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According to Honneth, "the struggle for recognition relates to social conflicts which are triggered by injury and disrespect". He identifies 3 spheres of interaction: love, rights and solidarity.
Exhibits like the one in NYC, as well as billboards showing LGTB+ and interracial people kissing just like a heterosexual couple would, create solidarity with them and promotes social recognition.

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Hernández M. (2021). 3 must-see LGBTQ exhibits to visit in NYC before the new year. Retrieved from: 3 must-see LGBTQ exhibits to visit in NYC before the new year (gaycities.com)

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Nancy Fraser explains that "recognition can promote differentiation, but redistribution works to eliminate it".

By changing the rules, with recognition and redistribution we can arrive at a critical-theoretical framework that is adequate to the demands of our age.

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Source: Feminista Ilustrada's Instagram 2021

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Social Recognition: Instagram and the Feminist Movement

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Social Recognition: Instagram and the Feminist Movement

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This post made by Feminista Ilustrada portrays a clear example of Charles Taylor's approach to social recognition. Taylor explains that there is a need for recognition in political activities, such as those of feminism. This post shows how feminists try to negociate their identity with their own family members and this interaction will continue as a way to reach a common understanding. Dominant groups, in this case people with "traditional" points of view, tend to consolidate their dominance by instilling an image of inferiority in the others, in this case feminists.

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Feminista Ilustrada en Instagram: "Tranquila, no diré nada ". (2018). Instagram.com. https://www.instagram.com/p/CWGxCbmIqo_/

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In the publication on twitter by UN DPPA you can see what is mentioned in the Peace Initiative video, that is, it motivates positive change, which in this case is about conflict prevention and makes it recognized by people.

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Screenshot 2021-11-15 at 19-44-03 peacebuilding - Búsqueda de Twitter Twitter

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UNDPPA [UN Political and Peacebuilding Affairs]. (2021, November 15). Conflict prevention and mediation efforts worldwide [Tweet]. Twitter. https://twitter.com/UNDPPA/status/1460356550397153294

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Kiitos, #Finland 🇫🇮, for your EUR 1,000,000 contribution to the Multi-Year Appeal to support DPPA’s conflict prevention and mediation efforts worldwide. https://t.co/UOXWyprwlP #SupportDPPA

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Multi-Year Appeal 2020-2022 The Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (DPPA) continues to be funded primarily through the United Nations regular programme budget which has come under

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Kiitos, #Finland 🇫🇮, for your EUR 1,000,000 contribution to the Multi-Year Appeal to support DPPA’s conflict prevention and mediation efforts worldwide. https://t.co/UOXWyprwlP #SupportDPPA https://t.co/JYRdld7hiV

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Something went wrong, but don’t fret — let’s give it another shot.

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Kiitos, #Finland 🇫🇮, for your EUR 1,000,000 contribution to the Multi-Year Appeal to support DPPA’s conflict prevention and mediation efforts worldwide. https://t.co/UOXWyprwlP #SupportDPPA pic.twitter.com/JYRdld7hiV
— UN Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (@UNDPPA) November 15, 2021

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Multi-Year Appeal 2020-2022 The Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (DPPA) continues to be funded primarily through the United Nations regular programme budget which has come under

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.metadata.attachment_props_source.data.text
Kiitos, #Finland 🇫🇮, for your EUR 1,000,000 contribution to the Multi-Year Appeal to support DPPA’s conflict prevention and mediation efforts worldwide. https://t.co/UOXWyprwlP #SupportDPPA https://t.co/JYRdld7hiV

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.metadata.attachment_props.original_text
Kiitos, #Finland 🇫🇮, for your EUR 1,000,000 contribution to the Multi-Year Appeal to support DPPA’s conflict prevention and mediation efforts worldwide. https://t.co/UOXWyprwlP #SupportDPPA https://t.co/JYRdld7hiV

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Kiitos, #Finland 🇫🇮, for your EUR 1,000,000 contribution to the Multi-Year Appeal to support DPPA’s conflict prevention and mediation efforts worldwide. https://t.co/UOXWyprwlP #SupportDPPA

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Multi-Year Appeal 2020-2022 The Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (DPPA) continues to be funded primarily through the United Nations regular programme budget which has come under

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Nancy Fraser. (s.f.). FROM REDISTRIBUTION TO RECOGNITION? DILEMMAS OF JUSTICE IN A 'POST-SOCIALIST' AGE

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Nancy Fraser. (s.f.). FROM REDISTRIBUTION TO RECOGNITION? DILEMMAS OF JUSTICE IN A 'POST-SOCIALIST' AGE

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https://newleftreview.org/issues/i212/articles/nancy-fraser-from-redistribution-to-recognition-dilemmas-of-justice-in-a-post-socialist-age

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T he 'struggle for recognition' is fast becoming the paradigmatic form of political conflict in the late twentieth century. Demands for 'recognition of difference' fuel struggles of groups mobilized under the banners of nationality, ethnicity, 'race', gender, and sexuality. In these 'post-socialist' conflicts, group identity supplants class interest as the chief medium of political mobilization. Cultural domination supplants exploitation as the fundamental injustice. And cultural recognition displaces socioeconomic redistribution as the remedy for injustice and the goal of political struggle.

That, of course, is not the whole story. Struggles for recognition occur in a world of exacerbated material inequality-in income and property ownership; in access to paid work, education, health care and leisure time; but also more starkly in caloric intake and exposure to environmental toxicity, hence in life expectancy and rates of morbidity and mortality. Material inequality is on the rise in most of the world's countries-in the United States and in Haiti, in Sweden and in India, in Russia and in Brazil. It is also increasing globally, most dramatically across the line that divides North from South. How, then, should we view the eclipse of a socialist imaginary centred on terms such as 'interest', 'exploitation', and 'redistribution'? And what should we make of the rise of a new political imaginary centred on notions of 'identity', 'difference', 'cultural domination', and 'recognition'? Does this shift represent a lapse into 'false consciousness'? Or does it, rather, redress the culture-blindness of a materialist paradigm rightfully discredited by the collapse of Soviet Communism?

Neither of those two stances is adequate, in my view. Both are too wholesale and un-nuanced. Instead of simply endorsing or rejecting all of identity politics simpliciter, we should see ourselves as presented with a new intellectual and practical task: that of developing a critical theory of recognition, one which identifies and defends only those versions of the cultural politics of difference that can be coherently combined with the social politics of equality.

In formulating this project, I assume that justice today requires both redistribution and recognition. And I propose to examine the relation between them. In part, this means figuring out how to conceptualize cultural recognition and social equality in forms that support rather than undermine one another. (For there are many competing conceptions of both!) It also means theorizing the ways in which economic disadvantage and cultural disrespect are currently entwined with and support one another. Then, too, it requires clarifying the political dilemmas that arise when we try to combat both those injustices simultaneously.

My larger aim is to connect two political problematics that are currently dissociated from one other. For only by articulating recognition and redistribution can we arrive at a critical-theoretical framework that is adequate to the demands of our age. That, however, is far too much to take on here. In what follows, I shall consider only one aspect of the problem. Under what circumstances can a politics of recognition help support a politics of redistribution? And when is it more likely to undermine it? Which of the many varieties of identity politics best synergize with struggles for social equality? And which tend to interfere with the latter?

In addressing these questions, I shall focus on axes of injustice that are simultaneously cultural and socioeconomic, paradigmatically gender and 'race'. (I shall not say much, in contrast, about ethnicity or nationality.) And I must enter one crucial preliminary caveat: in proposing to assess recognition claims from the standpoint of social equality, I assume that varieties of recognition politics that fail to respect human rights are unacceptable even if they promote social equality.

Finally, a word about method: in what follows, I shall propose a set of analytical distinctions, for example, cultural injustices versus economic injustices, recognition versus redistribution. In the real world, of course, culture and political economy are always imbricated with one another; and virtually every struggle against injustice, when properly understood, implies demands for both redistribution and recognition. Nevertheless, for heuristic purposes, analytical distinctions are indispensable. Only by abstracting from the complexities of the real world can we devise a conceptual schema that can illuminate it. Thus, by distinguishing redistribution and recognition analytically, and by exposing their distinctive logics, I aim to clarify-and begin to resolve-some of the central political dilemmas of our age.

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Nancy Fraser, From Redistribution to Recognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a 'Post-Socialist' Age, NLR I/212, July-August 1995

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The 'struggle for recognition' is fast becoming the paradigmatic form of political conflict in the late twentieth century. Demands for 'recognition of difference' fuel struggles of groups mobilized under the banners of nationality, ethnicity, 'race', gender, and sexuality. In these 'post-socialist' conflicts, group identity supplants class interest as . .