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Cloak of conscience

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Natural human marks each of us create are our shadows.
After I took several pictures of random people's shadows in Prague, I decided to give them more life by their recreation through modeling in Maya.

My intention is to create a collage of multiple collages showing the mitosis process, where the 3D models of shadows are representing the chromosomes of a cell.

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Meiosis and Mitosis as a pattern playing in loop.

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Meiosis and Mitosis as a pattern playing in loop.

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Models of chromosomes will be based on shadows of people.

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The next mark making process I have experimented with was the shadow. I was walking around the city of Prague dressed as a runner so I could explore larger area than 500m2 in radius (due to the lockdown) and took picture of every human shadow I have spotted. These shadow pictures are being edited
further and typical marks (dots) I have created before will be replaced by these.

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Marks of humans

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MacPaint Infinite Fill Pattern List - Sulki & Min

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Human in the loop

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"People were listening to nothing but machines. And these machines weren't playing songs, or anything even remotely narrative, but instead seemed to be playing loops. Simple loops. Loops that seemed to be stuck! Five minutes would pass, and there would hardly be any difference in the music. This was pure, cheap, plastic, battery-powered machine music." -Cory Arcangel

"We are drawn into the pattern and held inside it, impaled, as it were, on its bristling hooks and spines. This pattern is a mind-trap, we are hooked, and this causes us to relate in a certain way to the artifact which the pattern embellishes." -Alfred Gell

The background patterns on Cory Arcangel's Data Diaries website (2003) bristle with hooks and spines. Small sets of grayscale points, repeating endlessly, create patterns that crackle with static. They've been gentrified by my retina screen, losing some of their rawness and crunch, but they still catch my mind, transporting me to Liverpool, 2004.

Cory came to Liverpool that year for a residency and exhibition, toting under his arm a giant roll of black-and-white screen prints. They were the leftovers from , an open-submission exhibition that he and Jamie Arcangel staged at Foxy Production in New York. They invited artists to submit works using the kind of repeating, black-and-white patterns that were used to give a sense of depth on the monochromatic displays of early Macintosh computers.

Remember back when computers couldn't display colors? Think 1984, 1985,...Back before computers could airbrush, show photos, write emails, or play music they were black and white. To make up for the lack of colors, computers used 16-bit monochrome patterns to fake color. These patterns are called INFINITE FILL PATTERNS!

Infinite, because the computer would repeat them again and again, potentially endlessly. The infinite of infinite fill was the promise of algorithmic automation, of endless repetition with no material cost, at the stroke of a key. Remediating the patterns in analog form involved the opposite: a huge amount of material and labor.

Cory's project in Liverpool included a residency with FACT, a media arts center where I worked as a curator. He'd been invited under the auspices of the collaboration program, which paired contemporary artists with local community groups to create new works. His plan was to create infinite fill patterns and animations with a group of young people, members of a youth group called Interchill, and to set up an open-access green screen video studio.

The infinite fill pattern turned out to be a perfect basis for this collaboration, and not only because of their extreme simplicity. The results, with their black-and-white, low-tech aesthetic, seemed to strike some nerve for the Liverpool youth of 2004. They set up a green screen studio in the space, covered it in infinite fill patterns, designed infinite fill animations for the chromakey, made infinite fill clothes, and recorded carefully choreographed dance numbers to DJ Casper and Jamelia.

When the exhibition opened, members of the public could use the space to create their own videos, taking the VHS tapes home with them. I walked into the center one evening to find music playing at high volume while a group of kids rapped in front of infinite fill quasars. Grime, with its pared-down beats and its raw, blown-out sound, had emerged from the pirate radio stations in London and take its place in the hardcore continuum of UK music. The 16-bit infinite fill patterns were almost a visual analog for the alternating patterns of eight-bar rhythms used in many grime tracks, not to mention their protean, low-tech sound.

The affinity is more than coincidence. In making use of template-driven digital production, Cory follows in the footsteps of Kraftwerk by way of techno pioneer Jeff Mills, a trajectory charted by writer and artist Kodwo Eshun in his 1999 book More Brilliant Than the Sun :

As Kraftwerk realized, sound machinery de-skills and dephysicalizes music, allowing "thinking and hearing" precedence over "gymnastics." Practicing is no longer necessary. The musician becomes an electronic programmer, a push-button percussionist who taps ENTER with the fingertips.

Embracing the tools of automation at the expense of traditional authorship, Cory is the push-button percussionist of the art world. But throughout his embrace of the digital, he differs with Kraftwerk by placing emphasis on materiality. In the case of the infinite fill zone, he placed focus on the form and function of infinite fill patterns in the digital realm, while also remediating them into a series of new analog substrates, from textile to VHS.

Per Eshun, it was Jeff Mills who famously played with the materiality of techno music and its substrates.

Pulsating lock grooves, pauses between tracks, reverse grooves, wider than normal grooves: Mills uses a series of remastering operations to alter the direction of revolution: neither forward nor reverse but cyclic.

Working within templates, but making subtle interventions into their materiality, Arcangel mines a similarly cyclic and materialist artistic vein. However, the gesture of inhabiting the machine meant something different for Mills than it does for Arcangel. Mills is a black artist from Detroit who rose to prominence in a city where workers, many of them black, could once earn a salary on the assembly line, buy a house, and organize. By the 1980s, this was no longer the case. Mills brought a radical black politics to his techno music, particularly as part of Underground Resistance (UR), which argued for a possibility of self-reinvention through technology, through techno.

Instead of retreating from machinic mutation back into an ethics of sound, UR is mutation-positive. The sampler is a mandate to recombinate-so it's useless lamenting appropriation. Resisting replication is like doing without oxygen. the sampler doesn't care who you are.

The sampler may not care who you are, but Eshun argues elsewhere in More Brilliant than the Sun that white culture can never achieve the alien, mutant status embraced by UR. And of course the gesture of inhabiting the machine, of embodying the principles of automation and mutation and replication, could never mean the same thing for Cory, a white Buffalonian, that it meant for Mills. Likewise, the use of lo-fi technology to create deceptively simple patterns that repeat ad infinitum could never mean the same thing for Arcangel that it meant for .

For Eshun, white culture's embrace of automation tends not toward mutation but toward fascination. But Arcangel finds another way. His use of automation focuses so heavily on the mundane that it can feel like a cynical take on the changing role of the artist in digital culture, a joke about the fruitlessness of cultural production in the digital age. He programs his home computer, but doesn't bring himself into the future. Instead, he programs himself into a loop.

Welcome to the Infinite Fill Zone began from a mundane position, but it opened up into a riot of sound and pattern-thanks to the work of the participants in Arcangel's workshop. Data Diaries , which used infinite fill patterns as a visual motif, is more typical of the truly rote, repetitive nature of much of Arcangel's work. In this case, he followed the same process each day, translating the contents of his hard drive (a data-trash mixture of human-readable and machine-readable information) into abstract imagery.

It is clear from Arcangel's work that he loves this repetition; the infinite fill patterns that decorate the Data Diaries website express this love. This love for the rote and the repetitive is what keeps him from falling into white culture's usual trap of mere fascination with technology's newness.

For evidence, look beyond the infinite fill zone to what is perhaps the most Cory of all Cory projects, . The project was a meticulous online catalog of a record collection sourced from underground dance DJ Joshua Ryan. In an interview accompanying the project's launch as part of the First Look online exhibition series at New Museum in 2013, Lauren Cornell asked Arcangel why he wanted to devote himself to such an "obsessive, time-consuming project." His response:

I guess I wanted to treat these records with the utmost respect. You knew me in the '90s so you know I went through a pretty hard techno/trance phase. This culture means a lot to me and I wanted to portray that. Treating them this way also plays with the discrepancy between the current cultural worth of these records (zero) and the true long-term value of them (unlimited).

For Cory, the loop is an undervalued cultural form; the fact that dance music production is template-driven, near-automated, should not detract from its cultural value.

The question of value is central. Several times throughout More Brilliant than the Sun , Eshun quotes Human Use of Human Beings by cybernetics pioneer Norbert Wiener, a text that foresaw a devaluation of human labor, and therefore human life, in the computer age. Writing in the years after World War II, as the American workforce was retrained to produce cars and television sets, Weiner noted that "the automatic machine is the precise economic equivalent of slave labor." For Eshun, this helps explain both Black music's embrace of the machine, and the critical establishment's failure to take machine-made music seriously.

This is why, in Arcangel's work, it is particularly important to understand the embrace of the repetitive, the machine-made, the seemingly mundane, as a political position driven by affection and care. For the teenagers in Liverpool who worked with him, this was implicitly obvious. They didn't have access to the world of contemporary art, but they had a certain knowledge that came from their place of birth, a defiantly working-class port city that had been a point on the triangle of the transatlantic slave trade, and later became a battleground in the struggle for labor rights and human dignity under Thatcher. They saw the potential in turning a limited palette into a riot of pattern and volume, and they did so with gusto.

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"People were listening to nothing but machines. And these machines weren't playing songs, or anything even remotely narrative, but instead seemed to be playing loops. Simple loops. Loops that seemed to be stuck! Five minutes would pass, and there would hardly be any difference in the music.

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Normal
Abnormal
(based on points of view)

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Dust Serenade is a reenactment of an acoustic experiment designed in 1866 by German physicist August Kundt. Inspired by physicist and musician Ernst Chladni, whose sand figures visualized sound waves in solid materials, Kundt devised an experiment for visualizing longitudinal sound waves through fine lycopodium dust. The setup allowed him to measure the speed of sound in different gases.

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HUMANS HAVE A SOCIAL SELF AND NEED TO BELONG TO GROUPS

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HUMANS HAVE A SOCIAL SELF AND NEED TO BELONG TO GROUPS

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1. Diagram = Markmaking ( Showing sociocultural groups

2. Diagram = Markmaking (Showing Normal/Abnormal)
Normal - purple
Abnormal - green

3. Diagram = Markmaking (Showing variety of beliefs)

4. Photoshop edit = Beliefs creating subcultures

5. Diagram = Markmaking (Subcultures creating new cultures)

6. Photoshop edit = Photoshop edit (united environment)

7. Photoshop edit = Copy, Pattern creation
(Globalisation, Unification showing pattern in behaviour)

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Human
Idol
Normal
Abnormal
Belief
Culture
Perspective 1
Perspective 2
Perspective 3

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Unnatural
Abnormal
Bad/Evil
Dangerous

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Natural
Normal
Good
Safe

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More knowledgeable other / Idol
Culture
Identity
Natural
Normal
Good
Safe
Belief
Perspective

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WE ARE ABLE TO CHANGE OUR CONTRUCTIONS THROUGH INTERACTION

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WE ARE ABLE TO CHANGE OUR CONTRUCTIONS THROUGH INTERACTION

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To what extent?

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In my work I would like to map this sequence in a visually attractive way. A way without any use of living/human resemblance, in order to portray this phenomenon as a raw, more info-graphic visual.

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Humans have natural tendency of viewing the OTHER  as BAD. Whoever is different from us is NOT AS GOOD AS US

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Humans have natural tendency of viewing the OTHER  as BAD. Whoever is different from us is NOT AS GOOD AS US

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- Bryan Yyelland

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People who believed in certain approach of understanding a law of nature will be split into two groups:

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Each time a scientist reveals some force of nature, it changes world history. - Dr. Michio Kaku

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Moves the humanity forward but separates cultures and beliefs

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Humans are mark makers because of their intelligence and ability to go against the norms and values

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Humans are special species due to their ability to imagine, visualise situations and plan for the future.

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Social situations influence behavior as much as individual factors

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culture can be defined as norms and values that define society

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Untitled 1966-7 by Willem de Kooning 1904-1997

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Untitled 1966-7 by Willem de Kooning 1904-1997

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Quattro Stagioni: Autunno 1993-5 by Cy Twombly 1928-2011

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Quattro Stagioni: Autunno 1993-5 by Cy Twombly 1928-2011

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Grace Jones 1984 by Robert Mapplethorpe 1946-1989

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Grace Jones 1984 by Robert Mapplethorpe 1946-1989

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Mark making in art can be interpreted as a tool beneficial for expressing emotion, cultures or even movements. Mark making might be also seen more objectively as a notable action taken by individuals that affected the change of its environment.

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Mark making, can be an effective tool for visualising sociocultural patterns.

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In this project I would like to focus on the predictable patterns of human behaviour from the sociocultural point of view and its consequences on the environment.

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In social psychology, fundamental attribution error ( FAE), also known as correspondence bias or attribution effect, is the tendency for people to under-emphasize situational explanations for an individual's observed behavior while over-emphasizing dispositional and personality-based explanations for their behavior. This effect has been described as "the tendency to believe that what people do reflects who they are".

The phrase was coined by Lee Ross some years after a classic experiment by Edward E. Jones and Victor Harris (1967). Ross argued in a popular paper that the fundamental attribution error forms the conceptual bedrock for the field of social psychology. Jones wrote that he found Ross's phrase "overly provocative and somewhat misleading", and also joked: "Furthermore, I'm angry that I didn't think of it first." Some psychologists, including Daniel Gilbert, have used the phrase "correspondence bias" for the fundamental attribution error. Other psychologists have argued that the fundamental attribution error and correspondence bias are related but independent phenomena, with the former being a common explanation for the latter.

As a simple example of the behavior which attribution error theory seeks to explain, consider the situation where Alice, a driver, is cut off in traffic by Bob. Alice attributes Bob's behavior to his fundamental personality, e.g., he thinks only of himself, he is selfish, he is a jerk, he is an unskilled driver; she does not think it is situational, e.g., he is going to miss his flight, his wife is giving birth at the hospital, his daughter is convulsing at school. Alice might well make the opposite mistake and excuse herself by saying she was influenced by situational causes, e.g., I am late for my job interview, I must pick up my son for his dental appointment, rather than thinking she has a character flaw, e.g., I am such a jerk, I treat others in contempt, I am bad at driving.

Classic demonstration study: Jones and Harris (1967)

Jones and Harris hypothesized, based on the correspondent inference theory, that people would attribute apparently freely chosen behaviors to disposition and apparently chance-directed behaviors to situation. The hypothesis was confounded by the fundamental attribution error.

Subjects in an experiment read essays for and against Fidel Castro. Then they were asked to rate the pro-Castro attitudes of the writers. When the subjects believed that the writers freely chose positions for or against Castro, they would normally rate the people who liked Castro as having a more positive attitude towards Castro. However, contradicting Jones and Harris' initial hypothesis, when the subjects were told that the writers' positions were determined by a coin toss, they still rated writers who spoke in favor of Castro as having, on average, a more positive attitude towards Castro than those who spoke against him. In other words, the subjects were unable to properly see the influence of the situational constraints placed upon the writers; they could not refrain from attributing sincere belief to the writers. The experimental group provided more internal attributions towards the writer.

The hypothesis that people systematically tend to overattribute behavior to traits (at least for other people's behavior) is contested. Epstein and Teraspulsky tested whether subjects over-, under-, or correctly estimate the empirical correlation among behaviors. (These behavioral consistencies are what "traits" describe.) They found that estimates of correlations among behaviors correlated strongly with empirically observed correlations among these behaviors. Subjects were sensitive to even very small correlations, and their confidence in the association tracked how far they were discrepant (i.e., if they knew when they did not know), and was higher for the strongest relations. Subjects also showed awareness of the effect of aggregation over occasions and used reasonable strategies to arrive at decisions. Epstein concluded that "Far from being inveterate trait believers, as has been previously suggested, [subjects'] intuitions paralleled psychometric principles in several important respects when assessing relations between real-life behaviors."

While described as "robust, firmly established, and pervasive", meta-analysis of the 173 qualified studies of the actor-observer asymmetry available by 2005 established, surprisingly, an effect size of near zero. These analyses allowed a systematic review of where, if at all, the effect holds. These analyses showed that the asymmetry was found only when 1. the other person was portrayed as being very unusual, 2. when hypothetical (rather than real) events were explained, 3. when people were intimate (knew each other well), or 4. when researcher degrees of freedom were high. It appeared that in these circumstances two asymmetries were observed: negative events were asymmetrically attributed to traits in others, but the reverse held for positive events, supporting a self-serving bias rather than an actor-observer asymmetry. See also the 2006 meta-analysis by Malle.

Several theories predict the fundamental attribution error, and thus both compete to explain it, and can be falsified if it does not occur. Leading examples include:

1. Just-world fallacy. The belief that people get what they deserve and deserve what they get, the concept of which was first theorized by Melvin J. Lerner (1977). Attributing failures to dispositional causes rather than situational causes-which are unchangeable and uncontrollable-satisfies our need to believe that the world is fair and that we have control over our lives. We are motivated to see a just world because this reduces our perceived threats, gives us a sense of security, helps us find meaning in difficult and unsettling circumstances, and benefits us psychologically. Unfortunately, the just-world hypothesis also results in a tendency for people to blame and disparage victims of an accident or a tragedy, such as rape and domestic abuse, to reassure themselves of their insusceptibility to such events. People may even blame the victim's faults in a "past life" to pursue justification for their bad outcome.[page needed ]

2. Salience of the actor. We tend to attribute an observed effect to potential causes that capture our attention. When we observe other people, the person is the primary reference point while the situation is overlooked as if it is nothing but mere background. As such, attributions for others' behavior are more likely to focus on the person we see, not the situational forces acting upon that person that we may not be aware of. (When we observe ourselves, we are more aware of the forces acting upon us. Such a differential inward versus outward orientation accounts for the actor-observer bias.)

3. Lack of effortful adjustment. Sometimes, even though we are aware that the person's behavior is constrained by situational factors, we still commit the fundamental attribution error. This is because we do not take into account behavioral and situational information simultaneously to characterize the dispositions of the actor. Initially, we use the observed behavior to characterize the person by automaticity. We need to make deliberate and conscious effort to adjust our inference by considering the situational constraints. Therefore, when situational information is not sufficiently taken into account for adjustment, the uncorrected dispositional inference creates the fundamental attribution error. This would also explain why people commit the fundamental attribution error to a greater degree when they're under cognitive load; i.e. when they have less motivation or energy for processing the situational information.

4. Culture. It has been suggested cultural differences occur in attribution error: people from individualistic (Western) cultures are reportedly more prone to the error while people from collectivistic cultures are less prone. Based on cartoon-figure presentations to Japanese and American subjects, it has been suggested that collectivist subjects may be more influenced by information from context (for instance being influenced more by surrounding faces in judging facial expressions). Alternatively, individualist subjects may favor processing of focal objects, rather than contexts. Others suggest Western individualism is associated with viewing both oneself and others as independent agents, therefore focusing more on individuals rather than contextual details.

The fundamental attribution error is commonly used interchangeably with "correspondence bias" (sometimes called "correspondence inference", although this phrase refers to a judgment which does not necessarily constitute a bias, which arises when the inference drawn is incorrect, e.g. dispositional inference when the actual cause is situational). However, there has been debate about whether the two terms should be distinguished from each other. Three main differences between these two judgmental processes have been argued:

1. They seem to be elicited under different circumstances, as both correspondent dispositional inferences and situational inferences can be elicited spontaneously. Attributional processing, however, seems to only occur when the event is unexpected or conflicting with prior expectations. This notion is supported by a study conducted by Semin and Marsman (1994), which found that different types of verbs invited different inferences and attributions. Correspondence inferences were invited to a greater degree by interpretative action verbs (such as "to help") than state action or state verbs, thus suggesting that the two are produced under different circumstances.

2. Correspondence inferences and causal attributions also differ in automaticity. Inferences can occur spontaneously if the behavior implies a situational or dispositional inference, while causal attributions occur much more slowly (e.g. Smith & Miller, 1983).

3. It has also been suggested that correspondence inferences and causal attributions are elicited by different mechanisms. It is generally agreed that correspondence inferences are formed by going through several stages. Firstly, the person must interpret the behavior, and then, if there is enough information to do so, add situational information and revise their inference. They may then further adjust their inferences by taking into account dispositional information as well. Causal attributions however seem to be formed either by processing visual information using perceptual mechanisms, or by activating knowledge structures (e.g. schemas) or by systematic data analysis and processing. Hence, due to the difference in theoretical structures, correspondence inferences are more strongly related to behavioral interpretation than causal attributions.

Based on the preceding differences between causal attribution and correspondence inference, some researchers argue that the fundamental attribution error should be considered as the tendency to make dispositional rather than situational explanations for behavior, whereas the correspondence bias should be considered as the tendency to draw correspondent dispositional inferences from behavior. With such distinct definitions between the two, some cross-cultural studies also found that cultural differences of correspondence bias are not equivalent to those of fundamental attribution error. While the latter has been found to be more prevalent in individualistic cultures than collectivistic cultures, correspondence bias occurs across cultures, suggesting differences between the two phrases.

Cognitive biases

1. ^ Ross, L. (1977). "The intuitive psychologist and his shortcomings: Distortions in the attribution process". In Berkowitz, L. (ed.). Advances in experimental social psychology. 10. New York: Academic Press. pp. 173-220. ISBN 978-0-12-015210-0.

2. ^ Gilbert, D. T. (1998). "Speeding with Ned: A personal view of the correspondence bias" (PDF). In Darley, J. M.; Cooper, J. (eds.). Attribution and social interaction: The legacy of E. E. Jones (PDF). Washington, DC: APA Press. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-07-09.

3. ^ Gawronski, Bertram (2004). "Theory-based bias correction in dispositional inference: The fundamental attribution error is dead, long live the correspondence bias" (PDF). European Review of Social Psychology. 15 (1): 183-217. doi:10.1080/10463280440000026. Archived from the original on 2016-06-01.

4. ^ "Fundamental Attribution Error". Ethics Unwrapped. McCombs School of Business, The University of Texas at Austin. 2018.

5. ^ Gilbert, D. T. (1989). Thinking lightly about others: Automatic components of the social inference process. In J. S. Uleman & J. A. Bargh (Eds.), Unintended thought (pp. 189-211). New York, Guilford Press.

6. ^ Miller, J. G. (1984). "Culture and the development of everyday social explanation" (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 46 (5): 961-978. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.46.5.961. PMID 6737211.

7. ^ Masuda, T.; Ellsworth, P. C.; Mesquita, B.; Leu, J.; Tanida, S.; van de Veerdonk, E. (2008). "Placing the face in context: Cultural differences in the perception of facial emotion" (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 94 (3): 365-381. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.94.3.365. PMID 18284287.

8. ^ Markus, H. R.; Kitayama, S. (1991). "Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation". Psychological Review. 98 (2): 224-253. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.320.1159. doi:10.1037/0033-295X.98.2.224.

9. ^ Krull, Douglas S. (2001). "On partitioning the fundamental attribution error: Dispositionalism and the correspondence bias". In Moskowitz, Gordon B. (ed.). Cognitive Social Psychology: The Princeton Symposium on the Legacy and Future of Social Cognition. Mahwah, New Jersey, USA: Psychology Press. pp. 211-227. ISBN 978-1135664251.

10. ^ Choi, I.; Nisbett, R. E. (1998). "Situational salience and cultural differences in the correspondence bias and actor-observer bias" (PDF). Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 24 (9): 949-960. doi:10.1177/0146167298249003. hdl:2027.42/68364.

Heider, Fritz. (1958). The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations. New York, John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 0-471-36833-4.

Gleitman, H., Fridlund, A., & Reisberg D. (1999). Psychology webBOOK: Psychology Fifth Edition / Basic Psychology Fifth Edition. W. W. Norton and Company. Accessed online 18 April 2006 [1].

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In social psychology, fundamental attribution error ( FAE), also known as correspondence bias or attribution effect, is the tendency for people to under-emphasize situational explanations for an individual's observed behavior while over-emphasizing dispositional and personality-based explanations for their behavior. This effect has been described as "the tendency to believe that what people do reflects who they are".

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The broad spectrum of our mind can sometimes act as limiting as beneficial for our environment. The thing we do not always think of is, that the environmental aspects such as social situations influence behaviour as much as individual factors. Fundamental attribution error is one of the patterns we as “Humans” often do unconsciously. This later on affects our behaviour towards others and may lead to tightening up the spectrum of critical thinking or vague evaluation of conclusions.

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Being human meens thinking in patterns. Being human means the inability to think random. Being human means collectivism. Being human means the inability to live in isolation.

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Identity in the 21st Century: Byrad Yyelland at TEDxEducationCity (2012)