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(Reuters) - The summer of 2020 saw the United States' biggest protests for racial justice and civil rights in a generation.

The nation watched in horror as a video showed the death of George Floyd, a Black man gasping for air and calling for his mother as a white police officer knelt on his neck for nearly nine minutes.

Floyd's death in Minneapolis on May 25 forced a new national reckoning about racial injustice and gave a global profile to the Black Lives Matter movement that has emerged in recent years to protest the deaths of African Americans in police custody.

Despite a worsening COVID-19 pandemic, tens of thousands took to the streets to demand change - first in Minneapolis, and later in New York, Washington, Portland and elsewhere - many of them chanting Floyd's dying words, "I can't breathe!" The demonstrations were largely peaceful, but as anger boiled over some protesters clashed with police and stores were looted or set on fire.

Republican President Donald Trump criticized the protests and promised to restore law and order, although opinion polls showed Americans largely supportive of Black Lives Matter.

In June, U.S. Park Police and National Guard troops, clad in riot gear, used pepper spray to clear the area outside the White House of protesters so Trump could walk to St. John's Church and pose for a photo holding up a Bible. Days later, the capital's mayor had "Black Lives Matter" emblazed in giant yellow letters on the street leading to the White House.

Anti-racism demonstrators also marched to show their support in cities overseas including Brussels and London.

Under pressure from the protests, some U.S. police departments banned the use of chokeholds and no-knock warrants. A few school districts, including in Minneapolis and Denver, canceled contracts with police departments. A few cities such as Boston, New York and San Francisco proposed redirecting some of the police budget to other community priorities. But nationwide reform remains elusive.

There was a renewed focus on the still-unresolved legacy of the Civil War of 1861-65. Monuments to pro-slavery Confederacy figures were taken down or toppled by protesters. NASCAR racing banned the Confederate flag, a symbol of slavery and white supremacy for many Americans.

Businesses pledged more than $1.7 billion for racial and social justice causes and rushed to revamp brands with stereotypical names or images.

Black athletes were at the forefront of the movement. The National Basketball Association (NBA) and Women's NBA postponed games in solidarity with the demonstrators, followed by Major League Baseball and Major League Soccer.

There were further protests following the Aug. 23 police shooting of another Black man, Jacob Blake, in Kenosha, Wisconsin, and again in September when a grand jury decided not to bring homicide charges against police officers involved in the fatal shooting of Breonna Taylor.

The simmering anger and demands for justice ignited by these deaths and others translated into huge voter turnout by Black Americans in November's presidential election.

On Jan. 20, Kamala Harris will become the first Black woman, and first Asian American, to serve as U.S. vice president. Black Lives Matter supporters will be looking to her and President-elect Joe Biden to honor their campaign promises of criminal justice reform and economic aid for minority communities.

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U.S. saw summer of Black Lives Matter protests demanding change

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(Reuters) - The summer of 2020 saw the United States' biggest protests for racial justice and civil rights in a generation. The nation watched in horror as a video showed the death of George Floyd, a Black man gasping for air and calling for his mother as a white police officer knelt on his neck for nearly nine minutes.

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Trust Principles - the history

The Trust Principles were created in 1941, in the midst of World War II, in agreement with The Newspaper Proprietors Association Limited and The Press Association Limited (being the Reuters shareholders at that time). The Trust Principles imposed obligations on Reuters and its employees to act at all times with integrity, independence, and freedom from bias.

Reuters Directors and shareholders were determined to protect and preserve the Trust Principles established in 1941 when Reuters became a publicly traded company on the London Stock Exchange and Nasdaq. A unique structure was put in place to achieve this. A new company was formed and given the name 'Reuters Founders Share Company Limited', its purpose being to hold a 'Founders Share' in Reuters.

The legal structure has evolved over time and the Founders Share and other contractual arrangements now confer a number of special rights upon the Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company. For example, (i) the Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company has enhanced voting rights in circumstances where someone is seeking to obtain a significant shareholding in, or acquire control of, Thomson Reuters and (ii) the prior consent of the Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company must be sought prior to undertaking any sale of, or other material transaction involving, the Reuters news business unit.

Thomson Reuters itself is obliged and committed to apply the Trust Principles to its operations. The charter documents of Thomson Reuters Corporation include provisions to safeguard the Trust Principles as they apply to the Thomson Reuters business and require Thomson Reuters Directors, in the performance of their duties, to have due regard to the Trust Principles, by the proper exercise of their powers and in accordance with their other duties as Directors.

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The Trustees are experienced and eminent people from diverse arenas in politics, diplomacy, media, public service and business. The Trustees are selected by a nomination committee and proposed to the board of the Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company for appointment. The nomination committee assists in scrutinizing candidates' suitability and its members include two persons appointed by the chairman after consultation with the European Court of Human Rights and representatives of certain press associations. The Thomson Reuters Corporation board has two representatives on the nomination committee. The Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company Board are members of the nomination committee, and the Chairman appoints three other directors of the Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company as members of the nomination committee. The Chairman of the Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company acts as chairman of the nomination committee.

The number of Trustees has to be at least 14 and not more than 18. Trustees have a minimum of two meetings per year, and receive reports on our activities in the different fields in which we operate (including Reuters news). The Trustees meet with both the Thomson Reuters Board and representatives of senior management. Through Thomson Reuters Founders Share Company's Chairman, regular contact is maintained with our company. The relationship is one of trust and confidence.

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Customers across the world depend on us to provide them with reliable and objective news and information.

This means that we have a special need to safeguard our independence and integrity and avoid any bias which may stem from control by specific individuals or interests.

The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles were adopted in 1941 and include the preservation of integrity, reliability of news, development of the news business, and related principles.

Today, the Trust Principles are fundamental to our entire business.

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The Trust Principles were created in 1941, in the midst of World War II, in agreement with The Newspaper Proprietors Association Limited and The Press Association Limited (being the Reuters shareholders at that time). The Trust Principles imposed obligations on Reuters and its employees to act at all times with integrity, independence, and freedom from bias.

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Reuters is an international news organization published in 16 languages and viewed by billions worldwide every day. The news agency was founded in 1851 by Paul Reuter and is now owned by Thomson Reuters. The organization is headquartered in London. Ad Fontes Media rates Reuters as neutral in terms of bias and as most reliable in terms of reliability.

Overall Score

A team of analysts at Ad Fontes Media regularly reviews articles and news programs to rate them in terms of bias and reliability. A weighted average of these ratings results in the overall score for the media source.

The bias rating, demonstrated on the Media Bias Chart®️ on the horizontal axis, ranges from most extreme left to neutral to most extreme right. The reliability rating, demonstrated on the chart's vertical axis, rates sources on a scale from original fact reporting to analysis, opinion, propaganda and inaccurate/fabricated information.

The following are Reuters's overall bias and reliability scores according to our Ad Fontes Media ratings methodology.
Reliability: 51.64 Bias: -1.97
Reliability scores for articles and shows are on a scale of 0-64. Scores above 24 are generally acceptable; scores above 32 are generally good.

Bias scores for articles and shows are on a scale of -42 to + 42, with higher negative scores being more left, higher positive scores being more right, and scores closer to zero being the most neutral and/or balanced.

Individual Article Scores

The following articles were reviewed by Ad Fontes Media analysts on the basis of reliability and bias. Each article was reviewed by at least three analysts: one conservative, one liberal and one moderate.

The team considers a variety of factors when rating a news article. To determine its reliability score, we consider the article's veracity, expression, and its headline and graphics. We add each of these scores to the chart on a sliding scale, with the average of those creating the article's overall reliability score.

To determine an article's bias score, we consider its language, its political position and how it compares to other stories from other sources on the same topic. We add each of these scores to the chart on a sliding scale, with the average of those creating the article's overall bias score.

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name} Bias and Reliability Overview {name} {description} Ad Fontes Media rates {name} as {bias_keyword} in terms of bias and as {reliability_keyword} in terms of reliability. Overall Score A team of analysts at Ad Fontes Media regularly reviews articles and news programs to rate

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The New York Times is a daily newspaper based in New York City. Founded in 1851, the paper has won 130 Pulitzer Prizes, more than any other media. The Times has a print circulation of 840,000 and a total of 6 million subscribers, including its digital product. Ad Fontes Media rates The New York Times as skews left in terms of bias and as most reliable in terms of reliability.

Overall Score

A team of analysts at Ad Fontes Media regularly reviews articles and news programs to rate them in terms of bias and reliability. A weighted average of these ratings results in the overall score for the media source.

The bias rating, demonstrated on the Media Bias Chart®️ on the horizontal axis, ranges from most extreme left to neutral to most extreme right. The reliability rating, demonstrated on the chart's vertical axis, rates sources on a scale from original fact reporting to analysis, opinion, propaganda and inaccurate/fabricated information.

The following are The New York Times's overall bias and reliability scores according to our Ad Fontes Media ratings methodology.
Reliability: 46.35 Bias: -8.31
Reliability scores for articles and shows are on a scale of 0-64. Scores above 24 are generally acceptable; scores above 32 are generally good.

Bias scores for articles and shows are on a scale of -42 to + 42, with higher negative scores being more left, higher positive scores being more right, and scores closer to zero being the most neutral and/or balanced.

Individual Article Scores

The following articles were reviewed by Ad Fontes Media analysts on the basis of reliability and bias. Each article was reviewed by at least three analysts: one conservative, one liberal and one moderate.

The team considers a variety of factors when rating a news article. To determine its reliability score, we consider the article's veracity, expression, and its headline and graphics. We add each of these scores to the chart on a sliding scale, with the average of those creating the article's overall reliability score.

To determine an article's bias score, we consider its language, its political position and how it compares to other stories from other sources on the same topic. We add each of these scores to the chart on a sliding scale, with the average of those creating the article's overall bias score.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
name} Bias and Reliability Overview {name} {description} Ad Fontes Media rates {name} as {bias_keyword} in terms of bias and as {reliability_keyword} in terms of reliability. Overall Score A team of analysts at Ad Fontes Media regularly reviews articles and news programs to rate

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Jordan Davidson is a staff writer at The Federalist. Jordan graduated from Baylor University where she majored in political science and minored in journalism. Follow her on Twitter @jordangdavidson.

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Jordan Davidson, Author at The Federalist

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Jordan Davidson is a staff writer at The Federalist. Jordan graduated from Baylor University where she majored in political science and minored in journalism. Follow her on Twitter @jordangdavidson.

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Demonstrations against police shootings and a March on Washington on Friday reflect a cause more enduring than many predicted.

Black Lives Matter supporters marched in Kenosha on Tuesday after the police shooting of Jacob Blake. Credit... Alyssa Schukar for The New York Times

KENOSHA, Wis. - In some ways, what has unfolded on the streets of Kenosha, Wis., over the past week has had a wearying sense of familiarity.

There was another demoralizing shooting of a Black man by the police, another angry outcry in the streets, another disturbing trail of destruction that had the potential to overshadow the message of the need to end police violence and racism.

But as the demonstrations for Jacob Blake, the man shot in Kenosha, spread nationwide this week, and as civil rights leaders prepare to host tens of thousands of people in a March on Washington on Friday, this latest surge of protests reflects something much more - the remarkable way that the Black Lives Matter movement has come to represent a lever for change and a guiding voice on issues of race in America.

Black Lives Matter protests - or even the possibility of them - have changed the way that people in power respond. Elected leaders, including Gov. Tony Evers of Wisconsin, now tend to engage instantly and insistently with matters that in the past had been dealt with primarily by the police. Officers are named, details are shared and there are promises of thorough investigations - on Wednesday, by the Justice Department. In some instances, officers are charged or fired much more quickly than ever before.

And there is broader public witness and involvement. After a series of police killings several years ago, Colin Kaepernick imperiled his National Football League career by kneeling during the national anthem. Now, kneeling has become widely accepted in professional sports, athletes have refused to play games and players seriously debated shutting down the National Basketball Association playoffs entirely to make a statement.

"You've created an environment so whenever any incident of injustice or perceived injustice takes place, it's going to be amplified," said Daniel Gillion, a political science professor at the University of Pennsylvania, who studies protest movements.

Still, even as activists continue taking to the streets, many also believe that the changes are too slow and too modest. There is frustration over what protesters feel is the police's continued unnecessary use of force against Black people.

But there is also increasing concern that images of vandalism, looting and arson are becoming inextricably linked with the protests, undermining efforts to win systemic reforms and public support. While the Black Lives Matter movement enjoyed broad approval in the weeks after George Floyd's death in Minneapolis police custody, Democrats worry that the unrest, regardless of its extent or who is responsible, could help President Trump find a receptive audience for his argument that he will bring "law and order" to the country.

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Protesters blocked traffic in Washington on Monday. Recent Black Lives Matter activism is showing a durability that outpaces even the surge after Michael Brown's death in 2014. Credit... Shawn Thew/EPA, via Shutterstock

"We always must find ways to have peaceful demonstrations," said Martin Luther King III, the son of the slain civil rights leader and an organizer of Friday's march, which celebrates the 57th anniversary of the historic gathering his father led in Washington.

"While I don't condone violence at all, I understand why people are resorting to violence," he added. "You are victimizing a person as a society, and then you want to tell them, 'You know, I got my foot on your neck, but you're just supposed to let me put my foot on your neck.' That's not right."

In the two weeks after Mr. Floyd was killed in May, more than 2,000 protests were held across all 50 states. The demonstrations were diverse, reaching both big cities and communities that were rural and overwhelmingly white. On June 6 alone there were at least 531 protests nationwide, according to Count Love, a database of protests since 2017.

The speed at which the protests of the last three months have spread and the scale of support they have received speak to the foundation that the Black Lives Matter movement has laid over the past several years, academics said.

The movement traces its origins to the killing of Trayvon Martin, a Black 17-year-old, by a neighborhood watch volunteer in Florida in 2012. But it really took off after a police officer fatally shot Michael Brown, 18, in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014.

For more than a year, protests flared up with new police killings. The Justice Department investigated police departments across the country and reached settlements with some to monitor their operations. Some police forces introduced new reforms, like making their officers wear body cameras.

Even after much of the media attention faded from the Black Lives Matter movement after Mr. Trump's election in 2016, organizing and policy work continued. So when the devastating video surfaced of Mr. Floyd suffocating as an officer knelt on his neck for more than eight minutes, the infrastructure was there for activists to spring into action, experts said.

"Part of what's going on this spring is continuity from six years ago," said Pamela Oliver, a professor emeritus of sociology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. "Groups had actually never stopped. All those street protests that were happening 2014 to 2016 died down after the fall election, but the issue didn't die down."

So far, this latest swell of Black Lives Matter activism is showing a durability that outpaces even the surge after Mr. Brown's killing.

There have been more than 70 protests per week this month - which is two months removed from Mr. Floyd's killing - according to the Count Love database, compiled using media reports. When Mr. Brown was killed in August 2014, there was a surge of more than 100 protests nationwide the week after, according to a different database, but that dropped to an average of about 15 per week for the rest of the month.

The recent persistence of Black Lives Matter demonstrations is partly the result of broader grievances in society, including the feeling among many on the left that Mr. Trump represents a threat to democracy, experts said. Youth activism in recent years on issues like climate change and gun rights has helped to cultivate a broader protest culture, experts said, and when reforms are won, it validates protesting as an effective action. Support from prominent celebrities and athletes also have helped to keep the momentum going.

"I definitely think it's still at the same energy level," Damayanti Wallace, 19, an organizer in Chicago, said of the protests in her hometown. "I think that youth especially are just very angry with the lack of progress that's been happening in the city."

Analysts say the Black Lives Matter movement could take on a yearslong trajectory, much like the civil rights movement and the protests against the Vietnam War. Credit... Beth Nakamura for The New York Times

Portland, Ore., has become a center of the current protest movement - representing both its power and its challenges. Demonstrations have taken place every night for more than three months, but they have been reliably marred by confrontation with the police.

Even though most protesters stick to chanting the names of Black victims of police violence and shouting demands for reform, some who identify with the antifascist movement wear body armor, carry homemade shields and proudly call themselves "Antifa Super Soldiers." The police say they have spent $6.7 million responding to the protests since May, and have been so overburdened that response times to nonemergency calls can take as long as 12 hours.

It remains to be seen how long the Black Lives Matter movement will continue to be a central part of the social and political landscape. Analysts say the movement could take on a yearslong trajectory, much like the civil rights movement and the protests against the Vietnam War.

As Anthony Sturino, 24, marched in Kenosha on Wednesday night while clutching a handwritten sign that read, "Feds go home, this is our city," he said the energy of the continued protests there would not have been possible without the spark after Mr. Floyd's death. There had been several police shootings in Kenosha over the years that were largely ignored, he said.

"If those had not happened, we would never be this big. People still would not be caring about Black lives," said Mr. Sturino, a senior at the University of Wisconsin-Parkside outside Kenosha. "It took George Floyd to get people to pay attention, and now people are paying attention."

Will Wright, Audra D. S. Burch and Matt Furber contributed reporting.

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Black Lives Matter Grows as Movement While Facing New Challenges

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Demonstrations against police shootings and a March on Washington on Friday reflect a cause more enduring than many predicted. KENOSHA, Wis. - In some ways, what has unfolded on the streets of Kenosha, Wis., over the past week has had a wearying sense of familiarity.

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Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden promised unity in a speech Saturday night following the corporate media's projections that he would win the presidential election.

"With the campaign over, it's time to put the anger and the harsh rhetoric behind us and come together as a nation," Biden said. "It's time for Americans to unite. And to heal."

While the former vice president mounted the stage on the East Coast to declare his victory and pledge to "work as hard for those who didn't vote for me as those who did," that same night, rioters on the opposite coast were parading around Portland, Oregon destroying things to demonstrate their opposition to his leadership.

Earlier in the week, including on Election Night, Portland descended back into its all-too-familiar anarchical state seen over the summer. Rioters burned an American flag, threw Molotov cocktails and glass bottles, vandalized local businesses, and continued to raise a commotion as they had done following the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.

"Asking for people to be peaceful is white supremacy"

On election night in Portland, hundreds of protesters shut down the streets of SE Portland. They confronted Portlanders at their homes, including a family with a "Biden Harris" sign. #BLM #antifa https://t.co/DIVMm71ifJ pic.twitter.com/ahmJrGBQtL

- Andy Ngô (@MrAndyNgo) November 4, 2020

The destructive group, highly suspected of being Antifa, pushed Oregon Gov. Kate Brown to call in the state's National Guard after she delayed the decision for at least six months while violence plagued the city. The violence, however, was not limited to Election Day or the few days that followed.

Even after the media projected that Biden was the winner of the presidential election on Saturday, Antifa members in Portland led a "violent anti-Joe Biden protest" on Sunday during which they attacked the Multnomah County Democrats building, smashing windows and spraying it with graffiti promoting anarchy and Black Lives Matter.

It's Trump's Fault

Democrats and the media tried to pin the rising violence this summer on President Donald Trump, saying that his rhetoric stoked division and hate and that he is a racist who refuses to denounce white supremacy. The left put all of their efforts into electing a candidate that, despite his own deeply racist history and questionable comments towards black people, would somehow bring the nation together to address and heal from years of racial injustice.

Even the Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler, a progressive Democrat who was complicit as violent mobs lit things on fire for months, tried to soothe the tension in Portland with words, saying "We're going to need to come together as never before to address short-term issues and the long-term changes and investments needed to rebuild our economy, rebuild confidence in law enforcement and restore hope for our future."

The mayor, however, was rejected by the rioters, who repeatedly protested outside of his apartment building and even organized a sit-in, demanding that he "reduce the Portland Police Bureau budget, commit to never voting for police budget increases again, and resign." Wheeler's challenger in the Portland mayoral election was Antifa advocate Sarah Iannarone, who netted nearly half of Portland citizens' votes.

Despite some Democrats' high hopes that unity could be achieved once the bad orange man left office, it is clear that, as many conservatives tried to warn earlier in the year, the mob is insatiable. The people who are arrested for rioting and destroying property in Portland only to be released and start the process all over again don't care about Biden or the Democrats' political chatter.

They desire anarchy. They want revenge. They long for chaos. And they won't stop on their own.

One of the banners carried at last night's Portland antifa protest-turned-riot.

Photo: Dave Killen/Oregonian pic.twitter.com/5ZGMLzNyB2

- Andy Ngô (@MrAndyNgo) November 5, 2020

Trump's calls for law and order were criticized and laughed at by the media and liberals, but he was right. Unless someone steps up to denounce and actively counteract the chaos, it will prevail.

Do Biden's Promises Extend to Antifa?

Biden claims he wants peace, unity, and healing, but so far, he has only loosely condemned the violence seen in U.S. cities. As far as Antifa in Portland goes, Biden has mostly ignored the issue, perhaps hoping that it would fizzle out on its own. But it's not going away.

The question now is will Biden, who claims he'll work hard for those who don't support him, continue to ignore the destruction and erosion caused by Antifa in Portland, or will he try to gather them all around the fires they start outside of the Portland Police Bureau to sing Kumbaya and proclaim that racism is cured?

Either way, Portland will reject him, just as they rejected Wheeler. Nothing is good enough for them. They may have hated Trump, but they hate Biden just as much. And their cries of "F- Trump, F- Biden, death to America! We want something better than this trash, and we're going to take it" will continue.

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For Portland Rioters, Biden Isn't Enough. They Want 'Death To America'

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Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden promised unity in a speech Saturday night following the corporate media's projections that he would win the presidential election. "With the campaign over, it's time to put the anger and the harsh rhetoric behind us and come together as a nation," Biden said.

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John Eligon is a national correspondent covering race, based in Kansas City. His work documents the nuances of America's struggle with race issues, from the protest movement over police violence to the changing face of the nation's cities and suburbs.

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John Eligon is a national correspondent covering race, based in Kansas City. His work documents the nuances of America's struggle with race issues, from the protest movement over police violence to the changing face of the nation's cities and suburbs.

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Essay

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Snowden COM 101 201 News Story Investigation 2_ Black Lives Matter Movement