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This Amazing, Troubling Book by Tony Morrison 

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This Amazing, Troubling Book by Tony Morrison 

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Toni Morrison, a winner of both a Pulitzer Prize and a Nobel Prize, shares her fair and honest perspective on Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, and the novel's use of the n-word. Morrison has read the book many times, and each time she has gained a deeper understanding of the novel. Her contention is that the book is a literary classic, and so it will continue to find presence in the world, and in education today. Morrison would disagree, if you told her that the novel includes arguments on society. Instead she would say that the novel  is the argument. It is true. Twain wrote this novel with a purpose and a message. Disgusted with society, Twain was able to write with passion. The result was a book that is so powerful it has an effect on today's society, over a century later. I would argue that it is one of just a few, or the only novel in history, to be relevant over such a long period of time. This shows that discrimination, and the conflicts dealt within this book, are still present in today's world.

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The n-word: an interactive project to explore a single word

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The n-word: an interactive project to explore a single word

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This is an interactive site that has a collection of discussions covering variety of issues and topics on the use of the n-word in today's society. Many different people discuss their feelings on the use of the word by different people, the evolution of the word from the past to the future, the affect of the word on different people, and finally, big picture issues surrounding the word. What I can get out of this interactive as a whole is that everybody has their own opinion on races issues, such as the n-word. On the site, many different people discuss these topics, and it becomes apparent that only some people have similar opinions, and nobody has the same exact opinion. Each individual has grown up in different cities and towns, and been raised in different households. This variety in their life experience causes a spread of ideas and beliefs. Much like Huck in The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, these people have been shaped by the society around him.

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Explore perspectives.
Select three to see a custom video.

Start your own conversation

Add a question or use one of the submitted questions to start a conversation with your social network. (Note: The n-word has not been filtered from submissions.)

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n-word; donte stallworth; neal brennan; dave chappelle show; nfl; national football leagues bans nword; nfl bans the nword; nigger; nigga; nigger vs nigga; kkk; ku klux klan; jay z; oprah;

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The n-word: An interactive project exploring a singular word

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After the National Football League made the controversial decision to ban the n-word on the field this year, a team of Washington Post journalists explored the history of the word, its evolution and its place in American vernacular today.

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TED -  Clint Smith: How to raise a black son in America

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TED -  Clint Smith: How to raise a black son in America

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Clint Smith, a middle aged black man, speaks passionately on the difficulties of raising a black son in America. Of course, parenting is not easy, and there are many difficulties for all parents. Smith isn't discussing these common difficulties. He is discussing the problems that only black parents are conflicted with. Most of his points can be connected strongly to conflicts Huck Finn experienced on his journey with Jim. He focuses on the "Armor of Advice" his parents gave him as he grew up. This is his name for the rules of society his parents had to teach him in order to keep him safe. Similar to Huck, Smith was influenced by society. Huck was influenced directly, and his rules were against the correct treatment of blacks. Smith was influenced indirectly. Due to discrimination, his parents saw that Smith needed to know about discrimination, in order to protect himself. This contrast in society's influence on Huck, and society's influence on Smith shows that the world has remained the same in some ways. To this day young boys, similar to Huck and Young Clint, face conflicts of race from a very young, innocent, and immature age. At such a young age, it is hard for children to understand these problems in the world. This is a dynamic that is in need of change.

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As kids, we all get advice from parents and teachers that seems strange, even confusing. This was crystallized one night for a young Clint Smith, who was playing with water guns in a dark parking lot with his white friends. In a heartfelt piece, the poet paints the scene of his father’s furious and fearful response.

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A short story, written by Sherman Alexie, that encompasses and summarizes her experience of education as a Native American. The most important part of the story is her intellectual success, despite facing racism and opposition from students and teachers alike. In the second grade, her teacher would keep her in for recess, give her separate, more difficult quizzes, and make Alexie apologize for "everything." Though even as a young student, Alexie did not lose her determination. She went on to be a phenomenal student, and become valedictorian. This shows similar, but also progress from Huck's world to now. Obviously, Sherman Alexie was faced with discrimination all through her time in school. Discrimination still finds it's place in today's world. Though the simple aspect that she had the opportunity to be great, shows a great progression. In Huck's time, minority groups were given no opportunity to be free, and to succeed. This contrast shows a change not in discriminatory people, but in the laws of our society. It is the laws fighting for equality that gave Alexie a chance to be great.

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FIRST GRADE / My hair was too short and my U.S. Government glasses were horn-rimmed, ugly, and all that first winter in school, the other Indian boys chased me from one corner of

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Brown v. Board of Education  Turns Sixty

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Brown v. Board of Education  Turns Sixty

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Arguably the most vital court case for racial equality progression in the United States, Brown v. Board of Education, turned sixty years old in 2014. Like Huckleberry Finn, it's impact on society still has a strong impact on today's society. An event, or document's ability to remain relevant and important for such a long period time shows the power and impact it has. The source's two last sections include the case's long lasting impact, and the challenges that remain. I agree with both sections. Sixty three years later, we still rely on the case for legal precedents. This shows how our country has remained the same in some ways. Once again, discrimination finds it's place in today's world. Though I believe there is also great growth and progression. When the case was occurring, segregation and discrimination had huge impacts, and were virtually everywhere in the country. At the time, a vast majority of minorities faced this treatment. The progression of our country is found in the lower quantity of discrimination, and the extinction of legal segregation. Though both are still present in some places, the laws of our country make it illegal. Similar to Indian Education, this source shows how the laws of our nation have progressed and improved over issues of racial equality. The success of Brown in the case shows progression itself. Though the country still has room for growth, and I believe it is still pushing for a more equal society. Just recently, gay marriage become legal. All in all, we have made steps in the right direction, and will continue to do so until we have reached absolute equality in opportunity and freedom. AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION

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The 60th anniversary of the historic Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court ruling is almost upon us and it's a good time to take a look at whether it succeeded in its mission: to end segregation in public schools. Here is an important report about what has and has not been accomplished. It was written by Richard Rothstein, a research associate at the Economic Policy Institute, a non-profit created in 1986 to broaden the discussion about economic policy to include the interests of low- and middle-income workers. He is also senior fellow of the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy at the University of California (Berkeley) School of Law, and he is the author of books including "Grading Education: Getting Accountability Right, and "Class and Schools: Using Social, Economic and Educational Reform to Close the Black-White Achievement Gap." He was a national education writer for The New York Times as well. This appeared on the EPI blog.

By Richard Rothstein

May 17 is the 60 th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court's 1954 decision that prohibited Southern states from segregating schools by race. The Brown decision annihilated the "separate but equal" rule, previously sanctioned by the Supreme Court in 1896, that permitted states and school districts to designate some schools "whites-only" and others "Negroes-only." More important, by focusing the nation's attention on subjugation of blacks, it helped fuel a wave of freedom rides, sit-ins, voter registration efforts, and other actions leading ultimately to civil rights legislation in the late 1950s and 1960s. But Brown was unsuccessful in its purported mission-to undo the school segregation that persists as a central feature of American public education today. This issue brief highlights key elements of the American education system that have evolved in the wake of Brown:

Although Brown stimulated a civil rights movement that desegregated many facets of American society, it was least successful in integrating education, the decision's aim.

Initial school integration gains following Brown stalled and black children are more racially and socioeconomically isolated today than at any time since data have been available (1970).

Academic achievement of African Americans has improved dramatically in recent decades, but whites' has as well, so racial achievement gaps remain huge.

Schools for black children had enormous resource shortages in 1954. Inequalities still exist in some places, although they are much smaller. But resource equality itself is insufficient; disadvantaged students require much greater resources than middle-class white students to prepare for success in school.

Expensive but necessary resources include high-quality early childhood programs, from birth to school entry; high-quality after-school and summer programs; full-service school health clinics; more skilled teachers; and smaller classes.

Even with these added resources, students can rarely be successful in racially and economically isolated schools where remediation and discipline supplant regular instruction, excessive student mobility disrupts learning, involvement of more-educated parents is absent, and students lack adult and peer models of educational success.

Schools remain segregated today because neighborhoods in which they are located are segregated. Raising achievement of low-income black children requires residential integration, from which school integration can follow. Education policy is housing policy.

Federal requirements that communities must pursue residential integration have been unenforced, and federal programs to subsidize movement of low-income families to middle-class communities have been weak and ineffective.

Correcting these policy shortcomings is essential if the promise of Brown is to be fulfilled.

Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme Court's unanimous school desegregation decision whose 60 th anniversary we celebrate on May 17, had enormous impact. Its narrow result was to annihilate the "separate but equal" rule, previously sanctioned by the Supreme Court in 1896, that permitted states and school districts to designate some schools for "whites-only" and others for "Negroes-only."

But more important, the Brown decision focused the nation's attention on black subjugation in a fashion not seen since Radical Republicans attempted to reconstruct the South after the Civil War. Brown's 1954 success in highlighting the nation's racial caste system gave encouragement to a wave of freedom rides to desegregate interstate transportation, to national support for Rosa Parks' determination to desegregate local buses and other public facilities, to lunch counter sit-ins to desegregate restaurants and other public accommodations, to heroic efforts to register African Americans in the Deep South to vote, and to confrontations over admission of African Americans to southern universities. It also spurred civil rights legislation in 1957, 1960, 1964, 1965, and 1968 that, in combination, undid the nation's legal support for race-based status. None of this would have taken place without Brown.

But Brown was unsuccessful in its purported mission-to undo the school segregation that persists as a modal characteristic of American public education today. When the Supreme Court handed down its decision on May 17, 1954, Thurgood Marshall, head of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF) and chief attorney for the plaintiffs, predicted that there would be "no organized resistance" to the Supreme Court's order and that schools nationwide would be fully desegregated "in up to five years," ensuring that black children throughout the nation would have educations that would gain them entry to skilled jobs and colleges on an equal basis with whites.

In 1967, President Lyndon Johnson appointed Marshall to the Supreme Court where he spent the next 24 years in a fruitless struggle to prevent the perpetuation of school segregation, and indeed its exacerbation, after an initial rollback.

Today, things are getting worse. The typical black student now attends a school where only 29 percent of his or her fellow students are white, down from 36 percent in 1980. Subsequently, the courts, over Marshall's and other pro-integration justices' objections, began to free southern school districts from orders compelling them to adopt deliberate policies to integrate. In fact, black children are more racially and socioeconomically isolated today than at any time since data have been collected.

Of course, Brown did accomplish a great deal, even with respect to school desegregation. Although today, typical black students in Southern states attend schools where only 29 percent of their fellow students are white, in 1954 the percentage was zero. (Here, too, however, we are now going backwards: In 1980, the percentage for Southern states was 40 percent.) This progress from 1954 to the present is shamefully inadequate, but it is not nothing.
Black student achievement and the achievement gap
Black student achievement, nationwide, and in every state, has improved at a spectacular rate since Brown. Although we don't have a reliable measure of achievement going back very far in time, we have good data for the last few decades, from the federal sampled test of math and reading, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). It shows, for example, that black fourth-graders now have average math scores that are better than average white math scores only a generation ago. Yet because average white achievement has also improved, the gap between black and white achievement remains. The average black student still performs better than only about 25 percent of white students, making the goal of equal qualification for the labor market a distant and daunting goal.

It is too easy to forget that the Brown decision was propelled not merely by a principled objection to the idea of "separate but equal," but by Southern states' unrestrained contempt for the "equal" part of the formula. Black students were not only segregated but wholly denied meaningful educational opportunity. Schools 60 years ago were separate but not equal. In Clarendon, South Carolina, the school system at the heart of the Brown collection of cases, per pupil spending in schools for whites was more than four times the rate in schools for blacks. The capital value of schools for whites was nine times the value of shacks for blacks. The pupil-teacher ratio in schools attended by whites was 28-to-1, for those attended by blacks it was 47-to-1. There were flush toilets in schools for whites and outhouses at schools for blacks; buses transported white students to school while black students walked; schools for whites had janitors while schools for blacks were cleaned by teachers and students themselves. High school vocational programs for whites included typing and bookkeeping, but high school vocational programs for blacks consisted of agriculture and home economics. And so on.

All that ended with Brown. Although not the intent of the Legal Defense Fund, Marshall, or the other plaintiff attorneys, the case did provoke Southern states to make schools for blacks and whites more nearly equal, if still largely separate.

We are today considerably more knowledgeable about the challenges to student achievement posed by race and social class status than we were in 1954, if less motivated to do much to address them. Here is some of what we now know:
Resource equality is not enough
Per-pupil spending on black and white students today is now roughly equal (compared with the disparities of 60 years ago), but students who come to school with the handicaps of lower-social-class status need a lot more resources, not just a little more, and certainly not the same as those enjoyed by white middle-class students.

Children whose parents have less educational attainment and lower literacy levels hear less complex language at home, and are read to less frequently. Narrowing the difference between their school readiness and that of middle-class children requires provision of high-quality early childhood programs, from birth. As a nation, we've barely begun to recognize this; public discussion, such as it is, mostly concerns only provision of prekindergarten classes beginning at age 3 or 4, not birth. High-quality early childhood programs (with trained professionals, low child-caregiver ratios, and spacious play areas), as well as nurse home-visiting programs that support mothers to be more effective caregivers, will be very expensive to implement.

New research has shown that the most important predictor for young children of later academic success is the general background knowledge with which they come to school. For very young children, having visited a zoo better predicts reading ability than knowing how to sound out letters that spell animal names. High-quality early childhood programs can help with this for young children from lower-social-class families. For older youth, participation in equally high-quality after-school and summer programs is necessary to boost achievement. Such programs do not stop at academic remediation and homework help, but include field trips, club activity, music, art, and dance, and organized athletics comparable to what middle-class children take for granted. These programs, too, are expensive.

We also now know that for young minority children from lower-social-class backgrounds, smaller class sizes can boost achievement because in such classes, children get more adult attention. Middle-class children, typically from smaller families, not only get academically supportive adult attention at home, but more of it. Lowering class sizes for children who need it most is also very expensive. So is ensuring that such children have teachers who are more skilled than teachers of middle-class children. And children who come to school stressed from segregated neighborhoods with more crime and violence need added support services in school, like counselors and social workers. This, too, is expensive.

Racially isolated neighborhoods typically have fewer primary care physicians, so children living in those neighborhoods typically receive less routine and preventive health care (even if they have Medicaid or private health insurance), contributing to greater absenteeism. They also have unique health problems contributing to lower achievement-for example, iron-deficiency anemia and lead poisoning, or asthma from living in less healthy environments. They tend not to get corrective lenses for vision problems. Putting full-service health clinics, with pediatric nurse practitioners, dentists and dental hygienists, and optometrists, in schools serving disadvantaged students is also an essential component of a narrowed achievement gap.
Integration remains essential
In the Brown case, psychologist Kenneth Clark travelled to Clarendon County (and to other school districts whose cases were combined with Brown) to test the self-concept of young black children. He gave them black and white dolls from which to choose and concluded that the children had more positive feelings about the white dolls. The plaintiffs used his evidence to support their demand for desegregation. Chief Justice Earl Warren was sufficiently impressed to cite it in the Supreme Court's unanimous decision.

In retrospect, the study seems flawed for the purpose for which it was used: When Clark conducted the same exercise with black students in Northern integrated schools, he got similar results, suggesting that it was not school segregation, but a more generalized caste system, present in the North as well, that produced what Warren characterized as a "feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone."

Today, we know much more about how school segregation itself produces lower achievement for children from lower-social-class backgrounds. Feelings of inferiority are but a small part of the explanation.

When a few children in a classroom come from homes with less literacy, and without the benefit of high-quality early childhood care, a skilled teacher can give those children special attention. But when most children in that classroom have these disadvantages, the average instructional level must decline. The most skilled teachers must devote more time to remediation, less to new instruction.

When most or even many children in a classroom are sorely stressed, having endured life in a violent neighborhood, teachers must devote more time to discipline, less to learning.

When children have been exposed to few college-educated adults (except for their teachers), these children's own ambitions are inevitably constrained. Parents in such schools do not have the educational backgrounds themselves to be able to monitor curricular decisions. Parent involvement, an essential ingredient of successful schools, consists in such schools mostly of fundraising support and chaperoning field trips.
Segregated neighborhoods lead to segregated schools
The schools black children attend today, in North and South, East and West, are segregated mostly because their schools are located in segregated neighborhoods. In some small cities and towns, schools can be integrated by adjusting attendance zones, establishing magnet schools, or implementing controlled choice programs. But in major metropolitan areas, places like Atlanta, Baltimore, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, New York, St. Louis, and so on, distances between ghetto and suburb are too great, and school district jurisdictional lines too established, for these methods to accomplish significant integration. Schools cannot be integrated unless the neighborhoods where they are located are integrated; in particular, by making housing opportunities for low-income, black, urban residents available in white middle-class suburbs.

As it turns out, the most important school policies are housing policies, and we pursue too few of them, and too weakly. Low-income working families are eligible for vouchers to supplement their rental payments up to market rates, even in middle-class communities, but the voucher program is barely funded, and when families do get vouchers, landlords in middle-class communities typically refuse them, so the vouchers perpetuate rather than reduce segregation. Suburbs maintain zoning ordinances that prevent construction of low- and moderate-income housing, rendering federal subsidies for such housing less useful to combat segregation. Government programs encourage the destruction of public housing ghettos but make inadequate provision for rehousing the displaced residents, many of whom are then forced to leave their gentrifying neighborhoods to seek homes in newly segregating inner-ring suburbs.

It is now apparent that we are stuck. Unless we desegregate neighborhoods, we can't desegregate schools, and unless we desegregate schools, the doors to opportunity for too many black students will continue to be closed.

In a short while, following the conclusion of a comment period, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development plans to issue a rule requiring all municipalities, including white suburbs, to abide by the 1968 Fair Housing Act's requirement that they follow policies to "affirmatively further fair housing," i.e., to integrate.

Whether and to what extent this rule is enforced will determine whether the failed promise of Brown can be fulfilled.
About the author
Richard Rothstein ( http://www.epi.org/people/richard-rothstein/) is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute and senior fellow at the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law. He is writing a book on the history of residential segregation and can be contacted at riroth@epi.org.
Endnotes
1. The Supreme Court's unanimous opinion, authored by Chief Justice Earl Warren in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), is available online at http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/347/483/case.html. A brief history and summary of the decision is posted on the United States Courts website, http://www.uscourts.gov/educational-resources/get-involved/federal-court-activities/brown-board-education-re-enactment/history.aspx.

2. The 1957 Civil Rights Act established a U.S. Commission on Civil Rights to investigate discrimination in voting rights, authorized the U.S. Attorney General to prosecute violations, and prohibited exclusion from federal juries based on race. The 1960 act improved federal judges' authority to protect voting rights. The 1964 act required voting eligibility requirements (which it did not eliminate) to be applied to all citizens equally, prohibited segregation in public but privately owned accommodations (motels, restaurants, etc.) as well as in public facilities, authorized the Attorney General to file school desegregation suits, strengthened the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, and prohibited discrimination by state and local agencies receiving federal funds. The 1965 act (the Voting Rights Act) established federal supervision of election procedures, especially in states that had historically discriminated against African Americans' right to vote; this supervision was recently weakened by the Supreme Court. The 1968 act (the Fair Housing Act) prohibited racial discrimination in the sale and rental of most housing.

3. The most comprehensive account of the Brown case, and the LDF's long pursuit of desegregation that culuminated in Brown, is Richard Kluger's 1975 book Simple Justice (New York: Random House). In the 1975 two-volume edition, the account of the LDF's press conference following the Supreme Court's ruling is found on p. 902, based on the following newspaper articles: New York Times, "N.A.A.C.P. Sets Advanced Goals," May 18, 1954; Luther A. Huston, "1896 Ruling Upset," New York Times, May 18, 1954.

4. The 29 percent figure is for 2010. For data on 2010, see Genevieve Siegel-Hawley and Erica Frankenberg, Southern Slippage. Growing School Segregation in the Most Desegregated Region of the Country, The Civil Rights Project, September 2012, revised October 18, 2012, Table 5, http://civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/mlk-national/southern-slippage-growing-school-segregation-in-the-most-desegregated-region-of-the-country/hawley-MLK-South-2012.pdf. For data on 1980, see Gary Orfield, Public School Desegregation in the United States, 1968-1980, Joint Centerfor Political Studies, Washington, D.C., 1983, Table 7. These data and their implications, including a discussion of how racial isolation declined from the Brown decision until 1980, and has increased since then, are discussed in more detail in Richard Rothstein, For Public Schools, Segregation Now, Segregation Since: The Unfinished March, Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C., 2013, http://s2.epi.org/files/2013/Unfinished-March-School-Segregation.pdf.

5. The earliest available data are for the 1970-1971 school year from Gary Orfield, Public School Desegregation in the United States, 1968-1980, 1983, Table 7.

6. See Southern Slippage, Figure 3.

7. For a discussion of trends in black student achievement, and the achievement gap, see Richard Rothstein, Fact-Challenged Policy, Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C., 2011, http://www.epi.org/files/page/-/EPI_PolicyMemorandum_182.pdf. The report includes detailed referenced tables on NAEP trends, available at http://www.epi.org/page/-/LTT and Main NAEP Tables.xls.

8. A full description of the unequal status of Clarendon County schools, litigated in Brown v. Board of Education, can be found in Simple Justice, pp. 9, 417-418. Kluger also describes conditions in the other districts whose cases were combined with Clarendon County in the Brown decision.

9. For a summary of evidence on the relationship of parental literacy and home intellectual environment to child outcomes, see Richard Rothstein, Class and Schools, Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C., 2004, pp. 19-32, http://www.epi.org/publication/books_class_and_schools/. For estimates of the cost of implementing high-quality early childhood education and nurse-family partnership programs, see Tamara Wilder, Whitney Allgood, and Richard Rothstein, Narrowing the Achievement Gap for Low-Income Children: A 19-Year Life Cycle Approach, The Campaign for Educational Equity, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, 2008, Tables 4-9, http://www.epi.org/files/page/-/pdf/wilder_allgood_rothstein-narrowing_the_achievement_gap.pdf

10. David Grissmer, Sophie M. Aiyer, William M. Murrah, Kevin J. Grimm, and Joel S. Steele, "Fine Motor Skills and Early Comprehension of the World: Two New School Readiness Indicators," Developmental Psychology 46 (5) (2010): 1008-1017; Class and Schools, esp. pp. 56-59; Narrowing the Achievement Gap for Low Income Children: A 19-Year Life Cycle Approach, Table 11.

11. For a summary of research and debate on class size reduction for disadvantaged students in the early grades, see Lawrence Mishel and Richard Rothstein, eds. (Alan B. Krueger, Eric A. Hanushek, and Jennifer King Rice, contributors), The Class Size Debate, Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C., 2002, http://www.epi.org/publication/books_classsizedebate/. For cost estimates on higher teacher quality and reduced class size for disadvantaged students, see Narrowing the Achievement Gap for Low Income Children: A 19-Year Life Cycle Approach, Tables 12-13.

12. Richard Rothstein, He's Looked at Life from Both Sides Now - or Has He? Arne Duncan Claims the High Ground, but School Clinics Still Face Needless Obstacles, Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C., February 26, 2012, http://www.epi.org/publication/education-arne-duncan-school-health-clinics/; Class and Schools, esp. pp. 37-45; Narrowing the Achievement Gap for Low-Income Children: A 19-Year Life Cycle Approach, Table 10.

13. Simple Justice, esp. pp. 99-402, 415-416, 557-558, 680, 689, 702

14. Class and Schools, esp. endnotes 309, 310. For two decades, the Century Foundation's Richard Kahlenberg has documented the extent to which the concentration of lower-class students in classrooms and schools depresses their achievement. For a recent summary and introduction to other sources, see Richard D. Kahlenberg, Why Economic School Segregation Matters, Furman Center for Real Estate and Urban Policy, New York University, March 10, 2014, http://furmancenter.org/research/iri/kahlenberg. For a discussion of why racial segregation exacerbates economic segregation, see Richard Rothstein, Race Remains the American Dilemma, Furman Center for Real Estate and Urban Policy, New York University, March 10, 2014, http://furmancenter.org/research/iri/rothstein.

15. Stephanie DeLuca, "HUD Voucher Program Fails to Relocate Families from Poor Neighborhoods," America's Wire. Maynard Media Center on Structural Inequity, undated, http://americaswire.org/drupal7/?q=content/hud-voucher-program-fails-relocate-families-poor-neighborhoods-0

16. Susan J. Popkin, Diane K. Levy, Laura E. Harris, Jennifer Comey, Mary K. Cunningham, and Larry F. Buron, "The HOPE VI Program: What About the Residents?" Housing Policy Debate 15 (2) (2004), 385-414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2004.9521506

17. The Department of Housing and Urban Development provides a summary of the rule and rule text at its "Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing Proposed Rule" web page, http://www.huduser.org/portal/affht_pt.html. Comments on the proposed rule by the Poverty and Race Research Action Council (PRRAC), and other civil rights groups are available on PRRAC's website at http://www.prrac.org/full_text.php?item_id=14252&newsletter_id=0&header=Current%20Projects. Forty-five years ago, HUD proposed similar action, but it was cancelled by President Nixon. For an account, see Richard Rothstein and Mark Santow, A Different Kind of Choice, Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C., 2012, http://www.epi.org/files/2012/Different_Kind_Of_Choice.pdf.

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How, after 60 years, Brown v. Board of Education succeeded - and didn't

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The 60th anniversary of the historic Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court ruling is almost upon us and it's a good time to take a look at whether it succeeded in its mission: to end segregation in public schools. Here is an important report about what has and has not been accomplished.

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Most Americans Think Their Own Group Faces Discrimination

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Most Americans Think Their Own Group Faces Discrimination

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The poll's title is "Most Americans think their own group faces discrimination." This title and conclusion of the poll hints on the portion of the poll that is yet to be published. The poll in entirety included the opinions of over 3000 adults, though the analysis provided by NPR to this point covers the 800 black participants. As a poll, this source utilizes numbers, and statistics. A solid, factual, and hard to argue with type of evidence. It separates this source from others, and gives it a great level of notability. Each subject of the poll shows gaps and differences in levels of discrimination.

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Majorities in many ethnic, identity and racial groups in America believe that discrimination exists against their own group, across many areas of people's daily lives, according to a poll from NPR, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.

The poll asked a wide range of questions about where Americans experience discrimination - from the workplace to the doctor's office - and people's perception of it. The groups polled include whites, blacks, Latinos, Asian-Americans, Native Americans and LGBTQ adults.

White Americans are among those who feel their group is discriminated against, with 55 percent saying discrimination exists against whites in the U.S. today.

These results are part of a large national statistically representative survey of 3,453 adults from Jan. 26 to Apr. 9.

We will be releasing the full results of the poll over the next several weeks, starting Tuesday with results from the survey of African-Americans. We will highlight and analyze the particular acts of discrimination that each group experiences.

The African-American results, in 802 adults, provide insight into the historically high levels of discrimination blacks have faced since arriving in America. These experiences happen across a broad range of situations: interacting with police; applying for jobs or seeking promotions; trying to rent an apartment or buy a home; or going to a doctor or health clinic.

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The findings on African-Americans have a margin of error of plus or minus 4.1 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.

The perceptions of discrimination are not primarily based in actions by institutions, as some might expect. "Most African-Americans believe that discrimination is due to the attitudes of individuals that they interact with," says Robert Blendon, the poll's director and professor of policy and political analysis at the Harvard Chan School. "A smaller share believes it's actually government or institutional policies."

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Fear of discrimination, possibly triggered by past encounters, plays out in different ways. We found that this fear significantly influences people's decisions whether to seek medical care, to call the police when in need, and even whether to drive or attend social events. Nearly one-third (32 percent) of African-Americans polled said they have personally experienced racial discrimination when going to the doctor or a health clinic, with 22 percent avoiding care out of fear of discrimination.

"If someone is avoiding seeking medical care out of fear of discrimination, they're at risk of going undiagnosed for serious conditions," says Dr. Richard Besser, president and CEO of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. "We know that repeated stress from discrimination and racism can actually make some of those conditions more likely in the first place and shorten lives."

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And repeated stress comes from many kinds of discrimination and the fear it engenders. Numerous studies have shown that African-Americans are more likely to be stopped by police compared with other racial groups. In the poll, 60 percent of people told us that they or a family member have been unfairly stopped or mistreated by police because they are black.

That has consequences for them personally and across society - 31 percent of poll respondents say fear of discrimination has led them to avoid calling the police when in need. And 61 percent say police are more likely to use force on a person who is African-American than on a white person in the same situation.

Where people live can make a big difference, too. Our survey found that 64 percent of blacks live in non-majority-black areas. For these people, perceptions of local discrimination, opportunity, police and government and community environment were generally better when compared with majority-black areas, sometimes by wide margins.

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Our poll found substantial numbers of African-Americans who say they have been slurred or have been the target of insensitive or offensive comments or negative assumptions. A story later in our series will explore the split by income and gender in the chart below.

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Persistently higher premature death rates in blacks compared with whites was one of the issues that inspired this poll and series. The most recent statistics from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show that gap at 16 percent, even though it has narrowed since 1999, when death rates for blacks from all causes were 33 percent higher than whites.

Many factors play into the gap, including a considerable drop in crime rates involving African-Americans over that period and improved access to medical care for many people. What we're trying to explore with our "You, Me and Them" series and poll is how the stress-inducing experiences of discrimination in everyday life affect health.

"Over 200 black people die prematurely every single day in America, in part because of racism in society," says David Williams, a professor of public health at the Harvard Chan School who has pioneered work in the field of racial disparities in health care. "This poll helps us see where we need to take action to address the problem."

The poll was conducted in the first quarter of 2017. A final report discussing major highlights from the series will be released in December.

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Poll: Most Americans Think Their Own Group Faces Discrimination

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Majorities in many ethnic, identity and racial groups in America believe that discrimination exists against their own group, across many areas of people's daily lives, according to a poll from NPR, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.

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Ex-Chipotle employee award 550k in pregnancy discrimination lawsuit

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Ex-Chipotle employee award 550k in pregnancy discrimination lawsuit

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A pregnant woman working at Chipotle was discriminated against in some way, and Chipotle paid the price. This article's significance is not really the issue itself, its the broader idea it introduces and is part of. Discrimination across all minorities, genders, and even statuses of pregnancy. An interesting idea. The battle for equality is not just in race, but in gender and age and state of reproduction, as well as many before. So why is this article significant? In Huck's world, equality in genders was on the back burner, and race was the main focus. Now, with racial equality finding it's place, other conflicts of equality can now be discussed. This shows yet another way our country has progressed, but still must has to grow. We have improved in racial equality and gender equality. But there is much room fro improvement. Any woman would be quick to tell you that they make $0.73 for every $1.00 a man makes, but men not so much. Any black man would share his feelings for discrimination, but not all whites would. A pregnant lady will lawyer up and sue Chipotle, but Chipotle will try to bury it. There are problems across all of our society, and they must be improved. Stories like this one are evidence to the room for improvement and the areas that need it.

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Things aren't getting any easier for Chipotle Mexican Grill.

A U.S. District Court jury in Washington, D.C., awarded a former employee of the burrito chain $550,000 after determining that she was fired by her manager for being pregnant, according to the Washington Business Journal.

According to the lawsuit, after Doris Garcia Hernandez told her manager that she was pregnant, he restricted her access to water and bathroom breaks and would not allow her to leave work early to attend a pre-natal doctor's appointment.

"[He] did not impose these requirements on non-pregnant employees," the original lawsuit stated, according to the Washington Business Journal.

Hernandez was later fired after leaving for her doctor's appointment without her manager's permission, according to the suit.

"We are grateful to the jury for vindicating the rights of our client to be free from pregnancy discrimination and to send a message to other employers that this practice is intolerable," Jonathan Smith, executive director of the Washington Lawyers' Committee, told the journal.

Representatives for Chipotle did not immediately respond to CNBC's request for comment.

Read the full report from the Washington Business Journal.

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Ex-Chipotle employee awarded $550,000 in pregnancy discrimination lawsuit

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Things aren't getting any easier for Chipotle Mexican Grill. A U.S. District Court jury in Washington, D.C., awarded a former employee of the burrito chain $550,000 after determining that she was fired by her manager for being pregnant, according to the Washington Business Journal.

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About 100 Turn Out to Discuss Racism in Maine Town

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About 100 Turn Out to Discuss Racism in Maine Town

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This article, posted in October this year, touched on many different points surrounding racism. The article included broad topics such as roots of racism and why many don't want to discuss it. What sets this article part from the other sources is its emphasis on children. A main focus of this 100 person gathering was how to talk to children about race. A difficult thing, explaining to a young, uncorrupted child, that some people consider themselves superior to other because of the color of their skin. In TED Talk: "How to Raise a Black Son in America", Clint Smith discusses how his parents taught him about race. As a black man, his parents essentially told him he had to protect himself. The difference here, is that now white families are teaching their children to treat everyone equally and fairly, and to do it without thinking twice. This shows a progression in society. Not only are blacks aware of the racism they face. Whites now recognize the issue, and work towards fixing the issues as well. As with most of the sources, even the ones that show a change in racial dynamics since the publication of Adventures of Huckleberry Finn also show room for further progression. Yes, equality in society has improved. But yes, there is much more improvement needed.

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SOUTH BERWICK, Maine - About 100 locals turned out Tuesday evening for a discussion aimed at encouraging parents to speak to their children about race and empower them to be compassionate and conscious individuals.

The town's public library hosted the "How to Talk to Your Kids About Race" community conversation, co-sponsored by the Central School PTO and facilitated by Will Lusenhop, a clinical social worker and professor at the University of New Hampshire. Lusenhop, a South Berwick resident and parent, urged the crowd to become curious about racism, to educate themselves on the history of the topic and work to grow comfortable talking about race and creating a community willing to create change.

Library Director Karen McCarthy Eger said she was pleased with the number of attendees and that she is glad people are ready to talk about race in this majority-white town.

"Bloomberg listed South Berwick in 2013 as the best small town to raise a family in Maine. We have had some racial incidents in town and I'm sure there is a lot we don't know about, so maybe it's not the best town to live in depending on who you are," Eger said.

Rather than focus on racial incidents on the Seacoast, the residents, educators and students on hand were encouraged first to explore in small groups why it's sometimes uncomfortable talking about race.

"It's a hard sell, but I try to convince people not to embark on this journey saying you are a racist or you are not a racist, because you might as well be saying you are a pedophile, drunk driver who killed someone. It's viewed as such a terrible thing to be racist and it causes people to be defensive and say I'm not, rather than examine the prejudices inside us, how they happen to us and how we enact them. When we realize they are in there, we need to examine them and determine how to change them," said Lusenhop, who is the chairman of the Diversity Committee in the UNH Department of Social Work and is a member of the diversity task force in the College of Health and Human Services and provides in-service training on diversity to the New Hampshire Department of Children, Youth and Families.

Despite his experience, Lusenhop repeatedly said he doesn't have all the answers and reached out to the attendees to share techniques they have found successful.

One mother of a 5-year-old in town said she keeps it simple when teaching her daughter. She proudly displays a sign in front of their home saying: "Hate has no home here" and explains to her daughter in basic terms what this means.

A Marshwood High School student who said she has repeatedly been the victim of racial slurs and threats by her peers on the school bus urged parents to teach their children to call out those using racial slurs.

"Teach your kids to stand up. That bus ride still sucks every day and it gets worse," said Jalion McLean, 16. "Teach them that they will get a lot of backlash, people are not going to be happy if they are standing up for someone, but it has to be done."

A small group of South Berwick residents began presenting programs on race two years ago after national attention was drawn to police shootings of black citizens across the country. Another conversation is not scheduled at this time but Lusenhop said he expects more opportunities will be planned.

"There was a lot of tension at the end because people really need to talk about this. It doesn't get its due and I felt bad coming to a close," Lusenhop said.

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About 100 turn out to discuss racism in Maine town

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We have had some racial incidents in town and I'm sure there is a lot we don't know about, so maybe it's not the best town to live in depending on who you are.". Maine news, sports, politics, election results, and obituaries from the Bangor Daily News.

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Progression of Race Relations in football

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Progression of Race Relations in football

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Racial conflicts can be found in many different associations and groups within our society. An interesting way to track progress in racial equality is to look at the game of football. When The National Football League first began, it's player population was dominated by white athletes. Even more so, was the almost all white coaching and management staff. Blacks had a poor chance to make it into the NFL. They played in what are now known as Historically Black Colleges. To conclude on the past, it was segregated almost entirely. Now, black men and white men are teammates and brothers, with high and mutual respect for on another. Such a huge change was seen from the beginning around 1900, that there is actually a larger amount of blacks in the league than whites. The NFL is one of the few societies that have such equal opportunity, even more so, I believe, than the United States as whole. I believe this accelerated journey to racial equality in the NFL is due to the brotherhood football is. When two men are teammates, no matter if they are white, black, green, or striped, they bond together. With this bond comes respect and care for one another. Over the years I believed that this allowed people of different race to accept one another. From the beginning to now, we can see a huge progression in race in the NFL

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Progression of Race Relations in Baseball

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Progression of Race Relations in Baseball

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Similar to the progression of race relations in the NFL, there is evidence of progression in the MLB. Major League Baseball began with no black men allowed. Now, it can be seen that baseball teams, like football teams, are composed of white and black men. Thanks to brave athletes, the imbalance of white athletes verses black athletes began to even out. In addition to the brotherhood that teammates have, as discussed with football, this article brings about the importance of individual action. Every action of society must start with one person. For baseball, it was Jackie Robinson. A name most would recognize, Robinson was the first black athlete to participate in Major League Baseball. It all started with him. He experienced serious racism and hatred, though he didn't fall to the level of his haters, he rose. Again, it can be seen that due to individual accomplishment, and the brotherhood of a team, the MLB has become a society of mutual respect and care between players of all races.