetal growth restriction, stunting, wasting and deficiencies of vitamin A and zinc, along with suboptimal breastfeeding; is the underlying cause of death in an estimated 45% of all deaths among children under 5 years of age. The proportion of underweight children in developing countries has declined from 28% to 17% between 1990 and 2013. This rate of progress is close to the rate required to meet the MDG target, however improvements have been unevenly distributed between and within different regions.

Millennium Development Goal 4: reduce child mortality

Target 4.A. Reduce by two-thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the under-five mortality rate

Globally, significant progress has been made in reducing mortality in children under 5 years of age. In 2013, 6.3 million children under 5 died, compared with 12.7 million in 1990. Between 1990 and 2013, under-5 mortality declined by 49%, from an estimated rate of 90 deaths per 1000 live births to 46. The global rate of decline has also accelerated in recent years - from 1.2% per annum during 1990-1995 to 4.0% during 2005-2013. Despite this improvement, the world is unlikely to achieve the MDG target of a two-thirds reduction in 1990 mortality levels by the year 2015.

More countries are now achieving high levels of immunization coverage; in 2013, 66% of Member States reached at least 90% coverage. In 2013, global measles immunization coverage was 84% among children aged 12-23 months. During 2000-2013, estimated measles deaths decreased by 74% from 481 000 to 124 000.

Millennium Development Goal 5: improve maternal health

Target 5.A. Reduce by three quarters, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality ratio

Target 5.B. Achieve, by 2015, universal access to reproductive health

Despite a significant reduction in the number of maternal deaths - from an estimated 523 000 in 1990 to 289 000 in 2013 - the rate of decline is less than half of what is needed to achieve the MDG target of a three quarters reduction in the mortality ratio between 1990 and 2015.

To reduce the number of maternal deaths, women need access to good-quality reproductive health care and effective interventions. In 2012, 64% of women aged 15-49 years who were married or in a consensual union were using some form of contraception, while 12% wanted to stop or postpone childbearing but were not using contraception.

The proportion of women receiving antenatal care at least once during pregnancy was about 83% for the period 2007-2014, but for the recommended minimum of 4 or more visits the corresponding figure drops to around 64%.

The proportion of births attended by skilled personnel - crucial for reducing perinatal, neonatal and maternal deaths - is above 90% in 3 of the 6 WHO regions. However, increased coverage is needed in certain regions, such as the WHO African Region where the figure was still only 51%.

Millennium Development Goal 6: combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases

Target 6A. Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS

Target 6B. Achieve, by 2010, universal access to treatment for HIV/AIDS for all those who need it.

In 2013 an estimated 2.1 million people were newly infected with HIV - down from 3.4 million in 2001. By the end of 2013 about 12.9 million people were receiving antiretroviral therapy (ART) globally. Of these, 11.7 million lived in low- and middle-income countries, representing 36% of the estimated 32.6 million people living with HIV in these countries. Should current trends continue the target of placing 15 million people on ART by 2015 will be exceeded.

The decrease in the number of those newly infected along with the increased availability of ART have contributed to a major decline in HIV mortality levels - from 2.4 million people in 2005 to an estimated 1.5 million in 2013. As fewer people die from AIDS-related causes the number of people living with HIV is likely to continue to grow.

Target 6C. Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the incidence of malaria and other major diseases

Malaria

About half the world's population is at risk of malaria, and an estimated 198 million cases in 2013 led to approximately 584 000 deaths - most of these in children under the age of 5 living in Africa.

During the period 2000-2013, malaria incidence and mortality rates of population at risk have both fallen globally, 30% and 47% respectively.

The coverage of interventions such as the distribution of insecticide-treated nets and indoor residual spraying has greatly increased, and will need to be sustained in order to prevent the resurgence of disease and deaths caused by malaria. Globally, the MDG target of halting by 2015 and beginning to reverse the incidence of malaria has already been met.

Tuberculosis

The annual global number of new cases of tuberculosis has been slowly falling for a decade thus achieving MDG target 6.C to reverse the spread of the disease by 2015. In 2013, there were an estimated 9 million new cases and 1.5 million deaths (including 360 000 deaths among HIV-positive people).

Globally, treatment success rates have been sustained at high levels since 2007, at or above the target of 85%. However, multi-drug resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB), which emerged primarily as a result of inadequate treatment, continues to pose problems.

Other diseases

MDG Target 6.C also includes neglected tropical diseases - a medically diverse group of infectious conditions caused by a variety of pathogens.

In 2013 only 6314 cases of human African trypanosomiasis were reported, representing the lowest levels of recorded cases in 50 years. This disease is now targeted for elimination as a public health problem by 2020. Dracunculiasis is also on the verge of eradication with an historic low of 126 cases reported in 2014 and an ongoing WHO target of interrupting its transmission by the end of 2015.

Plans to eliminate leprosy as a public health problem worldwide by 2020 have also been prepared and are being implemented. The elimination of visceral leishmaniasis as a public health problem in the Indian subcontinent by 2020 is on track with a greater than 75% reduction in incident cases recorded since the launch of the programme in 2005. In the case of lymphatic filariasis, more than 5 billion treatments have been delivered since 2000 to stop its spread and of the 73 known endemic countries 39 are on track to achieve its elimination as a public health problem by 2020.

Millennium Development Goal 7: ensure environmental sustainability

Target 7C: By 2015, halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation

The world has now met the MDG target relating to access to safe drinking-water. In 2012, 90% of the population used an improved source of drinking-water compared with 76% in 1990. Progress has however been uneven across different regions, between urban and rural areas, and between rich and poor.

With regard to basic sanitation, current rates of progress are too slow for the MDG target to be met globally. In 2012, 2.5 billion people did not have access to improved sanitation facilities, with 1 billion these people still practicing open defecation. The number of people living in urban areas without access to improved sanitation is increasing because of rapid growth in the size of urban populations.

Millennium Development Goal 8: develop a global partnership for development

Target 8E. In cooperation with pharmaceutical companies, provide access to affordable essential medicines in developing countries

Many people continue to face a scarcity of medicines in the public sector, forcing them to the private sector where prices can be substantially higher. Surveys undertaken from 2007-2013 show the average availability of selected generic medicines in 21 low- and middle-income countries was only 55% in the public sector.

Even the lowest-priced generics can put common treatments beyond the reach of low-income households in developing countries. The greatest price is paid by patients suffering chronic diseases. Effective treatments for the majority of the global chronic disease burden exist, yet universal access remains out-of-reach.

WHO response

WHO works with partners to support national efforts to achieve the health-related MDGs. WHO's activities include:

setting prevention and treatment guidelines and other global norms and standards;

providing technical support to countries to implement guidelines;

analysing social and economic factors and highlighting the broader risks and opportunities for health.

WHO assists national authorities as they develop health policies and plans, and helps governments work with development partners to align external assistance with domestic priorities. WHO also collects and disseminates data on health so countries can plan health spending and track progress.

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The United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are 8 goals that UN Member States have agreed to try to achieve by the year 2015. The United Nations Millennium Declaration, signed in September 2000, commits world leaders to combat poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy, environmental degradation, and discrimination against women.

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-Amartya Sen
-idea that development is about expanding the richness of life, not just eco.
-includes expanding freedom, opportunity, choice, and capability to lead your life
-look at development holistically
-views income growth ad eco growth as a means to an end, but not the end in itself

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-warned about the taking over the european constructed state post colonialism
-argued that post-col. states need to proceed with their own form of developemnt to suceed

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-a new paradign in dev. thinking
-decontrusts development as a discourse
0influenced by critical theories and anti colinialism
-calls for alternatives to development
-grass roots momements, local knowledge, practices, reclaiming oneself
Ex. Zapatisa movement

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Australian Institute of International Affairs

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On 1 January 1994, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), an indigenous armed organisation, declared war on the Mexican Government, demanding "work, land, housing, food, health, education, independence, liberty, democracy, justice and peace."1 This article explains the factors that encouraged this indigenous uprising that began in Chiapas, Mexico, by highlighting the interests and demands of the indigenous peoples as well as the Mexican Government's responses to them. It also addresses the limitations that both sides experienced during the struggle, and the consequences and effects this conflict brought to indigenous rights and living standards in Mexico. The EZLN movement was an eye-opening event for both the Mexican government and the non-indigenous population to realise the alarming situation of indigenous people in Chiapas. The indigenous conflict in Chiapas not only provoked a domestic awareness of indigenous rights, recognition and self-determination, but also an international awakening on these issues.
Understanding the Chiapas Indigenous Issue
Mexico has the largest indigenous population in Latin America.2 According to the UN Human Rights Commission, 15 per cent of the total Mexican population identifies as indigenous,3 with the majority living in the southern states. Mexico's indigenous population accounts for 12.7 million people who speak 62 different languages.4 Among the 31 states that constitute Mexico, together with the Federal District, Chiapas has the most multicultural and multi-ethnic population of the country. According to the Mexican Institute of Statistics and Geographical Information (INEGI) 2010 census, Chiapas has 1.1 million indigenous people, representing 27.2 per cent of the state's total population. Chiapas is one of the wealthiest states in Mexico in natural resources (with 30 per cent of Mexico's fresh water supply), yet ranks as the second most marginalised state in the country.5 According to International Service forPeace (SIPAZ), half of Chiapas' indigenous population "reports no income at all and another 42 per cent make less than US$5 a day."6 Furthermore, 70 per cent of Chiapas's indigenous population suffer from high levels of malnutrition. Throughout Mexican history, Chiapas's indigenous people have been excluded from the governmental decision-making process as well as from enjoying basic human rights and services such as education and healthcare. Consequently, the EZLN was formed, to represent the rights and aspirations of Chiapas's indigenous peoples. EZLN demanded that the Mexican Government put an end to indigenous segregation and oppression.7 This oppression was exacerbated by the enactment of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which was viewed as a threat to indigenous interests. The EZLN considered this as a governmental betrayal by opening opportunities for US and Canadian big agrarian businesses to buy or rent their land.8 Indigenous agricultural workers in Chiapas feared that international competition would wipe them out of the local markets. According to the Mexican Commission for Indigenous Development, 67 per cent of Mexico's indigenous population work in the agricultural sector.9 The historical marginalisation and abuse of indigenous people in Chiapas together with the NAFTA implementation were the two key factors that sparking the Zapatista uprising.

The EZLN or 'Zapatistas' are comprised mainly of Chiapas's indigenous peoples, together with some non- indigenous political leadership. The Zapatistas recognise themselves as an 'indigenous peasant movement' constituted by the diverse indigenous communities of Chiapas. The predominant communities that form the EZLN are the Tzeltal, Tzozil, Chol, Tjolobal, Zoque, Kanjobal and Mame.10 These represent one-quarter of Chiapas's inhabitants and most of them live in extreme poverty.11 However, other indigenous groups from different states of Mexico have also shown support for the movement.12 The main ideological leader of the Zapatista insurgency is Sub-commandant Marcos. He has acted as the spokesperson for the EZLN since the insurgency's creation. The group is founded on "traditional indigenous forms of organisation and governance."13
The EZLN and the Mexican Government: Interests and Limitations
The EZLN's war declaration took place on 1 January 1994, the same day as NAFTA's implementation. The EZLN started the war by taking over 4 towns of Chiapas, including the touristic town of San Cristobal de las Casas. After 11 days of violence (where more than 300 died), the Mexican Government and the indigenous rebels began negotiations and ceased fire.14 The Zapatista's interests and limitations were comprised and formally listed in the San Andres Peace Accords, two years after the Zapatista uprising. The Accords declared that the Mexican Government give fair treatment to the indigenous peoples of Chiapas. The Zapatistas interests were completely opposite to those of the Mexican Government regarding NAF TA. According to the New York Times, Sub-commandant Marcos categorised NAFTA as a "death certificate for the Indian peoples in Mexico, who are disposable for the Government of Carlos Salinas de Gortari."15 The EZLN wanted the Mexican Government to provide a better quality of life for the indigenous peoples of Chiapas by incorporating their political, economical and social rights to the Mexican constitution.16 The San Andres Accords sought constitutional ability for indigenous peoples to exercise the right to self-determination.17 They claimed for autonomy as a "collective right to have diversity respected, control over native territories and recourses with them."18 The Zapatistas fought for Emiliano Zapata's ideology during the Mexican Revolution of 1910: "the lands should be owned by those who work on them."19 Therefore, the interests and limitations of the indigenous peoples of Chiapas, represented in the San Andres Accords, not only regarded cultural autonomy and political participation, but also the recognition of self-determination rights within the Mexican constitution.

On the other hand, the Mexican Government had different interests to those of the Zapatistas. With NAFTA's implementation, the government was forced to align the laws regarding agriculture with those of Canada and the US. Mexican interests were in favour of big transitional companies and privatisation. Moreover, the government did not want to give autonomy to the indigenous populations because it feared that by providing them autonomy, the country was going to 'Balkanise', or fragment itself. Additionally, the Zapatista insurgency brought social instability to Mexico and a lack of confidence to international investors, provoking a Mexican peso devaluation of 50 per cent.20 The Mexican Government intended to obstruct the EZLN uprising to reestablish foreign investor's confidence, and stability of the Mexican economy. It sent a high military presence to Chiapas to overcome the EZLN and take back control of the region. Though, the government interests were limited in intimidating and oppressing the EZLN and in not accomplishing their requests. It wasn't until 2001 that the Mexican Congress passed an indigenous law recognising the multi-cultural nature of the Mexican state, reiterating that "indigenous peoples could practice autonomy as well as self-determination within the framework of a united nation."21 Consequently, autonomy was granted to indigenous communities, as well as political participation. The EZLN insurgency functioned for indigenous peoples as a catalytic converter of indigenous rights in Mexico and as an effective example for other indigenous communities around the world on how to pursue indigenous interests and how to overcome the limitations of indigenous rights.
Implications and Consequences of the Zapatista Movement
As a consequence of the Zapatista insurgency in Chiapas, the indigenous peoples in Mexico were granted the constitutional right of self-determination, with the exception of not attempting to destroy Mexico's sovereignty.22 The incorporation of this right into the Mexican constitution was essential for the development of Mexican indigenous communities as well as for the Mexican democracy as a whole, because it encouraged the respect of indigenous traditions and practices within the country.

The Zapatista Movement was a consequential actor of indigenous political participation in Mexico. After 2001, indigenous people were able to "determine freely their political status and consequently to pursue their economic, social and cultural development."23 Indigenous peoples' representation in local legislatures was reinforced with this insurgency, while the Mexican Government also ensured the legitimacy of cultural ways of indigenous government. 24 The Mexican Government guaranteed indigenous peoples' right to participate in the policymaking of their communities, and to conserve their languages, as well as their lands.

Another consequence of the Zapatista insurgency was that a new political, economic, social and cultural relationship between the Mexican Government and indigenous peoples was formed.25 One can argue that the Chiapas struggle established opportunities for indigenous peoples to administrate their own territories in relation to their traditional ways of governance.26 For example, before colonisation, the elementary component of the indigenous government in Chiapas was the "calpulli", better understood as small territories where indigenous peoples cultivated corn crops or "milpas".27 The "calpiulec" was the authority of the "calpulli" since he was the one that administrated the lands by dictating the rules and conditions to the indigenous families that worked the crops within the lands.28 With the Mexican Congress' approval of the self-determination right, indigenous peoples maintained their own traditions because they were able to keep in a certain way their "calpulli" lifestyle. The Mexican Congress's approval of the indigenous law of 2001 was a mainstream event in the history of Mexican indigenous peoples, as it allowed them to preserve their ancient ways of living and their identity.

The Chiapas issue also motivated the creation of the National Commission for the Development of Indigenous Towns (in Spanish, Comision Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indigenas (CDI)).The CDI's mission is to make public policies to develop and preserve indigenous peoples and communities by guaranteeing "respect for their cultures, enforcement of their rights and the achievement of a full life."29 This Commission prepares legal opinions in order to support legislative work in regards to indigenous peoples.30 It also has the task to encourage the respect and defense of human rights of the indigenous population. However, according to the World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous People, the actions of this agency have "been criticised for failing to take cases of grievous rights violations, leading many indigenous leaders and rights activists to question its credibility."31 Moreover, the current status of marginalisation that indigenous peoples experience in Chiapas daily demonstrates the CDI's failure in providing them satisfactory living standards.
Evaluation of the Zapatista Insurgency outcomes
The theoretical progress to advance indigenous rights and living standards by the Mexican Government was a good step for achieving indigenous demands, reflected in the Zapatista revolt. However, in practice one can argue that the EZLN demands to the Mexican government were unsuccessful when examining the current conditions of the indigenous peoples in Chiapas.

Presently, indigenous peoples in Chiapas lack basic services such as education and healthcare. According to the INEGI, almost 20% of Chiapas's population is illiterate and most of them report having attended school a scarce number of years.32 Moreover, the majority of indigenous peoples in Chiapas don't have access to quality health services because the state accounts for "less than one doctor per 1000 inhabitants."33 Chiapas provides more than "half of Mexico's hydroelectricity"34 and 30 per cent of Mexico's total water supply, but despite this, 90 per cent of its indigenous communities do not have energy or plumbing in their homes.35 Chiapas's present-day lack of healthcare and deprived sanitation are evidence of the ineffectiveness of the Zapatistas movement, as well as of the Mexican Government's actions in response to it.

Alternatively, the Chiapas issue can be examined as a positive approach for indigenous populations. The EZLN created a national and international awareness of the indigenous peoples' situation in Chiapas. This rebellion generated a general consciousness among Mexico's entire population in accepting its status as a multicultural and multiethnic nation and in recognising the existence of richindigenousculturesandtraditionswithinitsterritory.

Finally, according to Xochitl Leyva, a contributor of The Journal of Peasant Studies, the Chiapas issue generated a united indigenous ideology, which refers to an "internal reaffirmation of cultural self-esteem (pride in existing selfhood)." Arguably, as a consequence of this revolt, indigenous peoples learned that by uniting among themselves and by fighting together common causes, their voice would become stronger within negotiations with the Mexican Government.
Conclusion
The Zapatista rebellion played a significant role in the expansion of indigenous rights and recognition in Mexico. As a consequence of the insurgency, together with its international implications - such as the loss of confidence of foreign investors - the Mexican Government was obligated to make constitutional reforms that granted indigenous peoples local political autonomy and greater political participation at a national level. Indigenous peoples not only gained from this rebellion the expansion of political rights, but also guaranteed greater preservation of traditions, languages and ways of living.

The Mexican Government has failed to reduce poverty levels and improve the quality of life standards in Chiapas: violence, social inequality and human rights violations to indigenous peoples still remain. However, as a consequence of the Zapatista revolt, the government has made efforts to overcome these problems by creating Federal agencies specialised in indigenous issues. The creation of the CDI can be seen as an example of these efforts. Regardless of the shortcomings of these government agencies, their creation is a big step towards accelerating the development of indigenous communities.

Mexico is a multicultural and multiethnic country. The EZLN movement played a fundamental role in representing the interests of these indigenous peoples by achieving protection of the rich Mexican indigenous heritage within the constitution. The Zapatista struggle was effective as indigenous communities were given greater autonomy, challenging their previous subordinate position as seen by the Mexican Government.

The Zapatistas had a positive impact on the expansion of indigenous rights and recognition in Mexico. It can serve as an example of how indigenous solidarity can put an end to indigenous exclusion and oppression. Although the Mexican Government has been unsuccessful in granting a better quality of life to those indigenous peoples in Chiapas, the EZLN was effective in displaying (nationally and internationally) the alarming situation that indigenous peoples are living in Mexico.
Iker Reyes Godelmann is completing a Master of International Relations at the University of Melbourne. References:
1 International Service for Peace [SIPAZ] ( January 2002) Chiapas Peace Process, War Process, http://www.sipaz.org/en/chiapas/peace-process-war- process/334-1994.html,accessed 27 October 2013.

2 Chiapas Support Committee (2013) Chiapas Factsheet, http://www. chiapas-support.org/factsheet.htm, accessed 27 October 2013.

3 UN Human Rights Commission (2013) Advancing Indigenous Peoples Rights in Mexico, http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages// IndigenousPeoplesRightsInMexico.aspx, accessed 27 October 2013.

4 World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples (2013) Indigenous Peoples in Mexico, http://www.minorityrights.org/4456/mexico/indigenous- peoples.html%20world%20dictionary%20of%20minorities%20and%20 indigenous%20peoples, accessed 28 October 2013.

5 Mexican Institute of Statistics and Geographical Information (INEGI) (2010 census), Mexico in Figures: the State of Chiapas, http://www3.inegi.org. mx/sistemas/mexicocifras/Default.aspx?i=i&, accessed 28 October 2013.

6 Farmer, Leah et al. (2012) "Impunity in Mexico: The Indigenous of Chiapas Suffering at the Hands of their Government" in DePaul Journal for Social Justice, Vol 5, No 2, p. 373.

7 Ibid. p. 374.

8 Collins, Stephen (2010) "Indigenous Rights and Internal Wars: The Chiapas Conflict at 15 years" in Social Science Journal, Vol 47, Issue 4, p.777

9 Commission for Indigenous Development [CDI] (2002), Socio-economic Statistics of the Indigenous Communities in Mexico, http://www.cdi.gob.mx/ index.php?id_seccion=91, Accessed on 30 October 2013.

10 Harvey, Neil (1998) The Chiapas Rebellion. Duke University Press: Durham. p.71

11 Ibid. p. 70.

12 Chiapas Support Committee (2013) Chiapas Factsheet, http://www. chiapas-support.org/factsheet.htm, accessed 27 October 2013.

13 Ibid.

14 Collins, Stephen (2010) "Indigenous Rights and Internal Wars: The Chiapas Conflict at 15 years" in Social Science Journal, Vol 47, Issue 4, p.773

15 Golden, Tim, "Mexican Troops Battling Rebels: Toll at Least 57" in The New York Times: New York City. 3 January 1994, p. A9.

16 Collins, Stephen (2010) "Indigenous Rights and Internal Wars: The Chiapas Conflict at 15 years" in Social Science Journal, Vol 47, Issue 4, p.774

17 Leyva Solano, Xochitil (2005) "Indigenismo, Indianismo, and Ethnic Citizenship in Chiapas" The Journal of Peasant Studies Vol 32, Issue 3-4, p. 556.

18 Chiapas Support Committee (2013) Chiapas Factsheet, http://www. chiapas-support.org/factsheet.htm, accessed 27 October 2013.

19 Ibid.

20 United Nations Department of Public Information (December 1997) Indigenous People: Challenges Facing the International Community, http://www. un.org/rights/50/people.htmself, accessed 30 October 2013.

21 Leyva Solano, Xochitil (2005) "Indigenismo, Indianismo, and Ethnic Citizenship in Chiapas" The Journal of Peasant Studies Vol 32, Issue 3-4, p. 556.

22 Leyva Solano, Xochitil, "Indgenismo, Indianismo, and Ethnic Citizenship in Chiapas" The Journal of Peasant Studies (2005) Vol 32, Issue 3-4, p. 556.

23 United Nations Department of Public Information (December 1997) Indigenous People: Challenges Facing the International Community, http://www. un.org/rights/50/people.htmself, accessed 30 October 2013.

24 Gaspar, Jonathan & Stephen Lyunn (1999) "Indigenous Rights and Self- Determination in Mexico" in Cultural Survival CSQ Issue 23.1 http://www. culturalsurvival.org/ourpublications/csq/article/indigenous-rights-and-self- determination-mexico, accessed 28 October 2013.

25 Ibid.

26 Chiapas Support Committee (2013) Chiapas Factsheet, http://www. chiapas-support.org/factsheet.htm, accessed 27 October 2013.

27 Farmer, Leah et al. (2012) "Impunity in Mexico: The Indigenous of Chiapas Suffering at the Hands of their Government" in DePaul Journal for Social Justice, Vol 5, No 2, p. 371

28 Ibid.

29 Commission for Indigenous Development [CDI] (2002) Mission and Objective of the CDI, http://www.cdi.gob.mx/index.php?option=com_content &view=article&id=1335&Itemid=200011, accessed 30 October 2013.

30 Ibid.

31 World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples (2013) Indigenous Peoples in Mexico, http://www.minorityrights.org/4456/mexico/indigenous- peoples.html%20world%20dictionary%20of%20minorities%20and%20 indigenous%20peoples, accessed 28 October 2013.

32 Mexican Institute of Statistics and Geographical Information (INEGI) (2010 census), Mexico in Figures: the State of Chiapas, http://www3.inegi.org. mx/sistemas/mexicocifras/Default.aspx?i=i&, accessed 28 October 2013.

33 Farmer, Leah et al. (2012) "Impunity in Mexico: The Indigenous of Chiapas Suffering at the Hands of their Government" in DePaul Journal for Social Justice, Vol 5, No 2, p. 373

34 Ibid. p. 369

35 Graham, James (2013) "The Zapatista Mexican Rebellion, its Revolutionary Objectives and Tactics" in HistoryOrb, http://www.historyorb. com/latinamerica/zapatista.php, accessed on 31 October 2013.

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The Zapatista Movement: The Fight for Indigenous Rights in Mexico - Australian Institute of International Affairs

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By Iker Reyes Godelmann On 1 January 1994, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), an indigenous armed organisation, declared war on the Mexican

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-decontructed the discourse on the GS
-argued that western perspectives on the orient have essentialized the GS as the exotic other
-solidief the us vs them
0the GS is esentially a western invention

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-examines the impact that colonialism has had on development of the colonized
-introduced the idea of neocolonialism
-states may have poli/eternal socvreignty, but theres still strong influence and control from the colonizer

# data[].attributes.body
-how we talk about something, what is said vs what is not
-idea that there is power in eevry discourse
-asks- who beneftis from this theory, who is disadvantaged
-discourse- breaking down implicit power dynamics present in the way we talk about things

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-have a specific agenda, usually geared towards human emancipation, freedom, equality
-focused on decontructing implicit power dynamics in development theory and development discourse

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the authority of a state to govern itself or another state.

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-burden falls on the weakest in society
-no protection for local businesses
-ked to the lost decade if developkent
-western ideals
-infringed on sovreignty of GS
-when growth stops, underdevelopment starts

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-in the 1960s, in an effort to develop their industries, latin American countries borrowed $ from international crediters (In the GN)
-when the orice of oil jumped, these countries needed to borrow more $
-subsequently, the calue of their exports dropped
-in order to control the high inflation in Us and Europe, the US increased the interest on their loans
-Gs couldnt sustain theirdebt, starting defaulting on payment.

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The oil shocks of the 1970s, which forced many oil-importing countries to borrow from commercial banks, and the interest rate increases in industrial countries trying to control inflation led to an international debt crisis.

During the 1970s, Western commercial banks lent billions of "recycled" petrodollars, getting deposits from oil exporters and lending those resources to oil-importing and developing countries, usually at variable, or floating, interest rates. So when interest rates began to soar in 1979, the floating rates on developing countries' loans also shot up. Higher interest payments are estimated to have cost the non-oil-producing developing countries at least $22 billion during 1978-81. At the same time, the price of commodities from developing countries slumped because of the recession brought about by monetary policies. Many times, the response by developing countries to those shocks included expansionary fiscal policies and overvalued exchange rates, sustained by further massive borrowings.

When a crisis broke out in Mexico in 1982, the IMF coordinated the global response, even engaging the commercial banks. It realized that nobody would benefit if country after country failed to repay its debts.

The IMF's initiatives calmed the initial panic and defused its explosive potential. But a long road of painful reform in the debtor countries, and additional cooperative global measures, would be necessary to eliminate the problem.

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About the IMF: History: Debt and transition (1982-89)

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The oil shocks of the 1970s, which forced many oil-importing countries to borrow from commercial banks, and the interest rate increases in industrial countries trying to control inflation led to an international debt crisis. During the 1970s, Western commercial banks lent billions of "recycled" petrodollars, getting deposits from oil exporters and lending those resources to oil-importing and developing countries, usually at variable, or floating, interest rates.

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-Iranian revolution led to a oull back in oil production
- price of oil doubled

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Like its 1973-74 predecessor, the second oil shock of the 1970s was associated with events in the Middle East, but it was also driven by strong global oil demand. The Iranian Revolution began in early 1978 and ended a year later, when the royal reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi collapsed and Sheikh Khomeini took control as grand ayatollah of the Islamic republic. In conjunction with the revolution, Iranian oil output declined by 4.8 million barrels per day (7 percent of world production at the time) by January 1979. However, this supply disruption may not have been the most important factor pushing oil prices higher. Rather, the Iranian disruption may have prompted a fear of further disruptions and spurred widespread speculative hoarding.

Oil prices began to rise rapidly in mid-1979, more than doubling between April 1979 and April 1980. According to one estimate, surging oil demand-coming both from a booming global economy and a sharp increase in precautionary demand-was responsible for much of the increase in the cost of oil during the crisis.

Through early 1978, the Federal Reserve had maintained a highly accommodative stance of monetary policy, hoping to combat rising unemployment. Ultimately, though, the policies showed little success in stifling the deterioration in the unemployment rate and likely fostered an environment that allowed the rising energy prices to be transmitted into more general inflation. Consumer inflation, which had already begun to accelerate in the United States, continued to rise-from below 5 percent in early 1976 to nearly 7 percent by March 1979. By that time, unease among members of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) that inflation could continue to rise was growing. Records from the meeting of the FOMC on February 28, 1978, indicate that "considerable concern was expressed that the rate of inflation might accelerate significantly as the year progressed [and could] pose difficult questions concerning the appropriate role of monetary policy." Nevertheless, the committee voted unanimously to keep the policy rate unchanged.

Despite increasing concern among the public and members of the FOMC about the declining value of the dollar and rising pace of inflation, the committee remained hesitant to raise interest rates too aggressively, fearful of stifling fragile economic growth. The Fed raised the federal funds rate from 6.9 percent in April 1978 to 10 percent by the end of the year. The increase was a clear move to try to curb rising inflation. However, modern economic historians now see the increases as timid and insufficient to stem a surge in inflationary pressure, which had already become entrenched in the American psyche and economy. Twelve-month consumer price index inflation rose to 9 percent by the end of 1979.

The Carter administration's decision to appoint Paul Volcker as Fed chairman in August 1979 was a strong endorsement of using more aggressive monetary policy to try to break inflation's stranglehold on the US economy. As the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Volcker had been an outspoken proponent of using monetary policy to combat rising inflation. According to Volcker, "If all the difficulties growing out of inflation were going to be dealt with at all, it would have to be through monetary policy.... [No] other approach could be successful without a successful demonstration that monetary restraint would be maintained." Volcker and the policy-setting FOMC made taming inflation their top priority, even if it came at the detriment of short-term employment. The policies ultimately proved successful in breaking the cycle of stagflation in the United States. Volcker guided the Fed in raising the federal funds rate from 11 percent at the time he took office to a peak of 19 percent in 1981, and the policy moves successfully lowered the rate of twelve-month inflation from a peak of nearly 15 percent to 4 percent by the end of 1982. Though the Fed's resolve under Volcker was effective in reducing inflation, the monetary contraction-combined with the impact from the oil price shock-pushed the economy into the most severe recession since the Great Depression and spurred strong popular opposition.

Eventually, slowing economic activity in industrial countries and investments in additional energy production and energy conservation technologies helped to saturate the market with oil and brought an end to the oil crisis. Beginning in mid-1980, real oil prices began to subside, igniting a secular decline that would last for much of the next twenty years.

Bibliography

Chakarova, Vessela. Oil supply crises: Cooperation and discord in the West. Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2013.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. " Meeting of Federal Open Market Committee June 20, 1978: Minutes of Actions." June 20, 1978.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Sixty-Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Governors. Washington DC: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 1978, via FRASER.

Hamilton, James D.,"Historical oil shocks," In Routledge Handbook of Major Events in Economic History, edited by Randall E. Parker and Robert M. Whaples, 239-65. New York: Routledge, 2013.

Kilian, Lutz. "Not All Oil Price Shocks are Alike: Disentangling Demand and Supply Shocks in the Crude Oil Market." American Economic Review 99, no. 3 (2009): 1053-69.

Meltzer, Allan. A History of the Federal Reserve, Volume 2, Book 2, 1970-1986. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.

Romer, Christina D., and David H. Romer. "The Most Dangerous Idea in Federal Reserve History: Monetary Policy Doesn't Matter." American Economic Review 103, no. 3 (2013): 55-60.

Volcker, Paul A., and Toyoo Gyohten. Changing Fortunes: The World's Money and the Threat to American Leadership. New York: Times Books, 1992.

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Like its 1973-74 predecessor, the second oil shock of the 1970s was associated with events in the Middle East, but it was also driven by strong global oil demand. The Iranian Revolution began in early 1978 and ended a year later, when the royal reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi collapsed and Sheikh Khomeini took control as grand ayatollah of the Islamic republic.

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-OPEC- org of the petroleum exporting countries put up global oil embargo (cut off supply) to countries in the west for poli. reasions
-the global price of oil skyrocketed

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On October 19, 1973, immediately following President Nixon's request for Congress to make available $2.2 billion in emergency aid to Israel for the conflict known as the Yom Kippur War, the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) instituted an oil embargo on the United States (Reich 1995). The embargo ceased U.S. oil imports from participating OAPEC nations, and began a series of production cuts that altered the world price of oil. These cuts nearly quadrupled the price of oil from $2.90 a barrel before the embargo to $11.65 a barrel in January 1974. In March 1974, amid disagreements within OAPEC on how long to continue the punishment, the embargo was officially lifted. The higher oil prices, on the other hand, remained (Merrill 2007).

As Arthur Burns, the chairman of the Federal Reserve at the time, explained in 1974, the "manipulation of oil prices and supplies by the oil-exporting countries came at a most inopportune time for the United States. In the middle of 1973, wholesale prices of industrial commodities were already rising at an annual rate of more than 10 per cent; our industrial plant was operating at virtually full capacity; and many major industrial materials were in extremely short supply" (Burns 1974). In addition to these cost pressures, the U.S. oil industry had a lack of excess production capacity, which meant it was difficult for the industry to bring more oil to market if needed (Alhajji 2005). Thus, when OAPEC cut oil production, prices had to rise because the American oil industry could not respond by increasing supply. Additionally, non-Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) oil sources were declining as a percentage of the world oil industry, and OPEC was therefore gaining a larger percentage of the world oil market. These market dynamics, matched with the effect of OPEC nations' greater participation rights in the industry, allowed OPEC to wield a much larger influence over the price setting mechanism in the oil market since their formation in 1960 (Merrill 2007).

The devaluation of the dollar that was experienced in the early 1970s was also a central factor in the price increases instituted by OAPEC. Since the price of oil was quoted in dollar terms, the falling value of the dollar effectively decreased the revenues that OPEC nations were seeing from their oil. OPEC nations resorted to pricing their oil in terms of gold and not the dollar (Hammes and Willis 2005). Due to the ending of the Bretton Woods agreement, which had pegged gold to a price of $35, the price of gold rose to $455 an ounce by the end of the 1970s. This drastic change in the value of the dollar is an undeniably important factor in the oil price increases of the 1970s.

The Role of the Federal Reserve

From the vantage point of policymakers in the Federal Reserve, the 1973-74 oil crisis served to further complicate the macroeconomic environment, particularly in regard to inflation. Fed Chairman Burns argued in 1979 that the inflation appeared to be the result of a plethora of forces: "the loose financing of the war in Vietnam. . .the devaluations of the dollar in 1971 and 1973, the worldwide economic boom of 1972-73, the crop failures and resulting surge in world food prices in 1974-75, and the extraordinary increases in oil prices and the sharp deceleration of productivity" (Burns 1979). The intellectual consensus among policymakers at the time was that cost-push inflation (the type of inflation arising from an increase in the prices of inputs to the economy, i.e., worker wages) was outside the influence of monetary policy (Romer and Romer 2012). In the words of an economist who presented to the Federal Open Market Committee in May of 1971, "the question is whether monetary policy could or should do anything to combat a persisting residual rate of inflation ... The answer, I think, is negative. ... It seems to me that we should regard continuing cost increases as a structural problem not amenable to macro-economic measures" (Romer and Romer 2012).

Economists have since come to understand that a central bank can influence the extent to which supply shocks affect inflation, but they face a trade-off. Higher oil prices, because of the widespread effect they have on commodities throughout the economy, will tend to generate both inflationary pressures and slower growth. In the short run, these forces tend to have an inverse relationship, meaning when one rises, the other falls and vice versa. Ben Bernanke for example, discussed this in 2004: "How then should monetary policy react? Unfortunately, monetary policy cannot offset the recessionary and inflationary effects of increased oil prices at the same time. If the central bank lowers interest rates in an effort to stimulate growth, it risks adding to inflationary pressure; but if it raises enough to choke off the inflationary effect...it may exacerbate the slowdown in economic growth." He goes on to explain that the decision to tighten or ease monetary policy ultimately depends on how policymakers balance the risks inherent in pursuing employment and price stability objectives (Bernanke 2004).

Ultimately, the oil crisis of 1973 and the accompanying inflation was a result of many factors culminating in a perfect economic storm. The oil embargo of 1973 was just one of many complicating factors that led U.S. policymakers to overestimate our national potential and to underestimate their own role in the broad inflation that occurred throughout the 1970s.

Bibliography

Alhajji, A.F. "The oil weapon: past, present, and future." Oil and Gas Journal 103, no. 17 (May 2005).

Bernanke, Ben, " Oil and the Economy," Remarks at the Distinguished Lecture Series, Darton College, Albany, GA, October 21, 2004.

Burns, Arthur F., " The Anguish of Central Banking," The 1979 Per Jacobsson Lecture, Belgrade, Yugoslavia, September 30, 1979.

Burns, Arthur F., Statement by Arthur F. Burns before the Joint Economic Committee, November 27, 1974, via FRASER.

Hammes, David, and Douglas T. Wills. " Black Gold: The End of Bretton Woods and the Oil Price Shocks of the 1970s." Independent Review 9, no. 4 (Spring 2005): 501-11.

Merrill, Karen. The Oil Crisis of 1973-1974: A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2007.

Reich, Bernard. Securing the Covenant: United States-Israel Relations after the Cold War. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc, 1995.

Romer, Christina, and David Romer. " The Most Dangerous Idea in Federal Reserve History: Monetary Policy Doesn't Matter." American Economic Review 103, no. 3 (2013): 55-60.

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                      by 
Michael Corbett

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From the vantage point of policymakers in the Federal Reserve, an oil embargo by Arab producers against the U.S. further complicated the macroeconomic environment of the early 1970s.

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Series of events leading to the recession

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Series of events leading to the recession

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lower taxation lower govt. spending. this reducation in spending is usally done in areas meant to support social programs.

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Greece: Authorities must be held to account after austerity measures violate right to health

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In a significant move, Amnesty International has taken steps to hold the Greek authorities to account at the Council of Europe for violating people’s rights to health and non-discrimination. A collective complaint filed today with the European Committee of Social Rights details the devastating healt…

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-viewed the state as impediment to development
-argued for full trust in capitlaism and blamed the families int eGS on poor governnance
-invisbe hand, trickle down eco, privitization,deregulation, compare advantage

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Andre Guner Frank- The develpment of under development

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Andre Guner Frank- The develpment of under development

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-became the bible for dependency theory
-argued that developemnt of the GN (the core) relied on the under developemtn of the GS (the peripheral)
-linked the relationshop to American slavery
-complete pull out from the world eco. because integration caused underdevlopment
-frank argued that GS must dettach from the glocal polii eco. and follow their own path to developemt

PROS
- intro. internal factors that influence developemnt (history, colonialism)
-important critique to the dominant theory of mod.

CONS
-product of cold war thinking'
-coulnt explain emerging eco.
-factors still soley focused on econ deveopment

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Sammuel Hungtington- Political order in changing socities

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Sammuel Hungtington- Political order in changing socities

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-1968 critique of mod. theory
-argued that rapid eco growth can destablilize politial instituions
-because of this, placed an emphasis on poli. order in development
-democracy can come only after order

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-respinse to modrnization
-marxist influence
-look at the entire capitalist system
-the development of the GS is a result of the structural dependence of the GN
-leaves the GS underdeveloped and dependant on natural resources

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1. Traditional society-
2. exhibits a degree of capital mobilization (Banks and currency) and start to develop entrepenual class
3. Takeoff- Norms of eco growth are well established an sector ;ed growth becomes common
4. Drive to maturity- growing eco diversification, greatly decreasing poverty, increasing living standards
5. Modernity- Increasing mass consumption, economy is highly oriented around the production of modern consumer goods, with affluence becoming widespread

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The structure of social action- Talcoll Pars

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The structure of social action- Talcoll Pars

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-book of 1937- distinguished traditonal vs modern societies
-traditional socitieis- characterized by a rudimentary tech, norms and values, substience economy

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-The west provides a how to on what to expect in GS
-western states embody the ideal goal of development
-purely eco. terms
-development towrads capitalism is simplistic and natural
-when capitalism is established, only then can society worry about wrlfare
-still dominant in the world

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- purely economic terms
-emerges post WWII after the Bretton Woods zozcnferance
-believes in state involvement to smooth out the highs and lows of cyclical economic recessions
-a response ro GD
-Global south would develop through capital injections and change to macro eco. policies

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-Independent Court- brings justice to people that cannot be dealt with by a state's own court system

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UNSC- Intended to legitimize actions in the International system, as well as upholds peace and justice

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All people are treated equal, treated the same, and have the same values

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-Group and collective rights
-Rights attached to groups
-Not in UDHR, as the UDHR is a very individualistic document

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-Economic, Social, and cultural rights.
-emerged post WWII
-(+) rights
-Solo-economic rights
EX. right to work, right to education etc.
-Socialist response to injustice and inequalities of capitalism

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-Civil and political rights
-Earliest form of Human Rights
-advanced through French+American revolutions
-Right to life, liberty, and property
-Using (-) rights, which only exists with constraints

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Freedom to live life without interference from those in power
-OG advanced by John Stuart Mill (JSM)
-"The harm principle" An individual should be able to do what they want unless it harms others
-"All mankind are equal and independent, no one ought to harm others in his life, health, liberty, or possession

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-Adopted by the UN
-Sparked by the atrocities of WWII
- An attempt to prevent them from happening again
-declares that "all human beings are born free and equal and in dignity and human rights"

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-As time went these started to become declarations that separated the government from certain elements of citizens
- The US declaration of Independence
- The French declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen (1789)
- The US Declaration of Independence (1776)

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-Idea developed in Early Mdoern Europe by theorists such as Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke.
-Associated with divine authority and idea that human beings were creatures of God.
-Natural= God Given/ being part of Human Nature

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require actions, most commonly from the state's govt.
Ex. Can go to school

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freedom from something.
Ex. freedom from slavery

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Universal- equally applicable to all people in all parts of the world
Inalienable- you are born with your human rights. No one can take them away from you.
Indivisible- Diff. elements can't be separated. They are interdependent

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-organizations that stages join for the purpose of working together
-why?
legitimacy, persuasion, to save complex issues, protect military, economic power

Ex. United Nations is an IO

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-states political decisions have on other states

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-when states are linked/connected economically
-the success or failure of their respective economies are linked
-usually though trade

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The way states organize themselves, make agreement, and tackle shared challenges
-usually done through international organizations with clear rules

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-when groups in global politics rely on each other, have shared interests, or have an impact on each other
- Increased interdependence as the world becomes more globalized
Ex. Canada relying on other countries for COVID-19 vaccines
Groups- NATO, TNCs, civil society

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-A collapsed state
-Govt. has lost complete control
ex. South Sudan

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-can be democratic or undemocratic
- internal sovreignty is weak (can't control people)
-Ex. Central African Republic

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A State is an independent, sovereign government exercising control over a certain spatially defined and bounded area, whose borders are usually clearly defined and internationally recognized by other states. States are tied to territory. Sovereign or state as absolute ruler over territory.

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Equally spread power. All powerful and competing with each others.

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Two main powers. Competing, trying to gain the upper hand

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One main power. The hedgemon

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Allows for actors other than the state to exert influence.

Ex. Government risk their confidential info. to be leaked, must invest in cyber security.

Note: this is more beneficial to to non-state actors.

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Building connections through globalization.
- a strategy for power
- connects populations but does not increase soft power.

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Based on empirical findings found through observable facts. Can theorize the world- what happens can be explained.

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Thomas Hobbes. Marked by a constant power struggle and obstacles that stand in the way of peaceful cooperation based on power politics. Human nature= greedy + self interested. The state is the main actor in GP/international relations. States operate in an anarchy, where they pursue self-interest, survival and security above all else. No morality/ethics tied to survival. One states security= another state's insecurity (balance of power)

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John Locke. More optimistic. Centered in the belief of human rationality, constant commitment to internationalism + cooperation. Human nature= rational, moral. Other actors than the state. History is progressive, states have moved to a system of cooperation and peace. Trade + economic independence makes was less likely. International law fosters cooperation and holds other accountable. Individuals and institutions. Democracy reduces war between states (Democratic peace theory).

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-emphasizes the role of consciousness in global affairs and interactions.
-known as critical theories, don't accept mainstream conclusions of realism/liberalism.
-exposes biases and inequalities (no facts/theories, just critics)

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Highlights inequalities to the global capitalist system

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We construct value + meaning. People construct the world.

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1. Is never static. Who has it and how much they have is always changing. Realism-If you aren't taking action, you're being acted upon.
2. Is like water. It's everywhere and impacts all aspects of our lives
3. Is compounding. Power begets more power- same goes for powerlessness.

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Hard power- "Achieving aims through force"

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Hard power- "Achieving aims through force"

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State or group tries to achieve aims through coercion. State A will force state B to do what it wants. State B is aware, but is less powerful (usually).

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Soft power- "Achieving aims through persuasion/influence"

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Soft power- "Achieving aims through persuasion/influence"

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State of group tries to achieve its aims through persuasion/influence. State A persuades state B. State B is or is not aware.

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Smart Power- "Achieving aims through persuasion and influence" 

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Smart Power- "Achieving aims through persuasion and influence" 

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Utilizing both hard and soft power. Ex. Economic sanctions.

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The idea that states ensure their security by ensuring one state doesn't become too powerful.

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When a state influences the political ideas and framework by promoting a model of politics they prefer.

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When a state has a relationship with another state.
1. Threats + reward. Do what I want, I won't do what you don't want. Hard
2. Controlling the agenda. Limiting the choices of the other state. Soft
3. Establishing preferences. Getting the other state to want what you want. Soft