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Italy used realism art.

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Italy after the Napoleonic wars was 5 states, 3 under control of Prussia. Some groups appeared in favor of a constitution and more republican rights/law. Prussia arrested the people who went against the government. Some people were executed for plotting revolutions against government.

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Italian 1848 Revolutions | 3 Minute History

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After Napoleon's rise, National Monarchs had installed and kept from the throne being nationalist. On March 30 1815 Murat issued the Rimini proclamation calling Italians to revolt against their Austrian intruders. Guisseppe Mazzini and Guisspe Garabaldi were the most prominent figures in the unification of the peninsula. Those people were on the more radical side, the conservatives figures were Count Cavour and Victor Emmanuel II.

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After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Italy gradually developed into a system of city-states. This system lasted through the Renaissance but began to deteriorate with the rise of modern nation-states in the early modern period. Italy, including the Papal States, then became the site of proxy fights between the major powers, notably the Holy Roman Empire (later Austria) and France. In the 1300s, Italian writers had expressed their opposition to foreign domination. For example, Petrarch's Italia Mia stated that the "ancient valor in Italian hearts is not yet dead". Four verses from Italia Mia were quoted in Niccolò Machiavelli's The Prince, which looked for a political leader who would unite Italy.

A sense of Italian national identity was reflected in Gian Rinaldo Carli's Della Patria degli Italiani, written in 1764, a very famous "much-quoted article telling how a stranger entered a café in Milan and puzzled its occupants by saying that he was neither a foreigner nor a Milanese. 'Then what are you?' they asked. 'I am an Italian,' he explained." Nationalism increased in the early 19th century, when Italy, like much of Europe, fell under the sway of Napoleon.

As Napoleon's reign began to fail, other national monarchs he had installed tried to keep their thrones by feeding nationalistic sentiments, setting the stage for the revolutions to come. Among these monarchs were the viceroy of Italy, Eugène de Beauharnais, and the king of Naples, Joachim Murat. De Beauharnais tried to get Austrian approval for his succession to the Kingdom of Italy. On 30 March 1815, Murat issued Rimini Proclamation, which called on Italians to revolt against their Austrian occupiers. Following the defeat of Napoleonic France, the Congress of Vienna (1815) was convened to redraw the European continent. In Italy, the Congress restored the pre-Napoleonic patchwork of independent governments, either directly ruled or strongly influenced by the prevailing European powers, particularly Austria.

At the time, the struggle for Italian unification was perceived to be waged primarily against the Austrian Empire and the Habsburgs, since they directly controlled the predominantly Italian-speaking northeastern part of present-day Italy and were, together, the most powerful force against unification. The Austrian Empire vigorously repressed nationalist sentiment growing on the Italian peninsula, as well as in the other parts of Habsburg domains. The Austrian diplomat Klemens von Metternich, an influential diplomat at the Congress of Vienna, stated that the word Italy was nothing more than "a geographic expression".

Artistic and literary sentiment also turned towards nationalism; and perhaps the most famous of proto-nationalist works was Alessandro Manzoni's I Promessi Sposi (The Betrothed). Some read this novel as a thinly veiled allegorical critique of Austrian rule. The novel was published in 1827 and extensively revised in the following years. The 1840 version of I Promessi Sposi used a standardized version of the Tuscan dialect, a conscious effort by the author to provide a language and force people to learn it.

Those in favour of unification also faced opposition from the Holy See, particularly after failed attempts to broker a confederation with the Papal States, which would have left the Papacy with some measure of autonomy over the region. The pope at the time, Pius IX, feared that giving up power in the region could mean the persecution of Italian Catholics.

Even among those who wanted to see the peninsula unified into one country, different groups could not agree on what form a unified state would take. Vincenzo Gioberti, a Piedmontese priest, had suggested a confederation of Italian states under rulership of the Pope. His book, Of the Moral and Civil Primacy of the Italians, was published in 1843 and created a link between the Papacy and the Risorgimento. Many leading revolutionaries wanted a republic, but eventually it was a king and his chief minister who had the power to unite the Italian states as a monarchy.

One of the most influential revolutionary groups was the Carbonari (coalmongers), a secret organization formed in southern Italy early in the 19th century. Inspired by the principles of the French Revolution, its members were mainly drawn from the middle class and intellectuals. After the Congress of Vienna divided the Italian peninsula among the European powers, the Carbonari movement spread into the Papal States, the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, the Duchy of Modena, and the Kingdom of Lombardy-Venetia.

The revolutionaries were so feared that the reigning authorities passed an ordinance condemning to death anyone who attended a Carbonari meeting. The society, however, continued to exist and was at the root of many of the political disturbances in Italy from 1820 until after unification. The Carbonari condemned Napoleon III - who, as a young man, had fought on the side of the Carbonari - to death for failing to unite Italy, and the group almost succeeded in assassinating him in 1858. Many leaders of the unification movement were at one time members of this organization.

Two prominent radical figures in the unification movement were Giuseppe Mazzini and Giuseppe Garibaldi. The more conservative constitutional monarchic figures included Count Cavour and Victor Emmanuel II, who would later become the first king of a united Italy. Mazzini's activity in revolutionary movements caused him to be imprisoned soon after he joined. While in prison, he concluded that Italy could - and therefore should - be unified and formulated his program for establishing a free, independent, and republican nation with Rome as its capital. After Mazzini's release in 1831, he went to Marseille, where he organized a new political society called La Giovine Italia (Young Italy). The new society, whose motto was "God and the People", sought the unification of Italy. Garibaldi, a native of Nice (then part of the Kingdom of Sardinia), participated in an uprising in Piedmont in 1834, was sentenced to death, and escaped to South America. He spent fourteen years there, taking part in several wars, and returned to Italy in 1848.

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After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Italy gradually developed into a system of city-states. This system lasted through the Renaissance but began to deteriorate with the rise of modern nation-states in the early modern period. Italy, including the Papal States, then became the site of proxy fights between the major powers, notably the Holy Roman Empire (later Austria) and France.

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The Spanish created the royal audience of Quito in 1563 and put it under the viceroyalty of Peru but moved to the viceroyalty in 1717 of New Granada. The undefined borders of modern-day Ecuador and Cruz started many disputes still going on to this day. When the Latin Americans rose up against the Spanish, Simon Bolivar determined new nation-states should keep the same borders. Bolivar then entered Quito in 1822 creating Gran-Columbia, Peru still held out, but Bolivar became dictator of Peru in 1824. In 1827 Jose de la Mar became president outranking the high-ranked Columbians.

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Gran Colombia-Peru War | 3 Minute History

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Modern-day Germany was at one point hundreds of states somewhat united in the Holy Roman Empire Austria being the most powerful. Germans from all states began to fight for the Prussians against France. A German Confederation was formed in the wake of the Napoleonic wars but did not hold up through the rivalry between Austria and Prussia furthermore calling for unification. Liberals were forced to meet in the Frankfurt Assembly from revolutions in 1848 spreading across Germany. The ultimate decision made was to create a lesser Germany under the rule of Prussia but Fredrick William IV refused the crown causing more states to adopt their own constitutions.

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During the mid 18th century a rivalry between the 2 most powerful states in the holy empire appeared, the rivalry was between Austria and Prussia, the rivalry would go on for many rulers. In 1814-15 after both states had recognized the U.S. the Congress of Vienna met to decide what to do with Central Europe. The solution was to consolidate German states to create a 'German Confederation'. The first effort to unify the states came with the 1834 establishment of the Zollverein customs union which failed.

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Summary

When the United States announced its independence from Great Britain in 1776, Central Europe was a fragmented area of roughly 300 sovereign, independent states (kingdoms, duchies, principalities, free cities, etc.). The German states were bound together in a loose political entity known as the Holy Roman Empire, which dated to the era of Charlemagne in the 800s. By the late eighteenth century, the Holy Roman Empire was, as Voltaire remarked, "Neither holy, nor Roman, nor an Empire."

During the mid-eighteenth century, a rivalry developed between the Holy Roman Empire's two largest (and strongest) states: the Kingdom of Austria, ruled by the Habsburgs, and the Kingdom of Prussia, ruled by the Hohenzollerns. Traditionally Austria was the dominant German state, and as such the Habsburg king was elected as the Holy Roman Emperor. This influence started to change in the 1740s when Prussia, strengthened by newly acquired lands and an enlarged military, began to challenge Austria's hegemony. The Kingdom of Prussia was the first German state to officially recognize the United States in 1785 when it signed a Treaty of Amity and Commerce; Austria did not recognize the United States until 1797, when it accepted Conrad Frederick Wagner as U.S. Consul at Trieste, a city then under the jurisdiction of the Habsburg Empire.

During the early nineteenth century, Napoleon's armies occupied, moved through, or were allied with the German states. In 1806 the Holy Roman Empire was dissolved, and when the Congress of Vienna met in 1814-15, a major question was what to do with Central Europe. The solution was to consolidate the German states and to create the German Confederation, a conglomeration of 39 states, including Austria and Prussia. The members of the German Confederation pledged to come to the aid of any member who was attacked by a foreign power; however, the confederation fell short of any economic or national unity. The first effort at striking some form of economic unification between the members of the German Confederation came with the 1834 establishment of the Zollverein customs union.

In the meantime, the effects of the First Industrial Revolution (1750-1850) began to take hold in Central Europe and North America. During this time there was increased emigration by Germans to the United States in search of greater economic opportunities as well as political, religious, and personal freedom. The combination of these two events propelled the first official acts of recognition between the United States and various smaller German states as they negotiated and signed treaties, conventions, and agreements to regulate trade, commerce, navigation, naturalization, and inheritance rights. In a few cases, the United States established diplomatic relations, such as with the Hanseatic League (the Free Cities of Lübeck, Bremen, and Hamburg) and the Kingdom of Baden.

The main issue that confronted the idea of German unification by the mid-nineteenth century was the idea of a "greater" Germany versus a "smaller" Germany. The concept of a "smaller" Germany was that a unified German entity should exclude Austria, while the idea of "greater" Germany was that Germany should include the Kingdom of Austria. Proponents of "smaller" Germany argued that Austria's inclusion would only cause difficulties for German policy, as the Kingdom of Austria was part of the greater Austrian Empire, which included large swaths of land in Central and Southeastern Europe that was composed of nearly 15 different minorities. Those who favored "greater" Germany pointed to the traditional role played by Austria, which was mostly composed of Germans, and the Habsburg rulers in German affairs.

The first effort at unifying the German states came in the revolutionary year 1848. Once news of the February 1848 revolution in Paris spread, many felt that the time was finally at hand for German unification. Rural riots broke out in the weeks after February 1848 and spread to the urban areas. Throughout the German states revolutionaries advocated for freedom of the press, a national militia, a national German parliament, and trial by jury. Other ideas that were championed during the heady days of 1848 were the abolition of privilege of the aristocracy, the creation of constitutions in several of the German states, a more fair system of taxation, and freedom of religion.

On May 18, 1848, the German National Assembly met at Frankfurt am Main, representing the first assembly to be freely elected by the German people. Yet, despite the election of an imperial vice regent (Reichsverweser), the government was flawed from the beginning by its lack of a strong executive power. By the autumn of 1849 the revolution disintegrated and hope of fully unifying the German states was extinguished for the time being.

The next attempt at German unification, a successful one, was undertaken by Otto von Bismarck, the Prime Minister of Prussia. Bismarck was a proponent of "smaller" Germany, not to mention a master at the game of real-politik. German unification was achieved by the force of Prussia, and enforced from the top-down, meaning that it was not an organic movement that was fully supported and spread by the popular classes but instead was a product of Prussian royal policies.

The first war of German unification was the 1862 Danish War, begun over the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. Bismarck allied with Austria to fight the Danes in a war to protect the interests of Holstein, a member of the German Confederation.

The second war of German unification was the 1866 Austro-Prussian War, which settled the question of "smaller" versus "greater" Germany. This brief war (fought over the course of mere weeks) pitted Prussia and her allies against Austria and other German states. Prussia won and directly annexed some of the German states that had sided with Austria (such as Hanover and Nassau). In an act of leniency, Prussia allowed some of the larger Austrian allies to maintain their independence, such as Baden and Bavaria. In 1867 Bismarck created the North German Confederation, a union of the northern German states under the hegemony of Prussia. Several other German states joined, and the North German Confederation served as a model for the future German Empire.

The third and final act of German unification was the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, orchestrated by Bismarck to draw the western German states into alliance with the North German Confederation. With the French defeat, the German Empire was proclaimed in January 1871 in the Palace at Versailles, France. From this point forward, foreign policy of the German Empire was made in Berlin, with the German Kaiser (who was also the King of Prussia) accrediting ambassadors of foreign nations. Relations were severed when the U.S. declared war upon Imperial Germany in 1917.

Major Events

United States' Recognition of the Federal German Republic, .

On July 8, 1848, Secretary of State John M. Middleton informed U.S. Minister to Prussia Andrew J. Donelson, that the United States was prepared to recognize any unified, de facto German Government that "appeared capable of maintaining its power." On August 9, 1848, Donelson was appointed as U.S. Minister to the German Federal Parliament at Frankfurt, and presented his credentials on September 13, 1848. However, the failure of this first experiment of German unification led to the U.S. recalling Donelson from service to the Federal German Republic on November 2, 1849. Donelson resumed his previous appointment as U.S. Minister to Prussia.

United States' Recognition of the North German Union, .

Following the establishment of the North German Confederation on July 1, 1867, on November 20, 1867, the U.S. Minister to Prussia, George Bancroft, informed Secretary of State William H. Seward that he had attended the opening of the North German Parliament. He requested, however, that the Secretary formally notify him of the intentions of the U.S. Government concerning the question of the recognition of the North German Confederation. On December 9, 1867, Secretary Seward approved of Bancroft's decision to attend the opening of the North German Parliament since he was the officially-accredited U.S. Minister to the Prussian King Wilhelm I, who was also the hereditary President of the North German Confederation. Furthermore, Seward informed Bancroft that he would disseminate a description of the Confederation's flag so that its ships would be welcomed in American waters. This exchange between Seward and Bancroft implicitly signified a formal recognition of the North German Confederation by the United States.

United States' Recognition of the German Empire and Establishment of Diplomatic Relations, .

Following the establishment of the German Empire on January 18, 1871, the United States recognized the new German Empire by changing the accreditation of its Minister to Prussia to become Minister to the German Empire. On April 8, 1871, U.S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Prussia George Bancroft presented the new German Emperor Wilhelm I (who was concurrently King of Prussia) with a letter from U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant dated March 16, 1871. The letter from the President congratulated the Emperor on his assumption of the German throne and recognized him as the head-of-state of a federal Germany.

Termination of Relations During the First World War, .

Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare in early 1917 led to the termination of diplomatic relations between Imperial Germany and the United States. On February 3, 1917, U.S. Secretary of State Robert Lansing informed the German Ambassador in Washington, D.C., Count Johann von Bernstorff, that U.S. President Woodrow Wilson had severed diplomatic relations with Germany, that the U.S. Ambassador in Berlin (James W. Gerrard) had been withdrawn, and that the U.S. Government would be returning von Bernstorff's passports.

U.S. Declaration of War Against Imperial Germany, .

Following a series of attacks against American merchant ships on the high seas by German U-boats, on February, 24, 1917, the U.S. Ambassador in London, Walter Hines Pages, received the infamous "Zimmerman telegram" from British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour. This led to the decision to abandon the plan to adopt "armed neutrality" by placing U.S. naval personnel on civilian ships to guard them against German attacks. On April 2, U.S. President Wilson went before Congress to ask for a declaration of war against Germany in order to make the world "safe for democracy." Following the passage of a Joint Resolution by Congress on April 6, President Wilson issued on the same day a proclamation to the effect that a state of war existed between Germany and the United States.

Overall Impact upon U.S. Foreign Policy

The history of the establishment of recognitions (and relations, where applicable) between the United States and the German states impacted several different areas of policy, including:

Trade and Commerce. Although the Napoleonic period stunted the growth of industrialization in the German states during the early nineteenth century, by the 1820s and 1830s the industrialization process was underway, especially in areas such as Westphalia, the Rhineland, and Upper Silesia. It was also during this time that the first railways were built in the German lands, thus facilitating the transportation of goods to and from the main ports of Hamburg and Bremen. As a result, the German states (and after 1871, the German Empire) and the United States both sought to cultivate trade and commercial ties for mutual benefit.

Emigration, Citizenship, and Naturalization. In the nineteenth century, most German states (and later, the German Empire) had mandatory military service for all male subjects/citizens, whereas the United States did not have any such policy. One point of contention between the U.S. and some of the German states was whether German citizens were emigrating to the U.S. to obtain citizenship and then return to Central Europe and thus eschew military service. In 1868 U.S. Minister to Prussia and the North German Union George Bancroft negotiated a series of naturalization treaties that sought to close this loophole. See Bancroft Treaties for further information.

After the creation of the Second Reich in 1871 there were questions as to whether U.S. officials should abide by treaties concluded with individual states or with Prussia (the German Empire was considered the successor state to Prussia) in dealing with issues of trade, citizenship, or extradition. Two major principles guided U.S. foreign policy towards the German states. First, "where a State has lost its separate existence, as in the case of Hanover and Nassau, no questions can arise." Second, "where no treaty has been negotiated with the Empire, the treaties with the various States which have preserved a separate existence have been resorted to."

Although the Constitution of the German Empire of 1871 stipulated that the Empire was responsible for treaties, alliances, and representing the Empire, the smaller states still retained the right of legation. This included the right to legislate, to grant exequators to foreign consuls in their territories (though not to send German consuls abroad), and to enter into conventions with foreign nations as long as they did not concern matters already within the jurisdiction of the Empire or the Emperor.

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Unification of German States - Countries - Office of the Historian

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Mexico at the time was continuing under the rule of Spain, after Napoleon appointed his brother to the throne of Mexico citizens began to form their own governments to rule under their own ways instead of falling under an unofficial king. A priest named Evalgo called to the population in 1810 to join him in a rebellion to stop a drought. In October Evalgo won a war against the Royal Spanish Army thanks to the help of many people joining his army along his march to the war. After this war in 1811, the Spanish army regained power and finished off the rest of Evalgo's army also known as the Insurgent Army at the battle of the Bridge of Calderon. Jose Maria Morelos continued the revolution and convened the Congress of Chapenciko in 1813, where Mexico first declared independence from Spain and ratified Mexico's First Constitution.

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Mexican War of Independence | 3 Minute History

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In 1910, the people of Mexico were not happy, three-fifths of their population was Indian and the Spanish kept taking everything from them especially land. Diaz's regime was a dictator at 80 years and ruled for 30 years but his power was endangered due to the new younger people being less tolerant to his ruling than their parents. Don Francisco Madero was one of the many people opposed to the way Diaz ran Mexico and had started a cotton farm without the use of plantation and used advanced agricultural methods. Madero had begun to oppose Diaz politically and won an election against Diaz. Diaz then began to call for an armed revolution, Diaz ultimately failed to regain power.

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The MEXICAN REVOLUTION (1 of 4)

Overthrowing Dictatorship | The Madero Presidency, 1911-13 | The Huerta Presidency and Civil War in 1914 | More Civil War, a Liberal Constitution and the Pershing Expedition

The Revolutionaries , a mural by David Siqueiros
Overthrowing Dictatorship

In the year 1910, people in Mexico were discontented. Three-fifths of the population were Indian, and they had been losing traditional lands to whites. During the rule of President Porfirio Diaz (in power since 1876), a few had the power to take control of vast amounts of land that had belonged to common Mexicans. It was more of Diaz' free enterprise that favored those with the power of wealth. The great bulk of Mexico's land had been taken over by about a thousand men, their great estates reaching thousands and sometimes millions of acres, while ninety-seven percent of the population in the countryside owned no land.

In Mexico's Yucatan peninsula was debt serfdom. Conditions akin to slavery existed on some tropical plantations, and Mexico's middle-class was unhappy about the amount of favoritism that their government was giving to foreign businessmen. They were unhappy over inconveniences that they blamed on government neglect of public services. Middle-class discontent and the discontent of the poor could not be expressed in elections. Porfirio Díaz was, in reality, a dictator. He was eighty years-old in 1910, and he had ruled Mexico for thirty years. His power had become endangered as Mexico's young elite and middle-class youth were less tolerant of Díaz than had been their parents.

Eufemio and Emiliano Zapata. In the movie Viva Zapata the greedy Eufemio was played by Anthony Quinn and the saintly Emiliano by Marlon Brando.

Porfirio Diaz. See PBS biographical sketch " Faces of the Revolution."

Francisco Madero. See PBS biographical sketch " Faces of the Revolution."

Pancho Villa. Angry boy. He grew up fighting big landowners. See PBS biographical sketch " Faces of the Revolution."

One young man opposed to the Díaz regime was Don Francisco Madero - a man 5'3", with a high-pitched voice and from a family of great wealth. He was from of Coahuila - a state bordering Texas. He had attended the University of California at Berkeley, where he had studied agriculture, and he had finished his education in France in 1895. From the age of twenty-one to the age of thirty-two Madero had been running his own cotton plantation in Coahuila, using advanced agricultural methods and helping to create a successful cotton industry in Coahuila.

Madero had sympathy for common people. He raised the wages of his workers above that which others paid. He gave them hygienic living quarters and saw to it that they received free medical attention. In his home he sheltered dozens of children, and he was paying for the education of a number of orphans. And Madero criticized the Díaz government for its laxity in building schools, for not providing better water distribution and other amenities for common people, and he criticized Diaz for bloody repression against dissent. He joined the Benito Juarez Democratic Club in a nearby town: San Pedro. He wrote political pamphlets, and in 1908 he wrote a book titled The Presidential Succession in 1910.

Madero's book attracted a lot of attention. When he visited clubs around Mexico that favored honest elections, large crowds gathered to get a glimpse of the little man who had the courage to raise his voice. One month before the election Diaz had Madero and some of allies jailed on charges of inciting people to riot.

Díaz won the election with a ridiculously large number of votes. Then he had Madero released from prison under bail and on condition that he remain in the same town as his prison, San Luis Potosí, in central Mexico. In October, Madero sneaked out of town and made his way to Texas where, later that month, he published a new book. In his previous book, Madero had described violence as counter-productive. In his latest book he expressed the need for a counter force against the Díaz regime other than massive pleadings. He called for an armed revolution.

Madero was in a hurry. He laid plans for his rising to take place on November 22, less than a month after his new book had been published. From his Texas headquarters, he strategized with allies. He intended to cross the border and put himself at the head of an army that would march to the capital, Mexico City .

His new book created a stir in Mexico, and when the assigned day of uprising arrived, Madero crossed the border as planned, got lost, then finally found the men promised him. But rather than the initial 800 men that he had been promised, there were only a few, half of whom were unarmed. Madero returned to Texas devastated. He was now without money, and he considered giving up politics.

The idea that an uprising was taking place remained alive among many in Mexico, and it was still alive in the newspapers in Mexico and the United States. The expectations turned into a reality as armed rebellions occurred independent of Madero. In the state of Chihuahua (just west of Coahuila), a band of men led by a former sharecropper, bandit, bank and train robber, mine laborer and shopkeeper, Francisco (Pancho) Villa, attacked and defeated a contingent of Díaz' federal troops. And in Chihuahua another former miner, Pascual Orozco, took power in the town of Guerrero, and he became a local hero like Villa. An armed uprising was also underway in the state of Morelos - a state in the tropics with a lot of sugar cane, located southeast east of Mexico City. The leader of this rebellion was a bright but illiterate young Indian named Emiliano Zapata. He had been outraged at the arrogance of the rich hacendados of his area who for decades had been stealing land belonging to Indian villages and getting away with it.

President Díaz denounced the rising against him as banditry, and he sent a federal force against Villa and Orozco in Chihuahua. The federal army jailed unarmed people there whom its officers suspected of supporting the rebellion, and the federal army attempted to recruit local men to fight for Díaz and law and order. Instead, many men went over to the side of the rebels. And Madero, forced to leave the United States for having violated US neutrality laws, joined the Chihuahua rebels.

The failure of Díaz to crush the rebellion in Chihuahua encouraged revolts in six other states. And with rebellion occurring through much of Mexico and terrorizing Díaz' local officials, Díaz was overwhelmed. Díaz resigned his presidency and sailed for France. And news of his departure brought celebrations across the country that lasted three days and nights.

Copyright © 2004-2014 by Frank E. Smitha. All rights reserved.

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The MEXICAN REVOLUTION (1 of 4) Overthrowing Dictatorship | The Madero Presidency, 1911-13 | The Huerta Presidency and Civil War in 1914 | More Civil War, a Liberal Constitution and the Pershing Expedition The Revolutionaries , a mural by David Siqueiros In the year 1910, people in Mexico were discontented.

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In 1827 Peru revolted against its leader Bolivar stating they will not consent to a dictatorship in their country or adopt an unfamiliar constitution. Bolivar's constitution was abolished and new representatives were put into place and the invading soldiers were sent back to Columbia. The rebellion against Bolivar continued to spread throughout the Departments of Guayaquil, Loja, and Cuenca. Those Departments now believed they could count on the support of General Le Mar to bring them independence.

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The revolts from Spain and Portugal produced seven independent states in South America. These were subsequently increased to ten by the secession of Uruguay from Brazil (1828) and the break-up of the Great Colombia, established by Bolivar, into the three states of Venezuela (1829), Ecuador (1830), and Colombia.

When Jose de la Serna proclaimed Peruvian independence in 1821, Spanish forces were still in the country. The country's first president was Argentinian general Jose de San Martin, soon to be succeeded by another foreigner, Simon Bolivar. The Spanish were defeated in the Battle of Ayacucho 1824; Spain's last outpost, the port of Callao, surrendered in 1826. The Viceroyalty of Peru ceased to exist. Bolivar's realm - the republics he presided (Peru and Grand Colombia) began to crumble in 1828, and soon disintegrated.

A revolt against the supreme power of Bolivar broke out in Peru. On 26 January, 1827, the very month in which Bolivar brought to an end his work of pacification in Colombia, the Colombian contingent in Lima, with its leader, Col. Bustamente, rose in revolt, declaring that they would not consent to a dictator in their country, or to the adoption of a constitution with which they were not familiar. Whether or not that uprising was provoked by the Government of Peru, certain it is that the Peruvians were discontented with the Bolivian constitution, and that that government, two days afterwards, issued the decree casting doubt on its legality and convoking an extraordinary congress for the purpose of deciding which constitution should be enforced.

The constitution introduced by him was abolished and new authorities were established. The Peruvian Government sent the mutinous troops back to Colombia, where they disseminated discord throughout the southern departments of that republic. The constituent Congress assembled at Lima, and, by the act of June 11, 1827, declared null and void the Bolivian constitution and provisionally put in force the constitution of 1823.

Peru even waged war against Colombia and Bolivia (1828), which defended the interests of the "liberator." This fratricidal war continued through the following year. The plan of a confederation of the three states was frustrated thereby; and an afflicting series of usurpations and military scenes of violence produced. The federalists in Venezuela also raised their heads with increased power. Nay, formal separation of this province from the Colombian state was proclaimed.

The first international conflict that the nascent Republic of Peru had to face was against Gran Colombia, due to the claim of this nation through the territories of Jaen and Maynas, belonging to Peru since before independence. At the end of May 1828 the attention of the Liberator was on not only the enemies of his absolute power but also the scandal of a civil war and an international with Peru, former ally and protected greatly by Colombia. Bolivar attempted, through the invaluable O'Leary, to check the aggressions of Peru upon Colombia.

The declaration of war by the Gran Colombiana nation was given the July 3, 1828, leading the Peruvian government to enlist its land and naval forces. The Liberator declared war on Peru, and it's armed intervention in the affairs of Bolivia was not the only or the most serious of the reasons for such declaration. The others were: the government of Lima, said the Bogota, promoted the rebellion of the third Colombian division and instructed Colonel Bustamante's Mission to Colombia, snatching three southern departments;

The rebellion against Bolivar continued to spread throughout the Departments of Guayaquil, Loja and Cuenca, which responded to the excitement created by the Colombian troops sent back from Lima, and which, perhaps, believed that they could count on the support of General La Mar to bring about their independence or their union with Peru. Cevallos, the Ecuadorian historian, states that on the 21st of February, 1828, Captain Orellana, in command of a Peruvian detachment stationed on the frontier, passed the line of the Macara and occupied the town of Zapotillo, belonging to the province of Loja, and raised the flag of his country.

Restrepo, the Columbian historian, records that Flores, General in command of the army of Colombia in the south, issued a proclamation on the 18th of April, announcing that the Liberator would proceed to Peru to punish that nation for its perfidy. That proclamation, he adds, as imprudent as it was impolitic, was held at Lima to be a declaration of war.

Either as a result of the proclamation or because of the events at Bogota, the Peruvian Congress, on the 20th of May, passed an act in which the army and'fleet were ordered to prepare for war, President La Mar being authorized to command the troops in person and make proper disposition of the national militia.

Such was the condition of affairs, says Valenzuela. Bolivar knew of the events transpiring in Bolivia, the work of Peru's armed intervention, which forced Sucre to leave that country and renounce the presidency. The Liberator was indignant. On the 3rd of July he put forth a fiery proclamation containing expressions of unusual violence against the Peruvian Government, and so excited the inhabitants in the southern part of Colombia that they flew to arms and rushed to the frontier to await his arrival, which was to be the signal for hostilities.

Shortly afterwards, on the 20th of July, the Colombian Government made public the declaration of war it was about to engage in with Peru and set forth its principal grievances. These were: injuries received from Peru in return for services rendered; che incitement of the division of Colombian troops at Lima to mutiny; the despatching of those troops of Colombia, using them as the means of taking possession of the three southern departments (alluding to Loja, Cuenca and Guayaquil); the dismissal of the diplomatic agent, Armero; the sending of the Plenipotentiary Villa, for the purpose of gaining time, unaccompanied by instructions to arrange the settlement of the indebtedness and "to negotiate for the restoration of the province of Jaen and part of Maynas, which Peru holds by usurpation;" the seduction of the Colombian troops that rebelled at La Paz on the 25th of December; the crossing of the frontier by a detachment that raised the Peruvian flag on Colombian territory; the preparations for war going on in the army and fleet, and the recent armed intervention in Bolivia (D. M. P., No. 8).

Jaen and Maynas are mentioned only in the clause that appears as an incident setting forth the complaint that Peru had sent her plenipotentiary lacking in powers sufficient to "treat"; and, so far was the matter of those provinces from being the principal motive for the war, that the historian Restrepo, who had been Bolivar's Minister, does not give it a place in his resume of the grievances set forth in that declaration of war.

The true motive for the war on the part of Bolivar is divulged by that writer and statesman when he says that "the Liberator, deeply wounded in his honor and in his personal sensitiveness by the men of the party then holding in its hands the reins of government in Peru, desired the war as a means of exacting, by his triumphs, a brilliant satisfaction and humiliation of that republic." We must confess, he adds, that he was not wholly unjustified in this, for the party that had possessed itself of the government of Peru had not been content with casting out his constitution and taking from him the presidency for life, but had organized the revolution against him in Bolivia, and even in Colombia, and had publicly insulted him.

To add to the motives for Bolivar's personal resentment the disillusionment as to his scheme of a confederation of South American republics, together with his fear of the dissolution of his own republic of Colombia; and, on the part of Peru, lay the desire to govern herself, with no presidents for life and no dependencies on foreign governments. General La Mar replied in terms both violent and offensive, justifying his acts, and forthwith entered upon the campaign.

In the war Bolivar at once met with two serious obstacles. The first was the defection of Colonels Obando and Lopez on the 12th of October, 1828, who, with the Colombian troops under their command, rose in revolt against the Liberator's government and defeated General Mosquera on the 12th of November, taking possession of Popayan and co-operating in the movement started by the entry of the Peruvian army. The second was the capitulation of Guayaquil, January 19, 1829, to the Peruvian fleet, which had besieged the city since the previous November.

Colonels Jose Maria Obando and Jose Hilario Lopez took up arms in the province of Popayan, proclaiming the Constitution of Cúcuta and declaring open war Bolivar. The revolutionary movement spread so rapidly that in mid-November Popayan occupied after defeating the garrison near La Ladera. However, the revolutionaries were long in Popayan, then defeated ones in Pasto by General Tomas Heres, and others in various meetings of little significance, Popayan was occupied by General Jose Maria Cordoba, who with enough strength had gone from Bogota to contain the uprising. As a result of that occupation, the revolutionaries were reduced to some items, which were kept in the hope in the triumph of Peruvians, who had already begun the war against Colombia, with the invasion of the territory.

Hostilities between the governments of Lima and Bogota had a history to be known, because Peru complained about the existence of Colombian troops in Bolivia, and the Liberator had just resented the interference of Peru in the affairs of Bolivia, til General Agustín Gamarra had met since 1827 an army to observe the movements of the Colombian forces in Bolivia and conduct of the Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho, head of the Republic, whom it looked like Bolivar had orders to invade Peru.

As far as the naval campaign is concerned, the first meeting of this conflict occurred in August 1828 when the Libertad corvette, commanded by Lieutenant Commander Carlos Garcia Postigo, he was in international waters off the Gulf of Guayaquil, in order to monitor and intercept ships from entering or leaving that port. On 31 August 1828, Colombian ships Pichincha and Guayaquileña attacked the Peruvian corvette off Punta Malpelo, being rejected and forced to retreat with heavy losses on board.

Then, the Peruvian forces established a blockade in Guayaquil and the grancolombiana coast from Tumbes to Panama. The national squad, commanded by Vice Admiral Jorge Martin Guise, went to Guayaquil and made several incursions before attacking the defenses of this riverside city, 22 to 24 November 1828. In this action managed to break the defenses afloat and silence much of the enemy artillery, but the night from 23 to 24, the frigate ran aground President and advocates used the situation to attack. At dawn, with the rise of the river, the frigate returned afloat, but the last shot from the enemy squarely hit Vice Admiral Guise, who died shortly thereafter. The command of the squadron was assumed by First Lieutenant Joseph Boterín, who continued the siege on the enemy square, finally surrendered on January 19, 1829. After this action the Arequipeña corvette and brig Congress raided on Panama, making rescue one of the merchant ships captured by Colombian.

After a campaign of thirty days, General Sucre, at the head of the Colombian army, gained a victory over the troops of Peru at the battle of Tarqui on 27 February 1829.

Before entering on his campaign, General Sucre wrote to General La Mar on the 28th of January, 1829, proposing peace, in obedience to the first impulse of his heart and in forgetfuhiess of his personal grievances, to the end that bloodshed might be avoided between sister peoples. La Mar replied that he was not opposed to a compromise, although he took occasion to state the reasons that actuated Peru in penetrating Colombian territory and liberating the towns "wearied from suffering an insupportable yoke from which Guayaquil is now free." Sucre then transmitted from Ona, on the 3rd of February, the "bases for negotiation of peace."

The principal bases were: the reduction of the military forces of Peru and Colombia ; the settlement, by means of commissioners, of the question of boundaries, and payment of indebtedness; mutual satisfaction to be given by the governments for what had occurred; refraining from interference in Bolivia, and the immediate abandonment of Colombian territory by Peruvian troops.

Guayaquil was in the power of Peru, the province of Loja, as Restrepo declares, was occupied by her troops, and General Ld Mar believed his triumph secure, counting, as he did, on the support to be met with on the part of the towns. To be forced to retire with the army, as an indispensable prerequisite to the signing of a treaty of peace, he held to be a humiliation and declined to subscribe to the conditions proposed. In returning therrj, says Cevallos, he proposed, among other things, that "the department of Guayaquil should return to the status it occupied in 1822 before its incorporation in Colombia."

It should be noted that, in that tentative toward peace essayed by Colombia, no claim was put forth to Jaen or Maynas, reference being made only to the settlement of the question of boundaries; that Sucre did not refer to those provinces when he exacted the abandonment of Colombian territory occupied by Peruvian troops, and that the real crux of the difficulty was Guayaquil, Colombia claiming recovery thereof on the retirement of the Peruvian troops, while Peru hoped that Guayaquil might regain the independence it enjoyed prior to the annexation. The Peruvian troops having been defeated at the battle of Tarqui, on the following day, February 28, 1329, the preliminary convention of peace was signed, at the instance of General Sucre, on the field of Giron, and was known by that name. The convention was a reproduction of the Ona bases, with certain modifications and additions. Both parties binding themselves to the stipulations therein, it became the forced basis for the definitive treaty of peace that was to be entered into later.

On 28 February was signed in Girón a leading convention whose provisions covered military forces in northern Peru and southern Colombia, to be reduced to three thousand men; the limits of both republics would be set by a committee, taking into account the division of the old Viceroyalty of New Granada and Peru in 1809; the same commissioners liquidated the debt owed by Peru, to be paid within a period of eighteen months; neither States could intervene in the domestic affairs of the other; Peru would pay to Colombia hundred fifty thousand pesos in one year, to meet the debts incurred by the army and fleet to invade the Departments of Guayaquil and Asuay, and the Colombian territory had to be vacated by the invaders within twenty days.

In the ninth article of the convention it was stipulated that: "As Colombia will not consent to the signing of a treaty of peace while troops of the enemy occupy her territory, it is agreed that, these bases settled, the rest of the Peruvian army shall retire south of the Ma.card * * *," and, in the llth article: "The Peruvian army shall begin its retirement from Loja on the 2nd day of March next and will completely evacuate the territory of Colombia within twenty days, counted from that date. Within the same period the city of Guayaquil will be restored to the proper authorities. * * *"

Nor was anything stipulated in that convention as to Jaen or Maynas; it limited itself to the statement that a commission would be appointed for the settlement of the question of boundaries, as we shall soon explain when we take up the definitive treaty, which commission was to be charged also with the liquidation of the indebtedness arising out of the war of independence.

On the 9th of March 1829, the day following Bolivar's entry into Pasto, after suppressing the rebellion started by Lopez and Obando, he received with great satisfaction the news of the victory of Tarqui and the signing of the preliminary peace convention, and left at once for Quito to set in motion the negotiation of the definitive treaty.

But his satisfaction was of short duration, for Peru declined to carry out the convention of Giron. the Peruvian leaders refusing to turn over Guayaquil; La Mar "alleged that the decree granting honors, conceded by Sucre as a result of the victory, amounted to a new offence, and the government denied the validity of the convention because of the absence of congressional ratification. The campaign, known at this period as that of Buijo, was thereupon resumed. The operations, says Cevallos, were erf small importance, as they were reduced to the general dislodgment of the Peruvians from Babahoyo, Baba, Daule, Samborondon and Yahuachi.

But the city of Guayaquil remained in the power of Peru and the sea littoral continued under the control of her ships. Guayaquil would remain occupied by Peruvian forces until 21 July 1829. This conflict would end after the signing of the Armistice of Piura signed on July 10 the same year, but still remained pending the border situation.

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The revolts from Spain and Portugal produced seven independent states in South America. These were subsequently increased to ten by the secession of Uruguay from Brazil (1828) and the break-up of the Great Colombia, established by Bolivar, into the three states of Venezuela (1829), Ecuador (1830), and Colombia.