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This section includes a selection of readings on chinese politics that may be relevant for your research.

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This product helps decode the “black box” of Chinese politics through interactive visualizations and explainer essays that map the Chinese government’s formal institutions, informal networks, key decision-makers, and major policy trends.

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This section includes readings on SEA politics

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A selective list of resources that are available at NUS.

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LibGuides: Southeast Asian Studies: Introduction

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The International Institute for Strategic Studies

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World-leading authority on global security, political risk and military conflict.

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An online library of resources on Myanmar

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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar

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Burma’s Transition to “Disciplined Democracy”:

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Burma’s Transition to “Disciplined Democracy”:

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Abdication or Institutionalization of Military Rule?

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Introduction

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), sometimes referred to as the New Silk Road, is one of the most ambitious infrastructure projects ever conceived. Launched in 2013 by President Xi Jinping, the vast collection of development and investment initiatives was originally devised to link East Asia and Europe through physical infrastructure. In the decade since, the project has expanded to Africa, Oceania, and Latin America, significantly broadening China's economic and political influence.

Some analysts see the project as an unsettling extension of China's rising power, and as the costs of many of the projects have skyrocketed, opposition has grown in some countries. Meanwhile, the United States shares the concern of some in Asia that the BRI could be a Trojan horse for China-led regional development and military expansion. President Joe Biden has maintained his predecessors' skeptical stance towards Beijing's actions, but Washington has struggled to offer participating governments a more appealing economic vision.

What was the original Silk Road?

The original Silk Road arose during the westward expansion of China's Han Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE), which forged trade networks throughout what are today the Central Asian countries of Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, as well as modern-day India and Pakistan to the south. Those routes extended more than four thousand miles to Europe.

Central Asia was thus the epicenter of one of the first waves of globalization, connecting eastern and western markets, spurring immense wealth, and intermixing cultural and religious traditions. Valuable Chinese silk, spices, jade, and other goods moved west while China received gold and other precious metals, ivory, and glass products. Use of the route peaked during the first millennium, under the leadership of first the Roman and then Byzantine Empires, and the Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE) in China.

But the Crusades, as well as advances by the Mongols in Central Asia, dampened trade, and today Central Asian countries are economically isolated from each other, with intra-regional trademaking up a small percentage of all cross-border commerce. They are also heavily dependent on Russia, particularly for remittances, which made up nearly one-third of the gross domestic product (GDP) of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan before the Russian war in Ukraine scattered remittance-sending migrant laborers.

What are China's plans for its New Silk Road?

President Xi announced the initiative during official visits to Kazakhstan and Indonesia in 2013. The plan was two-pronged: the overland Silk Road Economic Belt and the Maritime Silk Road. The two were collectively referred to first as the One Belt, One Road initiative but eventually became the Belt and Road Initiative.

Xi's vision included creating a vast network of railways, energy pipelines, highways, and streamlined border crossings, both westward-through the mountainous former Soviet republics-and southward, to Pakistan, India, and the rest of Southeast Asia. Such a network would expand the international use of Chinese currency, the renminbi, and " break the bottleneck in Asian connectivity," according to Xi. (In 2018, the Asian Development Bank estimated that the continent faces a yearly infrastructure financing shortfall of over $900 billion.) In addition to physical infrastructure, China has funded hundreds of special economic zones, or industrial areas designed to create jobs, and encouraged countries to embrace its tech offerings, such as the 5G network powered by telecommunications giant Huawei.

Xi subsequently announced plans for the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road at the 2013 summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Indonesia. To accommodate expanding maritime trade traffic, China would invest in port development along the Indian Ocean, from Southeast Asia all the way to East Africa and parts of Europe.

China's overall ambition for the BRI is staggering. To date, 147 countries-accounting for two-thirds of the world's population and 40 percent of global GDP- have signed on to projects or indicated an interest in doing so.

Analysts estimate the largest so far to be the estimated $62 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a collection of projects connecting China to Pakistan's Gwadar Port on the Arabian Sea. In total, China has already spent an estimated $1 trillion on such efforts. Experts have predicted that China's expenses over the life of the BRI could reach as much as $8 trillion, though estimates vary.

What does China hope to achieve?

China has both geopolitical and economic motivations behind the initiative. Xi has promoted a vision of a more assertive China, even as the country's outstanding loans have grown to the equivalent of over a quarter of its GDP.

To date, 147 countries-accounting for two-thirds of the world's population and 40 percent of global GDP-have signed on to projects or indicated an interest in doing so.

Experts see the BRI as one of the main planks of a bolder Chinese statecraft under Xi, alongside the Made in China 2025 economic development strategy. For Xi, the BRI serves as pushback against the much-touted U.S. " pivot to Asia," as well as a way for China to develop new trade linkages, cultivate export markets, boost Chinese incomes, and export China's excess productive capacity. "China has had a fair amount of success in redrawing trade maps around the world, in ways that put China at the center and not the U.S. or Europe," says CFR's David Sacks, an expert on U.S.-China relations.

At the same time, China is motivated to boost global economic links to its western regions, which historically have been neglected. Promoting economic development in the western province of Xinjiang, where separatist violence has been on the upswing, is a major priority, as is securing long-term energy supplies from Central Asia and the Middle East, especially via routes the U.S. military cannot disrupt.

More broadly, Chinese leaders are determined to restructure the economy to avoid the so-called middle-income trap. In this scenario, which has plagued close to 90 percent of middle-income countries since 1960, wages go up and quality of life improves as low-skilled manufacturing rises, but countries struggle to then shift to producing higher-value goods and services.

Finally, Beijing could seek geopolitical leverage over BRI countries. A 2021 study [PDF] analyzed over one hundred debt financing contracts China signed with foreign governments and found that the contracts often contain clauses that restrict restructuring with the group of twenty-two major creditor nations known as the "Paris Club." China also frequently retains the right to demand repayment at any time, giving Beijing the ability to use funding as a tool to enforce Chinese hot button issues such as Taiwan or the treatment of Uyghurs. In January 2022, Nicaragua officially joined BRI, one month after severing diplomatic ties with Taiwan.

What are the potential roadblocks?

The Belt and Road Initiative has also stoked opposition. For some countries that take on large amounts of debt to fund infrastructure upgrades, BRI money is seen as a potential poisoned chalice. China views BRI projects as a commercial endeavor [PDF], with loans close to a market interest rate that it expects to be fully repaid. Some BRI investments have involved opaque bidding processes and required the use of Chinese firms. As a result, contractors have inflated costs, leading to canceled projects and political backlash.

Examples of such criticisms abound. In Malaysia, former prime minister Mahathir bin Mohamad campaigned against overpriced BRI initiatives and canceled $22 billion worth of BRI projects, although he later announced his " full support" for the initiative. CFR's Belt and Road Tracker shows overall debt to China has soared since 2013, surpassing 20 percent of GDP in some countries.

Since the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine roiled global markets, a climbing number of low-income BRI countries have struggled to repay loans associated with the initiative, spurring a wave of debt crises and new criticism for BRI. In Pakistan, for example, imports required to build CPEC infrastructure contributed to a widening budget deficit, ultimately resulting in a bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). And in Ghana and Zambia, high debt loads that partly consisted of BRI loans led to sovereign default. However, many countries that sign on to BRI have few alternatives, Sacks says.

"If loans that you know are charging an exorbitant interest rate are the only way [to get infrastructure financing], you still have to weigh that trade off and probably proceed with that," he says.

Other skeptics connect the BRI with climate change. Though China committed to stop building coal-fired power plants abroad in 2021, nonrenewable energy investment has made up nearly half of all BRI spending; ambiguity remains about whether the commitment applies to projects already in progress or only to new projects, and if it restricts coal-fired power plant financing in addition to construction.

How has the United States responded to China-led regional integration?

The United States has shared other countries' concernsabout China's intentions. Since the Obama administration's Pivot to Asia, the United States has spent billions of dollars and flexed diplomatic muscle to build infrastructure and foster cooperation between low-income countries. President Donald Trump passed the BUILD act, which consolidated Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), a U.S. government agency for development finance, with components of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) into a separate agency (the Development Finance Corporation) with a $60 billion investment portfolio.

In 2021, President Joe Biden, in collaboration with the Group of Seven (G7), launched the Build Back Better World Initiative ("B3W") an infrastructure investment program conceived to compete with BRI. Though some supporters say B3W acts as a complement to BRI, many acknowledge that its lack of financing prevents it from acting as a serious challenger to China's initiative. One year after B3W was announced, commitments under the initiative totaled only $6 million, and it had been renamed the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. Rather than investing in infrastructure, where China holds an economic advantage (China won more than eight times as many World Bank-funded infrastructure contracts as the United States in 2020), critics say Washington should boost its aid-based lending through existing multilateral institutions, such as the World Bank and IMF.

Others have argued that the United States might find a silver lining in the BRI. Jonathan E. Hillman, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, says the United States could use BRI projects as a way to have China pay for infrastructure initiatives in Central Asia that are also in the U.S. interest.

What is the role for third countries?

Some countries have sought to balance their concerns about China's ambitions against the BRI's potential benefits.

India. India has tried to convince countries that the BRI is a plan to dominate Asia, warning of what some analysts have called a " String of Pearls" geoeconomic strategy whereby China creates unsustainable debt burdens for its Indian Ocean neighbors in order to seize control of regional choke points. In particular, New Delhi has long been unsettled by China's decades-long embrace of its traditional rival, Pakistan. Meanwhile, India has provided its own development assistance to neighbors, most notably Afghanistan, where it has spent $3 billion on infrastructure projects.

Although India was a founding member of China's Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), Indian and Chinese officials have since diverged on trade policy. Accordingly, the United States views India as a counterweight to a China-dominated Asia and has sought to knit together its strategic relationships in the region, most recently via the 2022 Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.

Japan. Tokyo has a similar strategy to New Delhi's, balancing its interest in regional infrastructure development with long-standing suspicions about China's intentions. Japan has committed over $300 billion in public and private financing to infrastructure projects throughout Asia. Together with India, Japan has also agreed to cultivate the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC), a plan to develop and connect ports from Myanmar to East Africa, though little progress has been made on the initiative since it was announced in 2017.

Europe. Over two-thirds of European Union (EU) member countries have formally signed on to BRI with large Chinese infrastructure investment responsible for projects such as the renovated port of Piraeus in Greece and the Budapest-Belgrade railway in Hungary. Beijing has also funded a number of projects on the continent in non-EU countries. These investments have "made it harder for the EU to craft a united approach to China," and Greece and Hungary have obstructed bloc-wide efforts to criticize China, CFR's Jennifer Hillman and Alex Tippett write.

Some European countries have been more critical. French President Emmanuel Macron has urged prudence, suggesting during a 2018 trip to China that the BRI could make partner countries "vassal states." In December 2021, the EU announced Global Gateway, a $300 billion infrastructure investment program explicitly meant to rival BRI, which critics say is a " drop in the ocean" compared to BRI. Others worry that China is using BRI funds to gain influence in Balkan countries hoping to become EU members such as Serbia, thereby providing China access to the heart of the EU's common market.

Russia. Moscow has become one of the BRI's most enthusiastic partners, though it responded to Xi's announcement at first with reticence, worried that Beijing's plans would outshine Moscow's vision for a "Eurasian Economic Union" and impinge on its traditional sphere of influence.

As Russia's relationship with the West has deteriorated, however, President Vladimir Putin has pledged to link his Eurasian vision with the BRI. Some experts are skeptical of such an alliance, which they argue would be economically asymmetrical. Russia's economy and its total trade volume are both roughly one-eighth the size of China's-a gulf that the BRI could widen in the coming years. And in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine, some analysts have said that Beijing's refusal to condemn Russia has alienated Eastern European countries that are viewed as targets of BRI.

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China's Massive Belt and Road Initiative

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China's colossal infrastructure investments may usher in a new era of trade and growth for economies in Asia and beyond. But skeptics worry that China is laying a debt trap for borrowing governments.

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Russia's ongoing war in Ukraine has cast a spotlight on China's close ties with Russia. To better understand the strengths and weakness of the relationship, ChinaPower has developed a series consisting of a historical backgrounder and three features focusing on the strengths and weaknesses of the relationship.

Within Tibet and Xinjiang, China is constructing and upgrading dozens of airports and heliports-a large majority of which are military or dual-use facilities. China is supplementing its airpower expansion with new ground infrastructure that is upgrading the PLA's ability to move troops, weaponry, and supplies.

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Russia's ongoing war in Ukraine has cast a spotlight on China's close ties with Russia. To better understand the strengths and weakness of the relationship, ChinaPower has developed a series consisting of a historical backgrounder and three features focusing on the strengths and weaknesses of the relationship.

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The cooperation-infrastructure nexus: Translating the ‘China Model’ into Laos

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The cooperation-infrastructure nexus: Translating the ‘China Model’ into Laos

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In this section, we will discuss methodology in greater detail.

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In this section, we will discuss methodology in greater detail.

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Political methodology are the tools that political scientists use in their research. In general, political methodology can be split into two types:

1. Quantitative methodology; the use of numerical data and statistical methods

2. Qualitative methodology; the use of non-numerical data and methods, such as case studies and interviews.

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In this section, you will find 7 sections with curated resources on Political Science:

1. Introduction to Political Science

2. Political Science Research

3. Political Theory

4. Public Policy

5. Comparative Politics

6. International Relations

7. Other Topics

8. Southeast Asian politics

9. Chinese politics

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Political Science is a broad discipline that covers a range of topics. Here are some additional topics you can read up on.

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And finally, moving on to the macrolevel of Political Science, we will learn about International Relations.

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In this section, we will learn about the sub-field Comparative Politics.

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After an introduction to Political Theory, we will now move on to learn about Governments and Public Policy.

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In this section, you will learn how to conduct Political Science research and write a paper.

In general, writing a good research paper has several parts:

1. Identifiying an interesting research question. One way to start is to look think of something puzzling which lacks good explanations.

2. Literature review: looking for and understanding what others have written on the subject.

3. Theorising: Here, you can either draw on others' theory or develop your own theory to answer your research question.

4. Research design: How are you going to test your theory? What cases are you looking at, and what methods?

5. Results: What are the results of your analysis? What conclusions can you draw?

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5.1 Introduction to Comparative Politics

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5.1 Introduction to Comparative Politics

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What is Comparative Politics? This video explains what it entails and some common themes in the Political Science sub-field.

For a complete introduction to Comparative Politics, check out The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics.

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2.1 The Process of Writing a Research Paper

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2.1 The Process of Writing a Research Paper

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Writing a research paper on your own can be daunting for some. This guide breaks down the entire process into 4 simple steps:

1. What type of question are you asking?

2. What types of answers to your question are worth evaluating?

3. Collect data!

4. Begin writing!

Check out the guide for more information of each step.

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Writing a class research paper

Writing a research paper is one of the most important things you can do as a student. The skills involved-including writing, critical thinking, research strategies, time management-are all likely to be useful after college. This website is intended to facilitate your learning of these key skills. On this page, you can find a quick guide to the core steps in the research and writing process, and ideas of where to go for information on more advanced skills.

The Quick Guide

Explanatory

Why did Obama win the Presidency in 2008? Why is Ghana a successful democracy?

Most of the website is geared towards helping students answer precisely these questions. Some good places to start: Formulating and Extracting Hypotheses, Causality

Descriptive

What is the nature of nationalism in Russia?

One of your main tasks will be to Collect Data.

Policy

What should be the United States' Middle East policy? Should the United States support the creation of a World Environmental Organization?
Policy Papers

Political Theory

Is equality or freedom more important to democracy? What difference does it make in reading ancient political theory for contemporary purposes that it was written in the context of Greek city states or the Roman Empire rather than a system of large sovereign states?
Political Theory

Numbers and Statistics!

I want to understand trade and investment between China and Africa.

Analyzing Quantitative Data, Statistics

Historical Texts

I want to understand the emergence of the modern conservative movement in the United States.

Analyzing Qualitative Data, Using the Library

Personal Interviews

I want to understand how other college students form their political beliefs.

Analyzing Qualitative Data, Ethics,

A lot!

I want to look at patterns of variation in gun control legislation across all 50 states.

Sampling and Case Selection, Analyzing Quantitative Data, Statistics

A few

I want to compare democracy in Germany, France, and Italy.

Sampling and Case Selection, Comparative Method and Case Studies

Write an Outline

Write a Rough Draft. Make sure you are using the appropriate citations. (Follow any specific instructions your Professor provides.)

Seek Feedback on your Draft. Use our "Peer Editing Worksheet" to help you assess your work.

Revise

Next steps for the more advanced research paper writers

If you have a decent amount of experience with writing political science research papers and wish to further refine your argumentative and analytical skills, you might want to consider investigating the nature of experimentation in general as well as identify and embellish analytical concepts that may be present in your paper but you were not aware of. As such, with this website you should

Think more critically about how the knowledge you run into in your books is created. Therefore, you should check out the Experiments and Quasi-Experiments, Comparative Methods and Case Studies, and Concepts and Measurements sections.

Head over to the Process-Tracing, Scenario-Building, Historical Analysis, and Counterfactuals
sections to introduce yourself to these slightly more advanced concepts.

Regardless of what you plan to do it is always important to be in touch with your primary advisor and/or course instructor. They may have advice or instructions that vary from those presented here. This website is meant to be used as a general guide, to supplement - not replace - what they provide.

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Writing a class research paper Writing a research paper is one of the most important things you can do as a student. The skills involved--including writing, critical thinking, research strategies, time management--are all likely to be useful after college. This website is intended to facilitate your learning of these key skills.

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What is the difference between the state and the government? This video lays out 8 key distinctions.

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Distinction Between State  &  Government

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This video covers the three types of questions you can ask about your research topic to formulate your research question in Political Science:

1. What caused X?

2. What is the effect of X on Y?

3. What is the meaning of Y?

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Three Types of Questions in Political Science

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Is your research topic and question too broad? Dr Emily Maiden explains how you can narrow your research question for a Political Science paper.

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Governments can generally be categorised into three types: Unitary, Federal and Confederal. This video explains the characteristics of each type of government and gives some examples of them.

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A literature review is an essential component of any research paper to demonstrate what you understand about your research topic and what other academics have said. This guide explains how you can write your literature review.

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The Writing Center • University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

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Literature Reviews – The Writing Center • University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

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This handout will explain what literature reviews are and offer insights into the form and construction literature reviews.

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International Relations is a relatively new subfield in Political Science. This free textbook provides an introduction to beginners on what the study of International Relations entails.

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A ‘Day 0’ introduction to IR for beginners, placing the reader inside crucial issues and debates so they can understand how things work and where they fit in the world. Edited by Stephen McGlinchey.

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2.5 How to Find Academic Materials for Your Research Paper

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2.5 How to Find Academic Materials for Your Research Paper

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The National Library Board (NLB) gives you access to various academic and newspaper databases. Watch this video to learn how you can access these databases and find academic materials for your research paper.

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What is the relationship between politics and government? This video lays out some basic definitions of the two and how each one affects the other.

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How can we understand Internation Relations? This video explains the three theories of International Relations: Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism.

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Three Theories of International Relations

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6.3 Foreign Policy and International Relations

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6.3 Foreign Policy and International Relations

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What is foreign policy in the study of international relations? What defines a country's foreign policy? This article explains it all.

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Foreign policy is the mechanism national governments use to guide their diplomatic interactions and relationships with other countries. A state's foreign policy reflects its values and goals, and helps drive its political and economic aims in the global arena. Many foreign policies also have a strong focus on national and international security, and will help determine how a country interacts with international organisations, such as the United Nations, and citizens of other countries.

Foreign policies are developed and influenced by a number of factors. These include:

the country's circumstances in a number of areas, including geographically, financially, politically, and so on

the behaviour and foreign policies of other countries

the state of international order and affairs more widely (for example, is there war or unrest? Are there trade alliances to take into consideration?)

plans for advancement, such as economic advancement or technological advancement

Guided by foreign policy, diplomats and diplomatic bodies can work across borders to tackle shared challenges, promote stability, and protect shared interests.

A nation's foreign policy typically works in tandem with its domestic policy, which is another form of public policy that focuses on matters at home. Together, the two policies complement one another and work to strengthen the country's position both within and outside its borders.

Examples of foreign policy

The United Kingdom

Foreign policy in the United Kingdom is overseen by Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office , which is led by the Foreign Secretary.

Recent priorities for the UK's foreign office have included imposing sanctions on Russia due to its ongoing conflict with Ukraine, and introducing a new Northern Ireland Protocol Bill. The UK has also continued its ongoing action against the regime in Syria.

Following the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union (EU) - made official in 2020 - UK policymakers have been focused on negotiating new trade agreements with international partners.

The United States

American foreign policy is overseen by the U.S. Department of State , which says its mission is to "protect and promote U.S. security, prosperity, and democratic values, and shape an international environment in which all Americans can thrive."

Domestic bills and legislation connected to foreign policy are managed by the United States House Committee on Foreign Affairs , a standing committee of the U.S. House of Representatives that has jurisdiction over matters such as foreign assistance, HIV/AIDS in foreign countries, and the promotion of democracy. It also has six standing subcommittees that oversee issues connected to human rights practices, disaster assistance, international development, and so on in different regions of the world, such as Asia or the Middle East.

Recent events in American international affairs have included ending its war in Afghanistan, and affirming its support for a two-state solution to the ongoing conflict between Palestine and Israel.

Chinese foreign policy consists of the following elements:

1. Maintaining independence and state sovereignty.

2. Maintaining world peace.

3. Friendly relations.

4. Enhanced unity and cooperation between developing countries.

5. Increasing its opening and modernisation efforts.

China's foreign policy also stipulates that China not engage in diplomatic relationships with any country that formally recognises Taiwan, which China does not recognise as a separate nation.

Nigeria's foreign policy is lauded for strengthening its position and power regionally and internationally. Its objectives are enshrined in its constitution, and include:

the promotion and protection of the national interest

the promotion of African integration and support for African unity

the promotion of international co-operation for the consolidation of universal peace and mutual respect among all nations, and the elimination of discrimination in all manifestations

respect for international law and treaty obligations, as well as seeking settlement to international disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, and adjudication

the promotion of a just world economic order

What is the difference between foreign policy and international relations?

International relations is a discipline of political science and can be considered one of the social sciences - it's an area of academic study that examines the interactions between countries. Foreign policy, on the other hand, is a working template that guides how one country interacts with others.

Foreign policy in practice: impacts and consequences

How does foreign policy influence international politics?

Because foreign policies are developed to protect a nation's interests and influence its dealings with other nations on the world stage, they have a direct impact on world politics. But it's also fair to say that international affairs help shape foreign policies, too.

There are also a number of international organisations and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that directly impact international relations and foreign policies, such as:

How does foreign policy affect the global economy?

Foreign policies can have a huge impact on the economy, both at home and abroad. While this is partially because policies often focus on the economic advancement of their nations, it's also because almost all aspects of any foreign policy will have a knock-on effect on the wider global financial system.

For example, reported earlier this year that the war in Ukraine that was triggered by Russian President Vladimir Putin has already changed the world's economy. Meanwhile, the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU has had an ongoing financial impact and consequences for trade relationships throughout Europe (and even farther afield), while the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown measures taken in various countries has had a lasting effect on global supply chains and finances.

Help set public policy agendas

Explore public policy - including foreign policy and international studies - in greater depth with the 100% online Master of Public Administration (MPA) at the University of York.

One of the core modules on this flexible, part-time master's degree is in policy analysis, so you will explore and analyse the complexity inherent in contemporary social and public policy development and reform. You will critically examine the role of ideas, interests, institutions, and actors in the policy process, and explore the wider social, economic, and political processes that shape contemporary policy-making. You will also gain conceptual and analytical tools to undertake advanced applied policy analysis in a range of local, national, and international policy settings.

Additionally, this postgraduate degree includes a module in policy research, enabling you to critically reflect on the strengths, limitations, and appropriateness of different research approaches and techniques, and helping you to acquire the skills needed to evaluate and commission research for public policy and administration contexts.

For further information about entry requirements, tuition fees, application deadlines, and independent research, please visit the programme page .

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What is foreign policy? - University of York

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Foreign policy is the mechanism national governments use to guide their diplomatic interactions and relationships with other countries. A state's foreign policy reflects its values and goals, and helps drive its political and economic aims in the global arena.

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How does a country execute its foreign policy? This video lists some tools of foreign policy.

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What Foreign Policy Tools Can Leaders Use? | World101

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How is foreign policy analysis done? This article introduces 5 models scholars use to analyse a country's foreign policy.

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Rational Actor Model

The most widely cited foreign policy analysis approach is the rational actor model. This approach assumes that the main actor in foreign policy is a rational individual who can be relied on to make informed, calculated decisions that maximize value and perceived benefits to the state. The rational actor model relies on individual state-level interactions between nations and government behavior as units of analysis; it assumes the availability of complete information to policymakers for optimized decision making, and that actions taken throughout time are both consistent and coherent. There are four main steps in the rational actor's decision-making process: identify the problem, define desired outcomes, evaluate the consequences of potential policy choices and finally, make the most rational decision to maximize beneficial outcomes.

The rational actor theoretical approach can be useful to understanding the goals and intentions behind a foreign policy action. However, critics of this model believe it does not account for instances when complete information may not be available, as well as the relatively subjective concept of rationality or factors that might inhibit rational decision making.

Bureaucratic Politics Model

Unlike the rational actor model, which looks at the state as a unitary actor, the bureaucratic politics model analyzes decisions on the premise that actions are taken by a number of independent, competing entities within a particular state. Each of these separate entities brings values to the decision-making process, as well as its own view of what's best for personal, organizational and national interests. Each party attempts to satisfy its goals, meaning any collective action is contingent upon successful negotiations and the arrival at an ultimate consensus between all entities.

A number of factors can influence each party's decision making and how it achieves its goals, such as the relative power and degree of influence of each other actor in the group. Each party has opposing viewpoints and desired outcomes related to an array of issues, and success in achieving certain goals may require other parties to make certain concessions, resulting in decisions that are often seen as more beneficial to one side than the others. Additional factors that impact decision making include the degrees of importance of certain goals and the political values each party represents. The increasingly partisan nature of U.S. politics provides an excellent example of this model in action.

The bureaucratic politics approach is often touted as an explanation as to why states sometimes act irrationally. However, some argue the model doesn't account enough for highly concentrated power held by certain entities, such as the executive branch in U.S. governance. It is also seen as very U.S.-centric and difficult to apply in the context of other styles of government.

Organizational Process Model

In contrast to the two aforementioned approaches, the organizational process model views government as a mix of powerful organizations working in concert rather than an individual or a group of partisan entities. This model examines foreign policy decisions as made within the rigid strictures of bureaucracy, where actions may only be taken with proper authorization and adherence to the chain of command, respecting established processes and standard operating procedures, or SOP. Here, government leaders don't tackle the broader scope of a crisis but instead delegate smaller facets of the issue to committees, departments and other bureaucratic entities supporting the government.

Critics often bemoan the fact that this model limits individuals' ability to act, which results in reduced insight and a lack of alternative perspectives. The organizational process model can also decrease the overall flexibility of an organization. However, applying this model has the potential to streamline decision making with the establishment of standard protocol for certain circumstances with predictable, measurable outcomes. In other words, the organizational process model anticipates the measured pace of bureaucratic practices and seeks to create protocol that can be readily applied in the event of a crisis.

Inter-Branch Politics Model

The inter-branch politics model is similar to the organizational and bureaucratic process models in that it involves separately defined groups or entities. However, rather than focusing on singular goals and outcomes, the inter-branch politics model evaluates actions and their outcomes based on the combined efforts and cohesiveness of different groups and their progress toward achieving collective goals. According to Tan Qingshan, a political science professor and Director of Asian Studies at Cleveland State University who first introduced the model, the bureaucratic and organizational entities within and outside states do not operate in complete independence, but rather interact and influence each other.

Political Process Model

The political process model of foreign policy analysis was developed by Roger Hilsman in his book, The Politics of Policymaking in Defense and Foreign Affairs. According to Hilsman, there are a large number of actors involved in the foreign policy decision-making process, mainly concentrated in the office of the President and Congress, but across all levels of government as well. Similar to the bureaucratic politics model, the political process model emphasizes bargaining and the presence of various power centers seeking to achieve their respective goals-these goals can either be in conflict or consensus with those of others. However, this model differs from the bureaucratic politics model as it focuses more on the individual participants and their personal goals and mindsets about international politics rather than organizations and groups as a whole. According to Hilsman, the individual ideology of each political actor is one of the most important factors in determining and explaining decision-making. Critics of the model, however, maintain that it is too similar to the bureaucratic politics to make a substantive contribution to the field of foreign policy analysis.

Foreign policy analysis is necessary to improve our overall understanding of the government and the political decision-making processes that play out on the world stage. Each approach to diplomacy offers a unique set of potential drawbacks and benefits, and emphasizes the importance of the political actors and structures involved and how they work to attain their foreign policy goals.

As the nation's oldest private military college, Norwich University has been a leader in
innovative education since 1819. Through its online programs, Norwich delivers relevant and applicable curricula that allow its students to make a positive impact on their places of work and their communities.

Norwich University's online Master of Arts in Diplomacy program provides working professionals with a broad understanding of global communications protocol and a deep knowledge of the world issues that affect international relations. The program allows you to build on your political, governmental, or business expertise with a solid foundation in the theories and practices that direct international relations and political science within the international system.
Recommended Readings: Sources:
Career Overview: Foreign Service Officer
An Introduction to America's Foreign Policy
10 American Diplomats from the 20th Century
The Europeanization of National Foreign Policy: Continuity and Change in European Crisis Management, Google Books

Bureaucratic Politics: A Paradigm and Some Policy Implications, JSTOR

The Cuban Missile Crisis: The Struggle Over Policy, Google Books

The Organization Process and Bureaucratic Politics Paradigms: Retrospect and Prospect, JSTOR

Encyclopedia of Public Administration and Public Policy: A-J, Google Books

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5 Key Approaches to Foreign Policy Analysis

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The most widely cited foreign policy analysis approach is the rational actor model. This approach assumes that the main actor in foreign policy is a rational individual who can be relied on to make informed, calculated decisions that maximize value and perceived benefits to the state.

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EP-I. Political Theory: Definition, Aspect and Nature.

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Features of Good Political Science Theories

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Comparative Politics involves making comparisons in politics. This guide introduces some methods used in Comparative Politics.

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The study of comparative politics has been primarily concerned thus far with the formal institutions of foreign governments, particularly of Western Europe. In this sense it has been not only limited but also primarily descriptive and formalistic. Its place in the field of political science has been ill-defined. Is the student of comparative politics properly concerned primarily with description of the formal institutions of various polities, or with undertaking comparisons? If with the latter, what is the meaning of comparison? Is it confined to the description of differences in various institutional arrangements? If comparison is to be something more than description of formal institutional differences, what are its aims, scope, and methods? Should the student of comparative politics attempt to compare total configurations? If not, then he has to develop a precise notion of what can be isolated from the total configuration of a system or systems and compared.

The above questions illustrate the difficulties and the challenge confronting the student of comparative politics. The problem of comparative method revolves around the discovery of uniformities, and the examination of variables in the context of uniformities between various systems. But even so, what are the particular clusters of states that have a degree of uniformity that makes the comparison and understanding of variations possible? Does the concept of "area," as used, provide us with such a hunting ground for the study of "difference," against a background of "uniformity"? Is the concept of culture a more acceptable one? Or does the similarity of social and economic contextual elements provide a better opportunity to compare and understand variations? What degree of homogeneity is required for comparison, and are comparisons between systems not showing the desired degree of homogeneity impossible?

The members of the seminar agreed that it would be extremely ambitious to attempt to answer these methodological questions in detail and at the same time indulge in empirical investigation. It was thought that if we could do some spadework on the methodological issues, we would invite comments and suggestions from the members of the profession and increase awareness of the need for making one's methodological position explicit prior to undertaking comparative empirical investigation.

Comparability and uniqueness

Questions of the purpose and nature of comparison arose repeatedly, and the members of the seminar devoted considerable time to discussing them. It was agreed that the general problem of comparison is extraordinarily difficult for political science since it is unlikely that we will ever find two or more societies that are identical in all respects except for a single, variable factor. Consequently, the possibility of comparing one variable or even a set of variables against identical conditions is illusory. The alternative would seem to be comparison-at different levels of abstraction and complexity-of wider or narrower segments of the political process.

The following tentative classification of levels of comparative analysis was suggested: (1) comparison of a single problem limited to political systems that are homogeneous in character and operation; (2) comparison of several elements or clusters of elements in relation to political systems that are fairly homogeneous; (3) comparison of institutions or segments of the political process irrespective of "homogeneity"; (4) comparison of political systems as such. These four levels of comparison require increasingly higher levels of abstraction. At the fourth level, some such approach as that of "ideal types" would seem to be called for.

In general, two points of view were expressed throughout the seminar discussions. The first saw the need of a conceptual scheme that not only precisely defines the categories under which data may be collected, but also indicates the criteria of relevance to be adopted and the variables that are to be related hypothetically for the purpose of comparative study. According to the other view, given the present state of comparative studies, comparability ought to be derived primarily from the formulation of problems with limited and manageable proportions. This disagreement should not obscure the area of agreement reached by the members of the seminar.

"The connecting link between general hypothetical series and particular social relations should be provided by specifying the conditions under which any or all the possibilities enumerated in the series are expected to take place."

For example, it was agreed: (1) Comparison involves abstraction, and concrete situations or processes can never be compared as such. To compare means to select certain types of concepts, and in selection we have to "distort" the unique and the concrete. (2) Prior to any comparison it is necessary not only to establish categories and concepts, but also to determine criteria of relevance of the particular components of a social and political situation to the problem under analysis, e.g., relevance of social stratification to family system, or of sun spots to political instability. (3) It is necessary to establish criteria for the adequate representation of the particular components that enter into a general analysis of a problem. (4) The formulation of hypothetical relations and their investigation with empirical data can never lead to proof. A hypothesis or a series of hypothetical relations would be considered verified only as long as not falsified. (5) Hypothetical relations rather than single hypotheses should be formulated. The connecting link between general hypothetical series and particular social relations should be provided by specifying the conditions under which any or all the possibilities enumerated in the series are expected to take place. (6) Finally, one of the greatest dangers in hypothesizing is the projection of possible relationships ad infinitum. This can be avoided by the orderly collection of data prior to hypothesizing. Such collection may in itself lead us to recognize irrelevant relations (climate and the electoral system, language and industrial technology, etc.).

The members of the seminar, therefore, substantially rejected the arguments in favor of uniqueness, and argued that comparison between institutions not only is possible but may eventually provide, through a multiple approach, a general theory of politics and a general theory of political change. Before this development can be realized, the following research approaches should be emphasized and undertaken in as orderly a way as possible: (1) elaboration of a tentative and even rough classificatory scheme or schemes; (2) conceptualization at various levels of abstraction, preferably at the manageable level of the problem-oriented approach; (3) formulation of single hypotheses or hypothetical series that may be suggested by the formulation of either a classificatory scheme or sets of problems; (4) constant reference of hypotheses to empirical data for the purpose of falsification and the formulation of new hypotheses.

Approaches to the comparative study of political systems

Conceptual schemes. The seminar members believed that formulation of a conceptual scheme for the comparative study of politics would help provide a classificatory table and permit the elaboration of hypotheses. Comparison, it was agreed, must proceed from a definition of politics as a universally discoverable social activity. The function of politics is to provide society with social decisions having the force and status of legitimacy. A social decision has the "force of legitimacy" if the collective regularized power of the society is brought to bear against deviations, and if there is a predominant disposition among those subject to the decision to comply. As for the means of enforcing decisions, every society, generally speaking, has a determinate organization that enjoys a monopoly of legitimate authority (or political ultimacy). Moreover, the characteristic distinguishing between political relationships and other relationships is the existence of this framework of legitimacy. Conceptions of legitimacy or "legitimacy myths" are highly varied ways in which people justify coercion and conformity, as well as the ways by which a society rationalizes its ascription of political ultimacy, and the beliefs that account for a predisposition to compliance with social decisions.

But the legitimacy myth only defines the conditions of obedience. Within its framework there is the political process itself, through which numerous groups having political aspirations (policy-aspiration groups and power-aspiration groups) strive for recognition and elevation to the position of legitimacy. The factors that determine which power-aspiration group is to be invested with legitimacy, to the exclusion of all others, are the effective power factors in the system.

It was suggested, then, that the general modes of politics, for the purpose of analysis, would be as follows: Political processes are the struggle among power-aspiration and policy-aspiration groups competing for the status of legitimacy; the outcome is determined by the society's structure of effective power, and the end state, legitimacy, is the political reflection of its general value system.

The major components of the political process, which should provide a fairly coherent classification scheme as well as the possibility of formulating hypothetical relations, are the following: the "elective" process of the system, its "formal" deliberative process, its "informal" deliberative process, its structure of "influence," and its structure of "power." The major tasks, envisioned under this scheme, in the analysis of political systems are: (1) to analyze the legitimacy myth of the society in terms of specific content and relationship to the society's general myth structure; (2) to inquire into the system's political aspirations, political processes, and effective power factors; (3) to analyze both the complexity and ultimacy of decision-making systems in the society, specifically the conditions under which political ultimacy is either diffused or concentrated, and the relationships between subsidiary and ultimate decision-making systems; (4) to provide for a theory of change through the study of "formal" and "informal" processes.

Alternative approaches. The general agreement on the usefulness of a conceptual scheme was coupled with an equally strong emphasis on the need for alternative approaches. It was thought that the present state of comparative politics calls for a "pluralistic" rather than a unitary approach, and that for each of the alternative approaches suggested, the same degree of methodological rigor should be followed as in the development of a conceptual scheme. The alternative approaches agreed upon were: the problem approach, the elaboration of a classificatory scheme or checklist to aid in more coherent and more systematic compilation of data, and the area approach.

The problem approach

"This approach is flexible enough so that it can lead the research worker to examination of questions that have a varying degree of comprehensiveness in terms of both theory and empirical orientation and investigation."

The study of comparative politics cannot wait for the development of a comprehensive conceptual scheme. Instead of aiming toward universality it may be advisable to adopt a more modest approach. The members of the seminar agreed that the "problem approach" is a step in this direction. It was pointed out that the formulation of a problem in itself has some of the characteristics of a conceptual scheme. It directs research toward various aspects of the political process and at the same time calls for an ordering of empirical data and the formulation of hypotheses or series of hypothetical relations. Furthermore, this approach is flexible enough so that it can lead the research worker to examination of questions that have a varying degree of comprehensiveness in terms of both theory and empirical orientation and investigation.

Three types of problem approaches were suggested and discussed: (1) Narrow-range theory, which involves a relatively low degree of abstraction; i.e., it applies to homogeneous cultural contexts and deals with a limited number of variables. (2) Middle-range theory, which is conceived to include problems of fairly general importance, involving a relatively high degree of generalization, but remaining below the level of a truly general theory of politics. (3) Policy-oriented theory, which deals with the immediate practical solution of important problems and is consequently focused on problems originating in pressing conflict situations or in an overwhelming need for policy action.

Four criteria by which to select problems were suggested: the intrinsic interest of the problem to political scientists; its ability to eliminate certain key difficulties in the comparative method and the analytical utility of comparison; its capacity for advancing research beyond the current level of inquiry in the field; its probable and eventual significance for the formation of a general theory of comparative politics.

It was agreed that the formulation of the problem should be as clear and logically coherent as possible, and that it should be presented in the following form:

a. The problem must be stated precisely; it must be stated in such a form as to lead immediately to hypotheses; it must be analyzed into its component elements; its variables and the relations between them must be spelled out; and all this must be done in operationally meaningful terms.
b. Its relations to a possible general theory of politics must be described. How would the problem fit into a more general theoretical orientation and what more general questions can its solution illuminate?
c. The manner in which the problem calls for the use of comparative method must be demonstrated, and the level of abstraction that comparison would involve must be analyzed.
d. Outline a recommended research technique for dealing with the problem and justify the recommendation.
e. Enumerate possible alternative research techniques.

It was not considered the function of the seminar to state exhaustively narrow-range, middle-range, and policy-oriented problems, but a few typical ones were suggested for the purpose of illustration: An analysis of the relations between the power of dissolution and ministerial stability in parliamentary systems would fall in the realm of narrow-range theory. A study of the political consequences of rapid industrialization in underdeveloped areas of the world would be in the realm of middle-range theory. The following are policy-oriented problems: the development of constitutional government in colonial areas; how to deal with political instability in France; how to dissociate colonial nationalism from Soviet-inspired leadership and ideology; determination of policies of constitutional regimes toward totalitarian parties, e.g., the Communist Party.

A classificatory scheme

The seminar concluded that a checklist might facilitate assembling data in an orderly fashion under commonly formulated concepts. It decided to develop such a checklist for purposes of illustration. The following broad categories and subdivisions were specified:

(1) The setting of politics: an enumeration of the most significant contextual factors of all political systems, i.e., geographic patterning, economic structure, transportation and communication patterns, sociological structure and minorities, cultural patterns, values and value systems, and the record of social change.

(2) The sphere of politics: the actual and potential sphere of political decisions: conditions determining the sphere of decision making, limits on political decisions, major types of decision making, and potential changes in the sphere of decision making.

(3) Who makes decisions: Who are the "elite" supposed to be? To whom does the community impute prestige and what are the prevalent prestige images and symbols? Who actually makes the effective political decisions if they are not made by those who are supposed to make them?

(4) How decisions are made: formulation of problems, agencies and channels of decision making, some major characteristics of decision-making procedure.

(5) Why are decisions obeyed: the enforcement of decisions, compliance, consent, types of consent, ecology of compliance, measurement of compliance.

(6) Practical politics: types, purpose, organization, and techniques of policy-aspiration groups; types, goals, organization, techniques, and influence and effectiveness of power-aspiration groups.

(7) The performance of the system: stability, adjustment, and change, and their conditions, relationship between formal and informal processes, manifestations of instability and stability.

Area study and comparative politics

The third alternative approach to the study of comparative politics is the more systematic use of the area concept. However, neither geographic, historical, economic, nor cultural similarities constitute prima facie evidence of the existence of similar political characteristics. If the concept of an area is to be operationally meaningful for purposes of comparison, it should correspond to some uniform political patterns against which differences may be studied comparatively and explained.

The definition of an area on the basis of culture was considered to be worth detailed discussion. It was suggested that although primarily used by the anthropologists it might be adapted to the needs of political scientists.

To make the concept operationally more meaningful for political science, it was suggested that an attempt be made to define the area concept with reference to "political traits" or "trait complexes" or "problem configuration patterns," in terms analogous to those used by anthropologists when they analyze the concept of culture in terms of "traits" or "trait complexes." Such an approach to the definition of an area has not yet been undertaken despite its promise for comparative study. The very search for common political traits and patterns will call for classification and conceptualization. Once similar traits or patterns have been distinguished and have been related to geographically delimited units, the area concept will be of great value since certain political processes can be compared within the area against a common background of similar trait configuration. In this sense it was thought that future research should be directed toward developing in great detail classificatory schemes within areas.

International relations

The last topic considered was the relationship between comparative politics and international politics. It was pointed out that contemporary study of international politics has entered a new stage. Since the national interest is now a central concept of international politics, what tests or criteria are to be used in identifying the interests that shape the foreign policy of any state? Is the student of international politics to accept, at face value, the definition of national interests given by statesmen? Or does the examination of power factors, geography, historical development, etc. offer the student of international politics certain rough tests for defining the "objective" interests of the state?

Assuming that the concept of national interest provides a focal point for investigation, two approaches seem possible, either separately or in combination: (1) To determine analytically what the national interest "ought to be" under certain conditions. One could then compare this evaluation of the national interest with its "actual" definition as provided by the actions and pronouncements of the particular nation. (2) To describe, in terms of the following categories, the reasons why nations define their national interest in certain terms and not in others: survival prerequisites; objective physical conditions-geography, natural resources, tradition, past decisions, value systems, etc.; institutional channels through which the national interest is defined and set-i.e., interest programs and images and how they are defined in the political process; policy interplay between independent political units and their respective interests, including the pattern of reaction within each; the subjective pluralism of the society, by which the content of the interest images is set. The first four categories are in the nature of factors that set limits on the definition of the national interest. The last category defines the possibilities in substantive terms. On the basis of this scheme, it was suggested, there might be a useful "division of labor" or cooperation between students of international politics and of comparative politics. The second and fourth categories could best be handled by students of international politics, the others by specialists in comparative government.

"In the context of national interest, foreign policy is to be conceived as a dynamic interplay of the given or chosen goals, the organic elements that set limiting conditions on the selection of goals, and the selection of strategy or means for the achievement of the given or chosen goals."

More generally, however, a cooperative effort between students of international politics and comparative politics should be centered in the following areas of mutual interest: (1) The process of decision making has become a function in international politics through existing organizations. How does this decision-making take place? Is it accompanied by any broad legitimacy ideas or myths that transcend the national states? (2) The concept of national interest provides for meaningful concepts for the study of foreign policy. The concept will have to be broken down into component parts, some of which would be studied by students of comparative politics, while others remain within the domain of international politics. Given analogous conditions, generally speaking, the definition of national interest varies by individual states. Determination of what accounts for this variation seems to be the proper task of the specialist in comparative politics. (3) Study of the focal point at which the states meet-diplomacy and negotiations through which conflicts are resolved or common objectives realized-is a cooperative task that admits no arbitrary allocation of duties, for the action of each state depends upon domestic conditions, internal images, and traditional forces. Relations between states, on the other hand, have repercussions on domestic myths, images, authority symbols, and institutions. Domestic and international politics are in this sense complementary factors. (4) The student of international politics may also join with the student of comparative politics in attempting to define and study an area. Certain uniform outlooks and behavior patterns may be due to similar experiences shared by a number of states that can be geographically identified. The study of such uniformities and differences is primarily a joint task. (5) Finally, goals of foreign policy may be jointly studied. In the context of national interest, foreign policy is to be conceived as a dynamic interplay of the given or chosen goals, the organic elements that set limiting conditions on the selection of goals, and the selection of strategy or means for the achievement of the given or chosen goals.

This article is a summary of a longer report on the proceedings of the interuniversity summer research seminar on comparative politics held at Northwestern University during July and August 1952. Plans for the seminar were described briefly in the March 1952 issue of Items, p. 7. While the author is responsible for the statements appearing here, they summarize a collective product and at times reproduce lines of thought expressed originally by the participants both during the meetings and in their respective essays. Members of the seminar were: Samuel H. Beer and Harry Eckstein, Harvard University; George I. Blanksten and Roy C. Macridis, Northwestern University; Karl W. Deutsch, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Kenneth W. Thompson, University of Chicago; and Robert E. Ward, University of Michigan. Richard Cox of the University of Chicago acted as rapporteur.

Roy C. Macridis (1918-1991) taught political science at Brandeis University since 1965. During the Second World War, Macridis served with the Office of Strategic Services and migrated to the United States in 1944. He was a member of the Council's Committee on Comparative Politics from 1954 to 1958.

This essay originally appeared in Items Vol. 6, No. 4 in December of 1952. Visit our archives to view the original as it first appeared in the print editions of Items.

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Comparative Politics: Method and Research

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The study of comparative politics has been primarily concerned thus far with the formal institutions of foreign governments, particularly of Western Europe. In this sense it has been not only...

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What is public policy? In this video, political scientist Tom Birkland explains the definition and purpose of a public policy introduced by a government.

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Introduction to the Policy Process Chapter 1: What is Public Policy?

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Modern political theories come from a long line of philosophers. One of them is the 17th-century English philosopher Thomas Hobbes, who wrote the book Leviathan that laid the foundation for theories of the state. Watch this video for a short explanation of Hobbes' ideas and their relevance in today's world.

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UQ Political Science and International Studies

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The Political Theory of Thomas Hobbes: The Sovereign and the State

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An Introduction to Political Science Methods

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Introduction to the public policy process | US government and civics | Khan Academy

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3.4 John Locke's Natural Rights, Popular Sovereignty and the Rule of Law

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3.4 John Locke's Natural Rights, Popular Sovereignty and the Rule of Law

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JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources.

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6.7 Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN)

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6.7 Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN)

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ASEAN Explained: Asia's Version of the European Union? - TLDR News

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LibGuides: ASIAN 2208 Introduction to Southeast Asia: Politics

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Provides intrductory sources for the history, politics, culture and society, and countries of Southeast Asia

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Duke University Department of Political Science

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Share your videos with friends, family, and the world

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5.3 An Example of a Comparative Politics Paper

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5.3 An Example of a Comparative Politics Paper

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Comparative Politics is a broad sub-field that can include almost any topic that involves the comparison of political systems, behaviour or ideology. As an example, this journal article illustrates how research is done for a topic in comparative politics. To access this article, use your NLB account to log in to the JSTOR database. Watch this video to find out how.

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Do Asian Values Exist? Empirical Tests of the Four Dimensions of Asian Values on JSTOR

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So Young Kim, Do Asian Values Exist? Empirical Tests of the Four Dimensions of Asian Values, Journal of East Asian Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (MAY–AUGUST 2010), pp. 315-344

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For a good overview of different metholodgies to the study of political science, you can refer to this open access textbook.

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Applied social science methodology : an introductory guide : Gerring, John, 1962- author : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive

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Prof Calvin CHUNG - What is environmental politics?

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This short video explains how you can write a strong thesis statement for your paper.

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How to Write a STRONG Thesis Statement | Scribbr 🎓

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Identity Politics is a topic trending in the study of Comparative Politics. But what exactly is it? This video explains how our identity affects our political behaviour.

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Identity Politics: How All Your Identities Sway Your Vote

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Neoliberalism is a term used to describe the UK and US government policies of the 1980s. This video explains what is neoliberalism and what it entails in public policy making.

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What is Neoliberalism? (Neoliberalism Defined, Definition of Neoliberalism)

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Capitalism, Socialism and Communism are three major ideologies that have shaped modern history and politics. This video provides a quick introduction to them and their key differences.

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CAPITALISM, SOCIALISM & COMMUNISM EXPLAINED SIMPLY

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A review of how qualitative methods are used.

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One might argue that political science has gone further than any other social science in developing a rigorous field of study devoted to qualitative methods. This review article begins by discussing the time-honored qualitative/quantitative distinction. What is qualitative data and analysis, and how does it differ from quantitative data and analysis? I propose a narrow definition of “qualitative” and explore its implications. I also explore in a speculative vein some of the factors underlying the ongoing Methodenstreit between scholars who identify with quantitative and qualitative approaches to social science. In the remainder of the article I discuss areas of qualitative research that have been especially fecund over the past decade. These include case selection, causal inference, and multimethod research.

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2.9 Tips For Writing a Good Political Science Paper

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2.9 Tips For Writing a Good Political Science Paper

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Finally, here are some tips for a good Political Science paper.

Another good guide is here:

https://twp.duke.edu/sites/twp.duke.edu/files/file-attachments/poli-sci.original.pdf

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The Writing Center * University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

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What this handout is about

This handout will help you to recognize and to follow writing standards in political science. The first step toward accomplishing this goal is to develop a basic understanding of political science and the kind of work political scientists do.

Defining politics and political science

Political scientist Harold Laswell said it best: at its most basic level, politics is the struggle of "who gets what, when, how." This struggle may be as modest as competing interest groups fighting over control of a small municipal budget or as overwhelming as a military stand-off between international superpowers. Political scientists study such struggles, both small and large, in an effort to develop general principles or theories about the way the world of politics works. Think about the title of your course or re-read the course description in your syllabus. You'll find that your course covers a particular sector of the large world of "politics" and brings with it a set of topics, issues, and approaches to information that may be helpful to consider as you begin a writing assignment. The diverse structure of political science reflects the diverse kinds of problems the discipline attempts to analyze and explain. In fact, political science includes at least eight major sub-fields:

American politics examines political behavior and institutions in the United States.

Comparative politics analyzes and compares political systems within and across different geographic regions.

International relations investigates relations among nation states and the activities of international organizations such as the United Nations, the World Bank, and NATO, as well as international actors such as terrorists, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and multi-national corporations (MNCs).

Political theory analyzes fundamental political concepts such as power and democracy and foundational questions, like "How should the individual and the state relate?"

Political methodology deals with the ways that political scientists ask and investigate questions.

Public policy examines the process by which governments make public decisions.

Public administration studies the ways that government policies are implemented.

Public law focuses on the role of law and courts in the political process.

What is scientific about political science?

Investigating relationships

Although political scientists are prone to debate and disagreement, the majority view the discipline as a genuine science. As a result, political scientists generally strive to emulate the objectivity as well as the conceptual and methodological rigor typically associated with the so-called "hard" sciences (e.g., biology, chemistry, and physics). They see themselves as engaged in revealing the relationships underlying political events and conditions. Based on these revelations, they attempt to state general principles about the way the world of politics works. Given these aims, it is important for political scientists' writing to be conceptually precise, free from bias, and well-substantiated by empirical evidence. Knowing that political scientists value objectivity may help you in making decisions about how to write your paper and what to put in it.

Political theory is an important exception to this empirical approach. You can learn more about writing for political theory classes in the section "Writing in Political Theory" below.

Building theories

Since theory-building serves as the cornerstone of the discipline, it may be useful to see how it works. You may be wrestling with theories or proposing your own as you write your paper. Consider how political scientists have arrived at the theories you are reading and discussing in your course. Most political scientists adhere to a simple model of scientific inquiry when building theories. The key to building precise and persuasive theories is to develop and test hypotheses. Hypotheses are statements that researchers construct for the purpose of testing whether or not a certain relationship exists between two phenomena. To see how political scientists use hypotheses, and to imagine how you might use a hypothesis to develop a thesis for your paper, consider the following example. Suppose that we want to know whether presidential elections are affected by economic conditions. We could formulate this question into the following hypothesis:

"When the national unemployment rate is greater than 7 percent at the time of the election, presidential incumbents are not reelected."

Collecting data

In the research model designed to test this hypothesis, the dependent variable (the phenomenon that is affected by other variables) would be the reelection of incumbent presidents; the independent variable (the phenomenon that may have some effect on the dependent variable) would be the national unemployment rate. You could test the relationship between the independent and dependent variables by collecting data on unemployment rates and the reelection of incumbent presidents and comparing the two sets of information. If you found that in every instance that the national unemployment rate was greater than 7 percent at the time of a presidential election the incumbent lost, you would have significant support for our hypothesis.

However, research in political science seldom yields immediately conclusive results. In this case, for example, although in most recent presidential elections our hypothesis holds true, President Franklin Roosevelt was reelected in 1936 despite the fact that the national unemployment rate was 17%. To explain this important exception and to make certain that other factors besides high unemployment rates were not primarily responsible for the defeat of incumbent presidents in other election years, you would need to do further research. So you can see how political scientists use the scientific method to build ever more precise and persuasive theories and how you might begin to think about the topics that interest you as you write your paper.

Clear, consistent, objective writing

Since political scientists construct and assess theories in accordance with the principles of the scientific method, writing in the field conveys the rigor, objectivity, and logical consistency that characterize this method. Thus political scientists avoid the use of impressionistic or metaphorical language, or language which appeals primarily to our senses, emotions, or moral beliefs. In other words, rather than persuade you with the elegance of their prose or the moral virtue of their beliefs, political scientists persuade through their command of the facts and their ability to relate those facts to theories that can withstand the test of empirical investigation. In writing of this sort, clarity and concision are at a premium. To achieve such clarity and concision, political scientists precisely define any terms or concepts that are important to the arguments that they make. This precision often requires that they "operationalize" key terms or concepts. "Operationalizing" simply means that important-but possibly vague or abstract-concepts like "justice" are defined in ways that allow them to be measured or tested through scientific investigation.

Fortunately, you will generally not be expected to devise or operationalize key concepts entirely on your own. In most cases, your professor or the authors of assigned readings will already have defined and/or operationalized concepts that are important to your research. And in the event that someone hasn't already come up with precisely the definition you need, other political scientists will in all likelihood have written enough on the topic that you're investigating to give you some clear guidance on how to proceed. For this reason, it is always a good idea to explore what research has already been done on your topic before you begin to construct your own argument. See our handout on making an academic argument.

Example of an operationalized term

To give you an example of the kind of rigor and objectivity political scientists aim for in their writing, let's examine how someone might operationalize a term. Reading through this example should clarify the level of analysis and precision that you will be expected to employ in your writing. Here's how you might define key concepts in a way that allows us to measure them.

We are all familiar with the term "democracy." If you were asked to define this term, you might make a statement like the following:

"Democracy is government by the people."

You would, of course, be correct-democracy is government by the people. But, in order to evaluate whether or not a particular government is fully democratic or is more or less democratic when compared with other governments, we would need to have more precise criteria with which to measure or assess democracy. For example, here are some criteria that political scientists have suggested are indicators of democracy:

Freedom to form and join organizations

Freedom of expression

Right to vote

Eligibility for public office

Right of political leaders to compete for support

Right of political leaders to compete for votes

Alternative sources of information

Free and fair elections

Institutions for making government policies depend on votes and other expressions of preference

If we adopt these nine criteria, we now have a definition that will allow us to measure democracy empirically. Thus, if you want to determine whether Brazil is more democratic than Sweden, you can evaluate each country in terms of the degree to which it fulfills the above criteria.

What counts as good writing in political science?

While rigor, clarity, and concision will be valued in any piece of writing in political science, knowing the kind of writing task you've been assigned will help you to write a good paper. Two of the most common kinds of writing assignments in political science are the research paper and the theory paper.

Writing political science research papers

Your instructors use research paper assignments as a means of assessing your ability to understand a complex problem in the field, to develop a perspective on this problem, and to make a persuasive argument in favor of your perspective. In order for you to successfully meet this challenge, your research paper should include the following components:

1. An introduction

2. A problem statement

3. A discussion of methodology

4. A literature review

5. A description and evaluation of your research findings

6. A summary of your findings

Here's a brief description of each component.

In the introduction of your research paper, you need to give the reader some basic background information on your topic that suggests why the question you are investigating is interesting and important. You will also need to provide the reader with a statement of the research problem you are attempting to address and a basic outline of your paper as a whole. The problem statement presents not only the general research problem you will address but also the hypotheses that you will consider. In the methodology section, you will explain to the reader the research methods you used to investigate your research topic and to test the hypotheses that you have formulated. For example, did you conduct interviews, use statistical analysis, rely upon previous research studies, or some combination of all of these methodological approaches?

Before you can develop each of the above components of your research paper, you will need to conduct a literature review. A literature review involves reading and analyzing what other researchers have written on your topic before going on to do research of your own. There are some very pragmatic reasons for doing this work. First, as insightful as your ideas may be, someone else may have had similar ideas and have already done research to test them. By reading what they have written on your topic, you can ensure that you don't repeat, but rather learn from, work that has already been done. Second, to demonstrate the soundness of your hypotheses and methodology, you will need to indicate how you have borrowed from and/or improved upon the ideas of others.

By referring to what other researchers have found on your topic, you will have established a frame of reference that enables the reader to understand the full significance of your research results. Thus, once you have conducted your literature review, you will be in a position to present your research findings. In presenting these findings, you will need to refer back to your original hypotheses and explain the manner and degree to which your results fit with what you anticipated you would find. If you see strong support for your argument or perhaps some unexpected results that your original hypotheses cannot account for, this section is the place to convey such important information to your reader. This is also the place to suggest further lines of research that will help refine, clarify inconsistencies with, or provide additional support for your hypotheses. Finally, in the summary section of your paper, reiterate the significance of your research and your research findings and speculate upon the path that future research efforts should take.

Writing in political theory

Political theory differs from other subfields in political science in that it deals primarily with historical and normative, rather than empirical, analysis. In other words, political theorists are less concerned with the scientific measurement of political phenomena than with understanding how important political ideas develop over time. And they are less concerned with evaluating how things are than in debating how they should be. A return to our democracy example will make these distinctions clearer and give you some clues about how to write well in political theory.

Earlier, we talked about how to define democracy empirically so that it can be measured and tested in accordance with scientific principles. Political theorists also define democracy, but they use a different standard of measurement. Their definitions of democracy reflect their interest in political ideals-for example, liberty, equality, and citizenship-rather than scientific measurement. So, when writing about democracy from the perspective of a political theorist, you may be asked to make an argument about the proper way to define citizenship in a democratic society. Should citizens of a democratic society be expected to engage in decision-making and administration of government, or should they be satisfied with casting votes every couple of years?

In order to substantiate your position on such questions, you will need to pay special attention to two interrelated components of your writing: (1) the logical consistency of your ideas and (2) the manner in which you use the arguments of other theorists to support your own. First, you need to make sure that your conclusion and all points leading up to it follow from your original premises or assumptions. If, for example, you argue that democracy is a system of government through which citizens develop their full capacities as human beings, then your notion of citizenship will somehow need to support this broad definition of democracy. A narrow view of citizenship based exclusively or primarily on voting probably will not do. Whatever you argue, however, you will need to be sure to demonstrate in your analysis that you have considered the arguments of other theorists who have written about these issues. In some cases, their arguments will provide support for your own; in others, they will raise criticisms and concerns that you will need to address if you are going to make a convincing case for your point of view.

Drafting your paper

If you have used material from outside sources in your paper, be sure to cite them appropriately in your paper. In political science, writers most often use the APA or Turabian (a version of the Chicago Manual of Style) style guides when formatting references. Check with your instructor if he or she has not specified a citation style in the assignment. For more information on constructing citations, see the UNC Libraries citation tutorial.

Conclusion

Although all assignments are different, the preceding outlines provide a clear and simple guide that should help you in writing papers in any sub-field of political science. If you find that you need more assistance than this short guide provides, refer to the list of additional resources below or make an appointment to see a tutor at the Writing Center.

Works consulted

We consulted these works while writing this handout. This is not a comprehensive list of resources on the handout's topic, and we encourage you to do your own research to find additional publications. Please do not use this list as a model for the format of your own reference list, as it may not match the citation style you are using. For guidance on formatting citations, please see the UNC Libraries citation tutorial. We revise these tips periodically and welcome feedback.

Becker, Howard S. 2007. Writing for Social Scientists: How to Start and Finish Your Thesis, Book, or Article, 2nd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Cuba, Lee. 2002. A Short Guide to Writing About Social Science, 4th ed. New York: Longman.

Lasswell, Harold Dwight. 1936. Politics: Who Gets What, When, How. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Scott, Gregory M., and Stephen M. Garrison. 1998. The Political Science Student Writer's Manual, 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Turabian, Kate. 2018. A Manual for Writers of Term Papers, Theses, Dissertations, 9th ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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