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Statements by Religious Communities on the Unaccompanied Children at the Border | Washington Office on Latin America

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Statements by Religious Communities on the Unaccompanied Children at the Border | Washington Office on Latin America

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In recent months, unaccompanied Central American children have arrived at the U.S. border seeking refuge from violence in their home countries. Here are a few statements that have been issued by religious communities in the U.S.

Statements by Religious Communities:

In addition to these statements, WOLA has compiled a list of organizations that are providing much-needed assistance to these children, including social services providers, legal aid resources, and national networks across the country currently involved in the humanitarian response. Click here to see how you can donate your time, money, or expertise to this important cause.

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Statements by Religious Communities on the Unaccompanied Children at the Border - WOLA

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In recent months, unaccompanied Central American children have arrived at the U.S. border seeking refuge from violence in their home countries. Here are a few statements that have been issued by religious communities in the U.S.

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El Salvador Government Holds Military Officers in Custody in Jesuit Case | Washington Office on Latin America

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El Salvador Government Holds Military Officers in Custody in Jesuit Case | Washington Office on Latin America

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By Geoff Thale*

Nine retired officials of the Salvadoran armed forces, including four former members of the military's high command, are in custody in El Salvador, in response to an international arrest warrant issued by Interpol. The warrant was requested by a Spanish judge who has charged twenty former Salvadoran military officials with acts of terrorism and crimes against humanity for their part in ordering the assassination of six Jesuit priests and their two housekeepers during El Salvador's civil war.

The Jesuit priests, their housekeeper and her teen-age daughter were assassinated in November of 1989. The Jesuits were well-known, both in El Salvador and internationally, for their defense of human rights in El Salvador, their work supporting war refugees and migrants, and their engagement in the search for a negotiated end to El Salvador's civil war. Their brutal murders called international attention to the human rights crisis in El Salvador. When evidence suggested that the Salvadoran military was behind the slaying, revulsion at the brutality of the military contributed to a new climate and new pressures for a negotiated solution. Peace Accords were signed in January of 1992, after twelve years of civil war.

In the 1980s, WOLA had worked closely with several of the Jesuits who were killed on human rights advocacy and support for a peace process. WOLA staff and board members felt this case personally, and WOLA has long supported the demand for justice in the case of the Jesuits.

Progress on this high profile case could bring some measure of justice for the Jesuit community, and for the families and friends of those who were slain. It would offer some hope to the families of thousands of other Salvadorans who died or disappeared during the armed conflict. And it would signal that the culture of impunity - in which well-connected political figures can engage in criminal activity without fear of prosecution or punishment - might be coming to an end.

Until recently, there was little movement in the case. In 1991, under intense international pressure, a colonel, two lieutenants, a sub-lieutenant, and five soldiers were tried for the killing of the Jesuits. Only the colonel and one of the lieutenants were convicted; then a 1993 amnesty law spared them significant prison time. A 2000 decision by a Salvadoran court ruled that further prosecutions of any others who might have been involved in the decision to kill the Jesuits were proscribed.

In 2008, the U.S.-based Center for Justice and Accountability (CJA) and the Spanish Association for Human Rights opened a legal action in Spain against a number of Salvadoran military and political leaders, arguing that the principle, accepted in Spanish courts, of universal jurisdiction for crimes against humanity, along with the fact that five of the six murdered Jesuits were Spanish citizens, allowed investigation and prosecution of the case.

On May 30 th of this year, after an extensive investigation, Spanish judge Eloy Velasco charged twenty military officers for their role in ordering or participating in the killings. Judge Velasco's decision was an important step forward in a case that had been stalled for a number of years. WOLA hopes that the case will move forward and that it will open the door for further investigations and prosecutions of egregious war-time human rights abuses in El Salvador, which have been prevented by the post-war amnesty. (In a number of other Latin American countries where amnesty laws have prevented investigation and prosecution of wide-spread human rights abuses by military and political figures, international arrest warrants have provoked domestic debates about and modifications of the amnesty provisions, helping to provide some measure of justice for victims and their families.)

Judge Velasco issued the indictments at the end of May. In late July, he requested that Interpol issue international arrest warrants for the nine military officials whose location was known, so that they could be held pending extradition procedures. (It is believed that several of the other former officers are in the United States; a State Department spokesperson recently said that the U.S. Justice Department will give any request for assistance from Spanish officials "appropriate consideration," noting the importance of human rights issues in Central America.)

The government of President Mauricio Funes acted appropriately in this politically sensitive situation.The director of the police made clear that the police would detain the military officers when the Interpol warrants were received. Word filtered out late in the first week of August that the warrants were about to be executed, and on Sunday, August 7 th, the nine military officials turned themselves in to an army base in El Salvador, rather than to civilian authorities. Analysts speculated that the officers hoped to invoke the protection of the military and avoid the civilian legal process, but on Monday morning, the Minister of Defense put the officers at the disposition of a civilian judge. By Tuesday, August 9 th, the case had been turned over to the Supreme Court, which will soon name a special magistrate to handle the legal procedures in the extradition process. Despite political pressures, the government has complied with its obligations in assuring that the indicted officials are in custody, and subject to a judicial process. This is an important affirmation of the government's commitment to international law.

The Salvadoran Supreme Court will decide what happens next in this case. The Spanish government must follow up on Judge Velasco's arrest warrant with a formal extradition request. Spain and El Salvador have an extradition treaty. After the Foreign Ministry of El Salvador receives the request from the Spanish government, the Supreme Court will review the request and decide whether or not to honor it.

The officers who were detained on Monday will argue that extradition request should not be honored because of the 1991 trial and the amnesty law. There is some concern that the Supreme Court will rule in their favor. When Judge Velasco wrote last year to the Supreme Court seeking documents related to his investigation, a majority of the justices voted not to forward them. This suggests that the Court, when it considers the extradition request and the argument of the officers, may vote not to extradite.
WOLA hopes that the Court will permit the extradition, in compliance with El Salvador's obligations. If prosecutions of those charged with having ordered and carried out the brutal murder of the Jesuits cannot move forward in El Salvador, the Court should allow extradition and permit them to move forward in Spain.
*Geoff Thale is program director at WOLA. Thale is an expert on citizen security, U.S.-Cuba relations, and Central America. Thale has been involved with El Salvador issues since the mid-1980s. He followed the negotiations to end El Salvador's civil war and the construction of post-war institutions, and has written and spoken extensively about El Salvador.

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El Salvador Government Holds Military Officers in Custody in Jesuit Case - WOLA

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By Geoff Thale* Nine retired officials of the Salvadoran armed forces, including four former members of the military's high command, are in custody in El Salvador, in response to an international arrest warrant issued by Interpol.

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El Salvador Marriages (FamilySearch Historical Records) | Learn | FamilySearch.org

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El Salvador Marriages (FamilySearch Historical Records) | Learn | FamilySearch.org

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(Article says there have been 1407 marriages-- look at table).

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El Salvador Marriages (FamilySearch Historical Records) Genealogy - FamilySearch Wiki

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The Coverage Table shows the places and time periods of the original records in this collection. The table indicates how many records the collection has from each place. Most of the records in the collection are from the time periods listed in the table; however, the collection may have a few records from before or after the time period.

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Dispatches: 17 Women in El Salvador Need Help This Holiday Season | Human Rights Watch

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Dispatches: 17 Women in El Salvador Need Help This Holiday Season | Human Rights Watch

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In El Salvador, 17 women convicted of murder, after being accused of having had an abortion, are sitting in prison for up to 40 years. For some of these women, having a miscarriage or stillbirth was used as evidence to convict them. Activists in El Salvador and around the globe are pressuring the government for their release, hopefully in time for the Christmas holidays.

Under El Salvador's draconian laws, procuring or providing an abortion is a crime - with no exceptions. Anyone who has an abortion and the medical providers who perform or induce them face decades in prison.

Releasing the imprisoned women is a necessary first step to protect their human rights. However, the rights of all El Salvadoran women remain at risk as long as this extreme criminal law remains in place.

Expert human rights bodies have repeatedly expressed concern about the relationship between El Salvador's restrictive abortion laws and detrimental consequences for women's lives, health, and well-being.

Nowhere was that more clear than in the case of women named " Beatriz," who sought medical treatment from a hospital in El Salvador for a life-threatening pregnancy in 2013. Doctors worried that if she continued her pregnancy she could suffer hemorrhaging or severe preeclampsia, a condition that is a leading cause of maternal death. The fetus also had anencephaly - a neural tube defect in which a major portion of the brain, skull, and scalp fail to develop. If an anencephalic infant is not stillborn, the baby will often die within hours or days.

In light of information provided to her by medical staff, Beatriz asked for an abortion. Her doctors sought permission from the government to terminate the pregnancy without risking prosecution. They never got it. After months of waiting, Beatriz delivered the baby prematurely via cesarean section. The baby died five hours later. The procedure was much more risky than an early abortion. After the surgery, Beatriz was admitted to the intensive care unit because of heightened concerns of complications with lupus. She was released from the hospital a week after the delivery, and nearly 12 weeks from the time doctors first determined the abortion was a medical necessity.

El Salvador's criminal prohibition on abortion punishes women - whether through jail time or risks to their health - and should be reformed.

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Dispatches: 17 Women in El Salvador Need Help This Holiday Season

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In El Salvador, 17 women convicted of murder, after being accused of having had an abortion, are sitting in prison for up to 40 years. For some of these women, having a miscarriage or stillbirth was used as evidence to convict them.

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The Crisis of Crime and Violence in Central America: More than just Drugs and Gangs | Washington Office on Latin America

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The Crisis of Crime and Violence in Central America: More than just Drugs and Gangs | Washington Office on Latin America

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This week Secretary of State Hilary Clinton will attend the "International Conference in Support of the Central American Security Strategy" to take place on June 22 and 23 in Guatemala City. There she will meet with the Presidents of all seven Central American countries, along with the Presidents of Mexico and Colombia, and officials from Canada, Europe, the Inter-American Development Bank, and the World Bank, to discuss how to respond to the growing problems caused by crime and violence in Central America.

If past experience has taught us anything, the discussions will be dominated by talk about drug traffickers and the Machiavellian tactics of gangs; the leaders present will be tempted to argue for more resources for surveillance equipment, SWAT teams, anti-drug police, and military patrols.

Serious leaders though will resist the temptation. They will recognize that the problem is not simply the presence of drug traffickers, or of youth gangs. And they will recognize that declaring war on the Zetas, or the Sinaloa cartel, or MS-13, and bringing in the troops, a la Mexico, won't succeed in reducing the frighteningly high levels of crime and violence that now plague Central America.

These tough-minded leaders will recognize that Central America's real crime problems are not being confronted head on by the law enforcement and justice institutions in charge of bringing them down. They will recognize that easily corrupted police who can't deter crime or effectively investigate it, prosecutors and judges who can be bought off and government agencies that are infiltrated by criminal groups are as big a problem, if not bigger, than the street-level perpetrators of crime. They'll also note that weakened communities can't discourage crime or offer alternatives to young people.

Being politicians, the leaders at this week's meeting will talk about the importance of going after criminals with every figurative and literal "weapon" they have. However, strategic leaders will tout long-term strategies to fix the problems of the police and justice systems, and they will emphasize investment in violence prevention, education, and job creation. They will ask the international donors present at the meeting not for more high-tech equipment, but for help in combating police corruption. While they seek money for drug investigation teams, they will also ask for help with community policing. They will ask more about the lessons of effective neighborhood-based anti-violence programs in Medellin and High Point, North Carolina, and less about the military patrols in Juarez, or the zero-tolerance policing that has led to police abuse in the U.S.

WOLA has worked closely with colleagues in Central America-the Central American Coalition for the Prevention of Youth Violence and other organizations-in monitoring crime and violence in Central America. The problems are serious: homicides rates have risen steadily over the last fifteen years, drug trafficking organizations have expanded routes throughout the region and organized crime has infiltrated government institutions, youth gangs have grown in poor communities, and petty extortion and street violence threaten many neighborhoods.

WOLA and our colleagues in the region know that these problems can't be solved by high-tech police sweeps or military patrols, or even by better police investigation alone. They require a serious and committed effort by governments, with the support of the international community, to strengthen the institutions of criminal justice-the police, the prosecutors, and the courts-so that they are both less prone to corruption and more effective in investigation, prosecution, and sentencing. The problem of crime and violence in Central America requires a serious effort to strengthen communities by building up local governments and community institutions, improving schools, investing in programs for at-risk youth, and working on job creation.

None of that is easy. Nor will it produce results overnight (though there is no evidence that hardline approaches do either). What's clear though is that sustained political leadership is necessary to change entrenched cultures of corruption in the criminal justice system, and to shift limited state funding toward community-based education and prevention. But the end result-police who won't take bribes from corrupt politicians or drug traffickers, prosecutors who will see cases through even when they involve the powerful, and young people who stay in school and are less tempted by the quick money of street gangs or drug sales-is what will lead to real reductions in crime and violence in Central America.

If leaders who are serious about tackling the problem prevail, the meeting that takes place this week will mark a turn toward dealing with the real sources of crime and violence in Central America-weak and ineffective criminal justice institutions, and weakened local communities. We'll see governments and donors both talking about police and justice reform across the board, and programs to keep youth in school and prevent crime in local communities.

If the traditional logic prevails, the talk will be all about battles with drug cartels and gang crime, and we'll see more specialized units and highly-sophisticated technology. If that's what happens, the problems in the region will continue to grow.

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The Crisis of Crime and Violence in Central America: More than just Drugs and Gangs - WOLA

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This week the "International Conference in Support of the Central American Security Strategy" will bring together Central American presidents and officials from multi-lateral banks and donor governments, including Hilary Clinton for the U.S. Attendees will debate a security strategy for the region, but how will leaders frame the issue?

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El Salvador: Authorize Abortion for Woman at Risk of Dying | Human Rights Watch

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El Salvador: Authorize Abortion for Woman at Risk of Dying | Human Rights Watch

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For the woman:

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H.E. Mauricio Funes
President of the Republic of El Salvador
Alameda Dr. Manuel Enrique Araujo
No. 550
San Salvador
El Salvador, C.A.

May 14, 2013

President Funes:

We write to you urgently about the case of Salvadoran citizen "Beatriz," a 22-year-old woman whose life is in grave danger as a result of her pregnancy. We are greatly concerned that the El Salvadoran government has not complied with the precautionary measures granted to Beatriz by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Fifty days after she first sought relief from your government, Beatriz is still awaiting a life-saving medical treatment.

Beatriz is pregnant with what has been confirmed in three separate sonograms at the National Maternity Hospital on March 12 and 21, 2013, to be an anencephalic fetus. Anencephaly is a neural tube defect in which a major portion of the brain, skull and scalp fail to develop. An infant born with this disorder lacks a cerebrum, and will usually be born blind, deaf and unconscious. If an anencephalic infant is not stillborn, the baby will often die within hours or days. In rare cases, the infant may survive longer, but will never gain consciousness and cannot survive infancy.

The psychological and physical effects of carrying an anencephalic pregnancy are well documented and can be very damaging to women. Women forced to continue with anencephalic pregnancies against their will are at risk of depression, anxiety, and other mental health disorders. They may also experience physical health issues such as hypertensive disorders, premature membrane rupture, and amniotic embolisms.

In Beatriz's case continuing with the pregnancy may very well result in her death, according to doctors at the National Maternity Hospital. Beatriz suffers from a combination of medical problems that make her pregnancy particularly high risk. Doctors who have examined her believe that she could face hemorrhaging, severe preeclampsia, a condition that is a leading cause of maternal death, and potential renal failure due to her preexisting medical conditions, including a diagnosed case of Lupus. In March 2012, Beatriz had a high risk pregnancy. According to medical records, during this previous pregnancy she was hospitalized on three different occasions, once to receive a blood transfusion for anemia. Doctors had to deliver her son, now one year old, two months early by an emergency caesarean section due to severe preeclampsia aggravated by Lupus. He remained in intensive care for 38 days.

On March 22, 2013, lawyers for the National Maternity Hospital "Hospital Nacional Especializado de Maternidad" requested permission from the government to perform an abortion, because there was a "strong probability of maternal death"(Translator: "fuerte probabilidad de muerte materna") and the fetus was confirmed, by three sonograms, to be anencephalic, an anomaly "incompatible with extrauterine life (Translator: "incompatible con la vida extrauterina".

Three weeks later, in response to a request by the Minster of Health, the Medical Committee of the Hospital Nacional Especializado de Maternidad recommended an abortion to save Beatriz's life and preserve her personal integrity and health. The Committee recognized that the hospital was subject to the laws of the State, which prohibits abortion and to balance the right to life of the woman against that of the fetus; however, it also stated that "this fetus, in the future, has not possibility to exercise the right to life." (Translator: este feto, en el future, no tiene posibilidades de ejercer el Derecho a la vida.")

The Attorney General has however stated that El Salvador's criminal prohibition on abortion will be applied if Beatriz undergoes this life saving procedure. The sentence for violating this prohibition is up to 50 years for the woman and up to 12 years for the doctor who performs the procedure. Beatriz's request for constitutional filed with the Constitutional Chambers of the Supreme Court of Justice on April 11, 2013 has not been resolved to date, and Beatriz sought relief from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

On April 29, 2013, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights granted precautionary measures to Beatriz, requesting that the government of El Salvador adopt the recommendation of the medical committee within 72 hours of the commission's letter. To this date, X days after precautionary measures were granted, the government has failed to comply. Beatriz's life remains in danger. Medical doctors have not provided her with life-saving medical treatment, because the government has not provided authorization that would exempt them from prosecution.

Beatriz' inability to access life-saving medical treatment, including the termination of her pregnancy, without threat of criminal prosecution is a violation of her fundamental human rights. Application of El Salvador's restrictive abortion laws in this case may have a devastating impact on Beatriz's right to life. Further, several United Nations human rights bodies have found that restrictions on access to safe and legal abortion may give rise to situations that constitute cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, including when a women is forced to carry a non-viable pregnancy to term.

Application of El Salvador's criminal laws with respect to abortion in this instance may also amount to a violation of El Salvador's obligations to respect, protect and fulfill the right to health. United Nations treaty bodies have repeatedly expressed concern about the relationship between El Salvador's restrictive abortion laws and detrimental consequences for women's lives, health and well-being. To remedy the effects of the criminalization of abortion on women's right to life, the committees have recommended the review or amendment of restrictive abortion laws, and in particular have recommended the removal of punitive aspects of these laws.

In 2005, the Human Rights Committee found that El Salvador's neighbor in the region, Peru, was in violation of its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights when it denied a therapeutic abortion in a similar case of a 17-year-old girl pregnant with an anencephalic fetus. Unable to receive a safe, legal procedure, the girl carried the pregnancy to term, and the infant died after four days.

UN human rights experts have underscored the special obligations that El Salvador holds in this case. On April 26 Anand Grover , UN Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health; Juan E. Méndez, Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; Rashida Manjoo, Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences; and Kamala Chandrakirana, Chairperson of the Working Group on the issue of discrimination against women in law and in practice, issued a statement calling Beatriz's condition cruel, inhumane and degrading.

We urge you immediately to adopt the precautionary measures issued by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and to take steps immediately to ensure Beatriz may receive the care she needs.

We thank you for your attention on this important matter.

Sincerely,

Jose Miguel VivancoExecutive Director

Americas Division
Human Rights Watch

Liesl GerntholtzWomen's Rights Division
Director

Human Rights Watch

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Letter to President Funes: Authorize Abortion for Woman at Risk of Dying

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H.E. Mauricio Funes President of the Republic of El Salvador Alameda Dr. Manuel Enrique Araujo No. 550 San Salvador El Salvador, C.A. May 14, 2013 President Funes: We write to you urgently about the case of Salvadoran citizen "Beatriz," a 22-year-old woman whose life is in grave danger as a result of her pregnancy.