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Since the 1990s, following the approval of two amnesty programs by the Italian government to regularize undocumented immigrants, the growth of the Bangladeshi community in Italy expanded beyond Rome to include several cities in Northern Italy. Today, Venice is home to one of the largest and most established probashi (i.e. migrants from Bangladesh) communities in the country, with a particularly high concentration of immigrant residents in the mainland districts of Mestre and Marghera. Concurrently, Marghera hosts one of Fincantieri’s most significant maritime hubs in Italy, employing more than 1,000 direct workers and between 4,000 and 5,000 indirect workers—the majority of whom are immigrants of Bangladeshi origin. In fact, owing to these substantial employment opportunities, the Fincantieri shipyard has, over the past few decades, served as a major magnet for individuals with an immigrant background seeking work.

With the main contribution coming from the ethnographic study "Bangladeshi Workers on the Edge of the Labour Regime in Italian Fincantieri Shipyards"—from which the testimonies were drawn—this research analyzes the profoundly complex situation of Bangladeshi immigrant workers in Fincantieri shipyards, shedding light on the inextricable connection of labor processes, social reproduction dynamics, and migration policies that shape their lives both inside and outside the workplace, making them invisible.

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Fincantieri, a world leader in shipbuilding, bases its production on an extensive subcontracting system, designed to reduce production and labor costs through indirect wages. Employing the Work Breakdown Structure (WBS) method to manage the shipbuilding process comprehensively, from the initial design phase through to final delivery, the vessel is thus decomposed into its constituent elements, both in terms of physical components—through the Product Breakdown Structure—and financial dimensions—through the Cost Breakdown Structure. However, this fragmented system of production leads to exploitation and extremely precarious working conditions for indirect workers, particularly foreign migrants, who are constantly balancing on the edge of employment and unemployment according to the fluctuating market.

Lower wages determined by the "paga globale" (sometimes less than 7 euros gross per hour), extensive use of undeclared work, violations of workers' rights and safety standards, excessively long working hours (up to 10-12 hours per day), ban on joining a union, and blackmail and violence are only some of the consequences of the Fincantieri system, which thus produces an invisible and silent caste of immigrant workers through the suppression of collective awareness

Additionally, the stratification of the workforce produced by the subcontracting system causes a hierarchical structuring of contracts and racialized forms of discrimination: in Marghera, the division of the shipyard into "two workplaces"—one for Italian direct employees and another for immigrant indirect laborers—not only reinforces a spatial form of racial inequality, but also challenges the notion of work as a pathway for immigrants to achieve integration, social recognition, and a sense of belonging within the host society.

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Informal Recruitment and Ethnic Networks 

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Informal Recruitment and Ethnic Networks 

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Mainly, we get a job in Fincantieri through our friends and relatives. You need someone to inform you or assist you to have a job inside the factory. If you have close blood relatives, you will get the job earlier. Sometimes, if you have no relatives but you are from the same village or municipality of Bangladesh, then some of the workers will help you to find a job.

Labor recruitment in Fincantieri’s shipyards relies heavily on informal ethnic networks, with workers employed by subcontracting firms owned by both Italians and Bangladeshis: in this system, supervisors often act as informal brokers, leveraging trust from employers to recruit workers through kinship and community ties. These ethnic networks, concerning migrants as well as Italians, guarantee rapid labor mobilization and timely project delivery, aligning with employers' logistical demands. While recruitment typically targets individuals already residing in Italy, it occasionally extends transnationally, with established co-ethnic workers facilitating newcomers' adaptation to factory work and social isolation.

One of my village friends asked me to pay 500 euros to ensure my work at Fincantieri. He said that without giving some expenses (cost), the supervisor would not recommend me for the job. As I was desperately looking for a job, I paid. I know other workers who paid a sum before starting to work or pay back some amount such as 100 to 500 euros each month.

For those lacking such networks, accessing employment is significantly more challenging and often involves informal payments or bribes to intermediaries, with migrants under financial pressure—such as debt repayment or permit renewal— being particularly vulnerable to such exploitative practices. Until at least 2019, when legal action was taken against a subcontractor for irregular hiring practices, the payment of bribes to secure jobs was reportedly widespread, showing just how deeply embedded informal labor practices were in the shipbuilding industry.

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Beyond the Workplace: Shaping Community and Social Reproduction 

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Beyond the Workplace: Shaping Community and Social Reproduction 

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Mostly newcomers without relatives sometimes live in the houses of their boss to keep a job or even to have a job. The workers must pay their rent regularly and follow the rules provided by the landlords. If the workers are doing anything against the regulations set by the landlord the owner will not allow him to stay at the house.

Informal recruitment networks, often mediated by workers and supervisors with close ties to Fincantieri subcontracting firms, contribute to a system in which employment and housing are deeply intertwined and shaped by ethnic hierarchies. Bangladeshi workers, who face significant barriers to accessing the private rental market due to income insecurity and prima facie discrimination, often rely on co-ethnic landlords, many of whom are senior community members with influence on both accommodation and job access. These landlords frequently charge above-market rents, offer paid meal services, and exert social control by monitoring workers’ behaviour, both in the home and in the workplace, with repercussions for contract renewal and job stability. In this situation newcomers, particularly those lacking strong social networks, are often compelled to accept accommodation linked to job opportunities, with refusal or misconduct leading to eviction and potential job loss. Simultaneously, mosques play a central role in community support and reinforce internal social hierarchies, whith participation in religious activities being often mandatory for workers seeking social recognition or more stability within the community.

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Migration Policies: The Visa Regime and Residence Permit 

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Migration Policies: The Visa Regime and Residence Permit 

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Some of the subcontracting firm owners are cunning like a fox; they know what types of documents the workers hold, and thus they will treat these workers accordingly. Some owners of firms look for asylum seekers. The owner knows that these workers are in a very precarious situation, and it is easy to pay them lower wages. As such, workers will not say anything, and they will not complain due to their vulnerability.

The immigration status of Bangladeshi workers in Italy—whether as asylum seekers, visa holders, or residents with short or long-term permits—has a major impact on their position in the labor market and their everyday lives. At the center of this is the residence permit, which Italian law ties directly to having a valid work contract, meaning that employers effectively hold power over whether a worker can legally remain in the country, making workers with temporary contracts especially vulnerable. These conditions allow employers to select and retain only the most "suitable" workers, sometimes even leading to illegal practices like selling long-term contracts to those desperate for legal stability. Renewing a permit often involves long waiting bureaucratic periods and complex paperwork, adding stress and limiting workers’ ability to change jobs or travel. As a result, many are confined to precarious jobs in subcontracted sectors, where asylum seekers in particular are targeted for underpaid work because of their legal insecurity. Employers often use knowledge of a worker’s status to control behavior and suppress complaints. This tight link between labor and migration policy restricts not only workplace rights but also broader life goals, such as reuniting with family, securing a loan, or applying for citizenship.

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Sintesi Relazione Fincantieri - Cantiere di Marghera - Fiom-Cgil

Fiom Venezia - Vittoria delle RSU Fiom alla OMA Nord (appalto Fincantieri Marghera)

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Ten most represented foreign nationalities in the municipality of Venice (2022) - Ufficio statistica Comune di Venezia 

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Resident foreign population in the six municipalities of Venice (2022) - Ufficio statistica Comune di Venezia

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In January and March 2023, legal proceedings were initiated in Venice regarding the exploitation of workers involved in Fincantieri cruise ship construction: central to the case is the discovery of 1,951 subcontracted workers who had allegedly been paid irregularly and felt obliged to endure harsh working conditions because of their need for residence permit renewal. This system is based on the so-called “paga globale”, a lump-sum payment that ostensibly includes all forms of compensation: despite legal requirements for subcontractors to apply the national metalworkers' contract, payslips often reflect fewer hours than those actually worked, exclude overtime or night shift premiums, and include unjustified deductions for absences, unpaid leave, or advances on severance and annual bonuses—payments that were, in practice, never disbursed. While official documentation gives the appearance of compliance, the reality diverges significantly, with workers often receiving only €900 to €1,000 per month. In some instances, employers paid nearly standard wages but required workers to return a portion in cash, under threat of dismissal.

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July 25, 2025 - The FIOM-CGIL union in Venice wins a clear victory in the elections for the Unified Union Representation (RSU) at OMA Nord, a contracting company composed largely of foreign workers, which operates at Fincantieri's shipyard in Marghera.

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"This victory has a profound meaning: it is the first RSU election held in the company. It is the voice of those who have decided to no longer remain invisible. It is the collective choice to build dignity, rights, and justice in the workplace by those who work hard every day in the shipyard and who now want to count, decide, and be respected, believing in the strength of our trade union organization. This great result speaks many languages, but it has a single message: change and representation for everyone. In a difficult context such as that of subcontracting, where precariousness and exploitation often prevail, workers have shown that organizing and fighting together is possible and brings concrete results. FIOM's goal now is to open a new phase: more bargaining and full application of the National Metalworking Contract. Thanks go to all the workers who took part in the vote, courageously supporting our union and our candidates, despite the company's obvious attempts to hinder our list by trying to favor the opposing one, thus giving strength and legitimacy to this important change."

Fiom-Cgil Venezia

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Fragmented Self-Organization and the Institutional Invisibility of Bangladeshis in Venice

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Fragmented Self-Organization and the Institutional Invisibility of Bangladeshis in Venice

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As a result, the self-organization of Bangladeshi workers in Venice reflects a mix of community support, political experience, and everyday challenges tied to labor and migration. Despite the fact that many workers avoid joining unions due to fears of losing their jobs or not having their contracts renewed, some—especially those with long-term permits, stable contracts, and a good command of Italian—are beginning to engage with unions to push back against exploitative conditions. For the most part, though, workplace dynamics remain shaped by informal ethnic and kin-based networks that prioritize keeping the peace and maintaining control, often at the expense of collective resistance. These networks tend to mirror the patron-client hierarchies common in Bangladeshi society, where personal status and loyalty often determine access to resources and leadership: in Venice, this has led to the emergence of numerous associations that, while active in organizing cultural events and supporting newcomers, are often marked by internal rivalry and symbolic leadership roles. Some long-settled migrants have become "visible immigrants"—key figures who act as intermediaries with Italian institutions—but this visibility can give a false impression of unity within the community. In reality, there are deep divisions and differences that get overlooked when migrant representation is reduced to a handful of spokespersons.

Italian policies, which limit political participation and tend to treat migrants as monolithic groups, only reinforce this problem and make it harder for more diverse and inclusive forms of engagement to emerge.

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Artificial intelligence was used in this research to assist with grammar and spelling correction