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Why Girlboss Feminism is Toxic - Liz Marie Strategy

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We’ve all seen it and maybe even fed into it a little bit, but here’s the thing: being a Girlboss completely misses the mark.

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Explores how TikTok and social media have increasingly polarised politics in the modern world. Using this source allows me to explore how and the extent these apps have at distorting political opinion.

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TikTok is bad for political discourse and furthers polarization

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Social media is increasingly influencing political discourse, and TikTok is no exception, becoming home to political content for its 1 billion monthly users. However TikTok’s structure, algorithm and moderation are inherently hostile to productive political discussions and instead encourage extremism.

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Most recently looked at the American Flag, its association with patriotism and how it has become heavily politicised. Interested in the comparison of the American vs British flag and their representations and interpretation. In November I went to PMQs in the HoC and I’ve kept up with how Labour has been changing (and not changing) the country. I’m really interested in legalised death and the varying contexts and opinions such as the Assisted Dying Bill in the UK and the death penalty in the US.

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Reflective writing of assessment criteria

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Reflective writing of assessment criteria

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I wish to develop my evaluation and review further in FMP. Developing this will allow my work to improve and reach a higher standard, reminding myself to go back and improve my work after feedback and managing my time more effectively will allow me to do this. Moving Parts was one of my weaker projects as a result as I struggled to go back and review where I could improve and felt stuck in my direction and development. Improving my evaluation and review would’ve allowed me to establish where I was at with the work and give myself more of a sense of direction and stop myself going down irrelevant rabbit holes. Improving my evaluation and review will be beneficial for me in FMP as giving myself a moment to stop and see where I’m at will prevent me from getting stuck or becoming obsessive over an area that is less relevant or should be left. Moments I have gone back to evaluate have proved to have created stronger and more relevant outcomes such as in I Love it When A Plan comes together as we had to continually look back at shots and look at how to improve in the moment. Improving my evaluation and review will also be helpful when I feel lost or stuck as it will allow me to see my work as a whole rather than singular particular aspects. Having moments of evaluation after feedback has provided me with more focus and direction and made me more confident in my work. I need to make sure I have better time management to allow myself to have time to make these improvements after evaluating and reviewing. Improving my self-directed practice then also would assist this as having better organisation and time management would allow me to have more space for evaluation and review.

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Is housework an “unpaid” job? False theoretical premise leads to reactionary position in practice

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With the rise of the feminist movement and the struggle against women’s oppression, sections of both the left and the very same feminist movement have once again revived the idea of “wages for housewives”. They classify housework carried out by women as “unpaid” work, claiming that capitalists save themselves the cost by relying on this unpaid labour. Where does Marxism stand on this issue?

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Niamh Kennedy, Duarte Mendonca, Chris Lau, Maija Ehlinger, Sophie Tanno, Sahar Akbarzai

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Dozens arrested in violent UK protests over Southport stabbings | CNN

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Police and protesters clashed in several UK cities in the latest round of unrest fueled by the far right, as scenes of looting and burning storefronts spread online.

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TikTok is bad for political discourse and furthers polarization

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Social media is increasingly influencing political discourse, and TikTok is no exception, becoming home to political content for its 1 billion monthly users. However TikTok’s structure, algorithm and moderation are inherently hostile to productive political discussions and instead encourage extremism.

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What do assisted dying, assisted suicide and euthanasia mean and what is the law?

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Many countries have legalised assisted dying, assisted suicide or euthanasia, which are different.

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Human Rights Lawyer on the Death Penalty in USA

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Human Rights Lawyer on the Death Penalty in USA

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Human Rights Lawyer On Serial Killers, Execution Methods and Guantanamo Bay | Minutes With

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Conflict of plastic being feminist or anti-feminist

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Conflict of plastic being feminist or anti-feminist

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Plastic Surgery: A Symptom of The Patriarchy - Or Should We Let Women Do What They Want With Their Body?! — The Everyday

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Is plastic surgery a symptom of a patriarchal society or should we let women do whatever they want with their bodies?

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Reflective Summary (subject area I wish to take forward for FMP)

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Reflective Summary (subject area I wish to take forward for FMP)

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I would like to take forward the subject of political polarisation and its effects on our societies for FMP. I have chosen this subject matter as I am heavily interested in politics and enjoy intertwining it and exploring it in my work. I became interested in the concept of polarisation from observing environments around me and having experienced it myself from social media and seeing how influential this can be. This research task has allowed me to push this exploration further than social media and recognise other places where polarisation is created and comes from. After my presentation feedback, breaking this subject down into categories would allow me to effectively look at the topic as a whole. Mini subjects I think would be worth exploring would be: polarisation in America, polarisation in the UK, how social media has polarised politics, polarisation before social media, causes of beliefs and Brexit. The research task and presentation feedback has given me more direction and focus of what I would like to explore and how. Having started simply looking at how tik tok has polarised politics this has evolved to be broader as other factors also do contribute to political polarisation. It would be interesting to look also at areas where politics is much less polarised, such as in local governments and where unlikely coalitions have arisen, to fully assess all areas of debate. I’d like to explore this topic as it is something I feel that is growing in our societies yet is significantly overlooked, I see potential in making work highlighting that. Pushing my research into this subject will broaden my thinking myself and provide an understanding of concepts and ideas I am less aware of. Exploring this will benefit me in the future as I like the idea of going into journalism and this would benefit me in this area.

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See all sides

Don’t trick myself

Rephrase questions

Break down

Narrow slightly different look at it in broad then separate question by Brexit in America

Don’t just look at digital media

Less polarisation in local politics

Unlikely coalitions

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How much has empathy got to do with politics and polarisation? Is polarisation ultimately an effect of a lack of empathy?

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Went to PMQs, beneficial to see a debate in action, question from Nigel Farage highlighted how Brexit has polarised British society. First PMQs after Trump won election, second with Badenoch as leader of opposition.

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Talking to people at protests and marches will provide insight from those with passionate views. Provides an insight also to scale of issues and what people continue to care about. People continue to protest about Brexit, highlights how polarising this issue was though years later. Talking to the people outside parliament that continue to protest against Brexit will help with looking at string polarising views.

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Interviewing people on the inside could provide a scope that the public is not aware of and give explanation of why things have changed or continued. I’d like to interview those in Reform UK as having been a party thats grown increasing in popularity in recent years and arguably having contributed much to polarisation.

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Meeting people in a variety of places with a variety of views feels essential to understanding the current political landscape and to what extent it’s polarised. This is a way to gather information that would inform my project directly from the source. Interviewing people by age would allow me to gain a scope of whether the extent of polarisation has changed over time.

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Visiting this exhibition will allow me to gain inspiration of execution and explore how politics has been presented in art and design. Following multiple aspects of political history I can explore also how polarisation has presented itself in the past.

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Peter Kennard, Thatcher Unmasked, 1986, Photomontage - Gelatin silver prints with ink on card, A/POLITICAL collection, Courtesy the artist

23 Jul - 19 Jan 2025

Galleries 5, 6 & 7

Exhibition
Peter Kennard: Archive of Dissent

Peter Kennard (b. 1949, UK) is a London-based artist and activist, and Emeritus Professor of Political Art at the Royal College of Art.

Archive of Dissent marks one of the most extensive displays of Kennard's work to date and has been specially conceived for Whitechapel Gallery. Taking over three galleries within the former Whitechapel Library space, the exhibition brings together work from across the artist's prolific and influential five-decade career, offering an important repository of social and political history while illuminating an artistic practice that has continuously countered and protested the status quo.

Since the 1970s, Kennard has produced some of our most iconic and influential images of resistance and dissent. From the Vietnam War, Anti-Apartheid Movement, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), and Stop the War Coalition campaigns in the 2000s, through to the present wars in Ukraine and Gaza and his ongoing commitment to environmental activism, Kennard has developed a unique visual practice that bridges art and politics for a broad range of audiences.

Reflecting the history of the spaces' former library function, Kennard's proposition for the exhibition takes the form of an active and constantly evolving archive, much of which will be presented as printed material displayed on walls, placards, in vitrines or on lecterns. These include the newspapers where his images were first published, as well as the posters and books through which they continue to circulate.

The exhibition delves into the artist's process of making, beginning with a selection of the distinctive photomontages he has been making since the 1970s. Inspired by the work of John Heartfield (1891-1968), who pioneered montage as a political tool in the 1930s, Kennard's montages deconstruct familiar and ubiquitous images and re-imagines them through different formats and scales of publication. The works not only serve to expose the relationship between power, capital, war and the destruction of planet Earth but also 'to show new possibilities emerging from the cracks and splinters of the old reality'.

Archive of Dissent also includes two of Kennard's most recent and ambitious installations Boardroom (2023) and  Double Exposure (2023) which use light, glass and projection to deconstruct the medium of photomontage, as well as a new work, The People's University of the East End (2024). Taking its title from the colloquial name for the former Library space, the work draws attention to its original purpose as a democratic local resource, while continuing to harness and evoke the iconography and forms of protest.

"My art erupts from outrage at the fact that the search for financial profit rules every nook and cranny of our society. Profit masks poverty, racism, war, climate catastrophe and on and on...Archive of Dissent brings together fifty years of work that all attempt to express that anger by ripping through the mask by cutting, tearing, montaging and juxtaposing imagery that we are all bombarded with daily. It shows what lies behind the mask: the victims, the resistance, the human communality saying 'no' to corporate and state power. It rails at the waste of lives caused by the trillions spent on manufacturing weapons and the vast profits made by arms companies." - Peter Kennard

Generously supported by:

A/POLITICAL
Richard Saltoun Gallery

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Peter Kennard: Archive of Dissent - Whitechapel Gallery

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Archive of Dissent brings together work from Peter Kennard's prolific career, offering a repository of social and political history.

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Current issue, removed from party politics. Would be interesting to explore this as it an anomaly in the political landscape and appears to be heavily individual, though still polarising in many ways.

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What do assisted dying, assisted suicide and euthanasia mean and what is the law?

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Many countries have legalised assisted dying, assisted suicide or euthanasia, which are different.

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Key area to investigate, having remained divisive years later.

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London School of Economics and Political Science

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London School of Economics and Political Science

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A Country Divided? Polarisation and Identity After Brexit

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A Country Divided? Polarisation and Identity After Brexit

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Were the southport riots ultimately an effect of polarisation in the UK?

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Niamh Kennedy, Duarte Mendonca, Chris Lau, Maija Ehlinger, Sophie Tanno, Sahar Akbarzai

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Dozens arrested in violent UK protests over Southport stabbings | CNN

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Police and protesters clashed in several UK cities in the latest round of unrest fueled by the far right, as scenes of looting and burning storefronts spread online.

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The big debates in lower level politics. Does this highlight what people really care about?

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Chaotic parish council zoom meeting goes viral: 'You have no authority here Jackie Weaver'

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Causes of Polarisation on a global scale

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Causes of Polarisation on a global scale

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Starting point to investigate reasons for polarisation on a global scale.

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Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

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Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

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The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace generates strategic ideas and independent analysis, supports diplomacy, and trains the next generation of international scholar-practitioners to help countries and institutions take on the most difficult global problems and advance peace.

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Does democracy come under threat with polarisation?

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Does democracy come under threat with polarisation?

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Looking at democracy being threatened as an effect to polarisation.

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Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

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Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

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The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace generates strategic ideas and independent analysis, supports diplomacy, and trains the next generation of international scholar-practitioners to help countries and institutions take on the most difficult global problems and advance peace.

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This source explores polarisation in America and how politics has become further polarised due to Trump. This source provides a good starting place for exploring polarisation in America and the world stage.

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Trump’s dark rhetoric tests a polarized electorate – and media

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When Donald Trump makes incendiary comments, how do we assess the impact of his language – on voters, on the campaign, on the political environment?

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Provides insight from lawyer about death row in America. How is this a polarising issue? Why is this not a polarising issue in the UK

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Human Rights Lawyer On Serial Killers, Execution Methods and Guantanamo Bay | Minutes With

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How have feminists become polarised? Debates have now arisen of whether embracing sexuality is contributing to the patriarchy rather than dismantling it. Other feminists believe the rejection of sex is the better approach.

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Visiting Speaker’s Corner will give insight to the current issues people are talking and care about. Considered to be as part of the beginning of free speech, visiting here could significantly contribute to my project.

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Visiting the British Library will allow me to access many resources during research. This would provide historical and contemporary insight into my project.

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Explore areas of “art and activism” and how artists and designers have responded to political issues in the past. Investigate what the effects of these pieces of work were.

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Jake Teeny discusses what contributes to political polarisation. Simple breakdown of political scope.

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That Open Secret About Political Polarization | Jake Teeny | TEDxEvanston

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Film suggests political polarisation can even affect dating. Polarisation is perhaps making people loose connections, or preventing them from being gained.

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Political polarization is making dating worse

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Report investigates whether people identify strongly with a party anymore. Instead people identify more with whether they’re a “leaver” or “remainer”, highlighting Brexit to be the more polarising issue now in the UK.

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Source evaluates the extent of polarisation in the UK. Also provides comparison to the global world, such as the US.

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Polarisation and partisanship: 10 key takeaways from our World Values Survey conference

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What we learned about some of the key political challenges of our time

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Today, British politics is more polarised than ever. The British political system is shrouded in debate and dispute, with political parties disagreeing on all matters from foreign affairs to Brexit strategy, from fiscal responsibility to economic policy.

It's hard to comprehend a time when period known as the MPs united behind a common goal, disregarding party ideology and putting the needs of the British public first. However, a Post-War Consensus saw collaboration between the major political parties for four decades.

But how did consensus politics originate? How successful was it? How did it end?
MP
Standing for 'Member of Parliament', an MP is an elected official representing a specific area in Parliament.

Post-War Consensus: meaning

After the devastation of the Second World War, a new type of politics emerged in Britain - one in which parties on both sides of the political spectrum sought to address the needs of post-war British society.

Post-war Britain refers to the period following the end of World War II in 1945. This era was marked by a significant shift in political and social climate, with the Labour Party winning the 1945 general election on a platform of social reform, which included the establishment of a comprehensive welfare state and a mixed economy. This led to:

The formation of the National Health Service

Expansion of social housing

Nationalisation of key industries

The period until the late 1970s is often described as the era of the 'post-war consensus,' where major political parties agreed on these core principles of domestic policy. Economic recovery and rebuilding after the devastation of the war was a major focus, alongside decolonisation and the end of the British Empire.

This period of consensus also saw the establishment of the Welfare State. Welfare policies included the establishment of the National Health Service (NHS), educational reform, and increased social welfare.
Welfare State
This term refers to a system of government in which the State protects its citizens' financial, social, and healthcare needs.

Post-War Consensus: definition

In summary, the term 'post-war consensus' is used to describe a period in British political history from the end of World War II in 1945 until the late 1970s, during which time the major political parties largely agreed on the fundamental aspects of domestic policy. This period is seen as a time of political stability and relative social equality due to the broad agreement between the major political parties' - Labour and Conservative - commitment to a welfare estate.

The post-war consensus in Britain began in 1945 with the election of Clement Attlee's Labour government. Attlee initiated the Welfare State upon election, establishing free universal healthcare, sick pay, and unemployment benefits. Successive governments continued such far-reaching welfare reforms for 30 years.

The end of Consensus politics came in the late 1970s with the rise of Margaret Thatcher. Aiming to reduce inflation, Thatcher privatised utilities, sold off council housing, and curbed full-time employment.

This term describes a period when different political parties reach an agreement on policies such as the economy, industry, and education.

Post-War Consensus: timeline

Here is a quick timeline outlining the post-war consensus period.

1945

Clement Attlee elected.

The Family Allowances Act.

1946

The National Insurance Act.

The Industrial Injuries Act.

Nationalisation of coal, civil aviation, cable and wireless, and the Bank of England.

1947

Britain's nuclear program began.

1948

Creation of the NHS.

The National Assistance Act.

Nationalisation of road transportation and electricity.

1949

Nationalisation of iron and steel.

1952

The UK's first atomic bomb was tested.

1957

The UK tested its first hydrogen bomb.

The UK became a founding member of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA).

1979

Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister, spelling the end of Consensus politics.

The Conservative Party and the Labour Party

Before we examine the post-war consensus, we must get to grips with the history and ideologies of both the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. We can only fully comprehend the enormity of Consensus Politics by understanding the two major political parties and how they worked to ensure the welfare state and a mixed economy with both private enterprise and public ownership of key industries.

The Conservative party is one of the oldest political parties in the United Kingdom. They sit on the right of the political spectrum. The party was formed in the 1830s from the old 'Tory party' after the In 1834, the first Conservative government was formed by Reform Bill of 1832, which granted voting rights to middle-class citizens. Sir Robert Peel, who focused on law and order and orderly taxation.

The party split in 1846 over the issue of the repeal of the Corn Laws; consequently, the Conservatives were out of government for the next thirty years. Eventually, the party was reorganised by Benjamin Disraeli, who was Prime Minister for a few months in 1868 and then from 1874-1880.
Corn Laws
Passed in 1815, the Corn Laws decreased imported grain through tariffs and thus increased Britain's reliance on domestic agriculture.

Post-War Consensus: policies

After the devastation of the Second World War, there was a cross-party agreement about Britain's future. Although both parties had ideological differences, they agreed that Britain should enact far-reaching welfare reform while maintaining its international standing.

Britain's consensus included all areas of foreign policy, and a focus on social and economic reform. Both Labour and Conservative governments between 1945 and 1979 ensured that the following policies were implemented:

Nationalisation of industries and public utilities.

Post-War Consensus in the UK

This section will look at the Prime Ministers from 1945-1979 and their engagement with Consensus Politics.

Clement Attlee became Prime Minister in 1945 after Labour's landslide victory in the general election.

Under his leadership, several fundamental aspects of the welfare state were created:

The Family Allowance Act of 1945 gave monetary provisions to support children.

The National Insurance Act of 1946 provided various benefits for sickness, injury, unemployment, and widow's benefit.

The creation of the National Health Servic e in 1948 provided universal free healthcare. Consensus politics was integral to the foundation of the NHS. While the Conservatives disliked large public spending, they wholly backed the policy.

The Welfare State set up by the Attlee government went completely against traditional Conservative principles. It involved high taxation, lots of government spending, and interference in people's personal lives.

While Clement Attlee is often given credit for creating the Welfare State, Winston Churchill passed an Education Act in 1944, a year before Attlee was appointed as Prime Minister. The Education Act of 1944 introduced universal secondary education and raised the school-leaving age to 16.

While people thought the Welfare State would be dismantled, government pledged to build Winston Churchill stuck by the post-war consensus and continued Attlee's work. Installing Harold Macmillanas Minister of Housing, Churchill's 300,000 homes in a year.

Four-fifths of both parties agree on four-fifths of what should be done, and after all, we all sink or swim together on our perilous voyage, ever-accelerating into the unknown. ¹

- Winston Churchill, 1952
The Suez Crisis
Anthony Eden (1955-1957)
Run on sterling
Anthony Eden became Prime Minister in 1955, succeeding Winston Churchill. During his tenure, the two major crises were the Suez Canal Crisis and the run on sterling.

An attempt by Great Britain, France, and Israel to regain control of the Suez Canal in 1956.

This is an economic term that describes when financial traders panic about the pound's value and sell what they have of it to avoid loss.

The Suez Crisis was a colossal failure for Eden, shattering his authority at home and abroad. It angered the Americans and drew much criticism from the British people and politicians. Eden was viewed as arrogant and unfit to lead the government. He had made too many decisions without the government's support, proving severely detrimental to the country.

Harold Macmillan began his career within the Conservative Party as Minister of Housing. He was later promoted to Minister of Defence, Foreign Secretary, and Chancellor of the Exchequer. The resignation of Eden meant that Macmillan was forced to tackle the fallout from the Suez Canal Crisis.

The 1957 Homicide Act came close to abolishing the death penalty.

The Rent Act of 1957 abolished rent control, putting six million more properties on the market.

In 1962, Macmillan negotiated the Nassau Agreement with President John F Kennedy, which gave Britain the Polaris nuclear system. This system would be used as the UK's nuclear deterrent until 1996.

Throughout his premiership, MacMillan sought to tackle the rising rate of unemployment. To achieve this, he appointed socially liberal Richard 'Rab' Butler as Home Secretary. The appointment of Butler suggested that MacMillan was trying to change the more traditional social outlook of the Conservatives in line with the general post-war consensus on social issues.

Macmillan passed several pieces of legislation in line with the post-war consensus:

Alec Douglas-Home (1963-1964)

Alec Douglas-Home started his career as a member of parliament for the From 1937 to 1939, he served as a parliamentary private secretary to the then Prime Minister Scottish Unionist Party. Neville Chamberlain. In 1956, he served as the Commonwealth Secretary during the Suez Canal Crisis.

Despite being Prime Minister for only one year, Douglas-Home oversaw the reform of the Conservative Party and actively tried to push forward economic growth. One of his most significant policies was the Resale Price Act of 1964. T his legislation stopped manufacturers from imposing resale prices on items and thus helped cut prices and drive economic growth.

Harold Wilson (1964-1970, 1974-1976)

Born in Yorkshire during the First World War, Harold Wilson became the youngest serving member of the cabinet of the 20 th century when he was made President of the Board of Trade aged just 31.

Under his leadership as Prime Minister, many significant goals were achieved. The 1965 Murder Act formally abolished the death penalty, and the Sexual Offences Act of 1967 decriminalised several aspects of homosexuality.

He attempted to weaken the power of the Trade Unions with the 1971 Industrial Relations Act; this was unsuccessful and was subsequently repealed in 1974.

Under his leadership, there were two significant miners' strikes in 1972 and 1974. The Miners' strike of 1974 led to the 'Three-Day Week'.

In his second period of leadership, Wilson continued the post-war consensus by focusing on domestic policy and social reform. He achieved reforms in education, health, gender equality, housing, and welfare.

Edward Heath (1970-1974)

Edward Heath became Prime Minister during significant industrial reform and economic decline. He led the UK into the European Economic Community during his tenure - something other Prime Ministers had been trying to do for over a decade.

The 1977 Housing Act made local governments responsible for housing the homeless.

The Police Act of 1976 made the complaints system for the Police more efficient.
Winter of Discontent
The 1977 Education Act limited the number of independent or grant-funded schools in any one area.

Heath's tenure was defined by industrial action and Trade Union activity:

The Three-Day Week: Between 1973 and 1974, industrial action and strikes necessitated that electricity use be limited to three consecutive days.

James Callaghan (1976-1979)

Greater independence of the individual from the State.

James Callaghan became Prime Minister after the shock resignation of Harold Wilson in 1976.

Callaghan had success in social reform:

Despite successes in social reform, Britain's economy was in disarray. In an attempt to reduce inflation, Callaghan cut wages. This action prompted widespread strikes known as the Winter of Discontent.

This is the term given to the period of widespread striking between November 1978 and February 1979.

Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990)

Margaret Thatcher had a long political career before her rise to the role of Prime Minister in 1979, serving as Shadow Environment Secretary and Education Minister before her accession to the leadership of the Conservative Party in 1979.

Thatcher's leadership has been considered the death knell for Consensus politics. Thatcher wanted:

Thatcher disliked the Welfare State and believed people should rely on themselves rather than the State; consequently, she embarked on a mission to withdraw government control. This took the form of privatising many vital industries, the sale of council housing to private tenants, and reducing government spending on social services, education, healthcare, and housing. With these reforms, the era of consensus politics was over.

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Post War Consensus: ✓UK ✓Post Wold War II ✓Meaning ✓Timeline ✓Definition & ✓History | StudySmarter Original

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Katie Price insists joining OnlyFans is all about feminism

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The glamour model is charging subscribers £11 a month to join.

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The movement against abortion rights is nearing its apex. But it began way before Roe

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Despite gaining national traction in the 1970s, the history of the anti-abortion movement in the U.S. goes back more than a century before the landmark Supreme Court decision.

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Margaret Thatcher: Britain’s Most Polarizing PM

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Get breaking national and world news, broadcast video coverage, and exclusive interviews. Find the top news online at ABC news.

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7 Types of Feminism: A Brief History of Feminism - 2023 - MasterClass

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From ecofeminism to mainstream feminism, there are many variations within the prolific socio-cultural movement. Read on for a brief history of the movement and a breakdown of the different types of feminism.

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Find out more about the shows on Sky HISTORY's TV channel, with plenty to read and watch on your favourite historical topics.

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Feminism is one of the oldest movements in global history. There's no single definition, but feminism boils down to ending gender discrimination and bringing about gender equality. Within this goal, there are many types of feminism. Instead of describing them in isolation from each other, feminism can be divided into "waves."

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"When Anthony Met Stanton" sculpture (2018)
National Women's History Museum

Feminism Collage (1900 - 2017)
National Women's History Museum

The "Waves" of Feminism

For generations, the feminist movement has forged ahead advocating for women's rights. Many scholars and activists assume that there are three distinct "waves" of feminism, with the "#MeToo Movement" marking a contemporary fourth wave. However, the history of the feminist movement is much more complex.

College day in the picket line - 1917 National Women's History Museum

The metaphor of "waves" representing the various surges of feminism began in 1968 when Martha Weinman Lear published an article in the New York Times called "The Second Feminist Wave." Lear's article connected the suffrage movement of the 19th century with the women's movements during the 1960s. This new terminology quickly spread and became the popular way to define feminism.

Although this metaphor of "feminist waves" is helpful for people to distinguish between different eras of women's activism, it is impossible to accurately pinpoint specific dates that started or ended each wave of feminism. In reality, each historical era was inspired by a long tradition of activism that transcended generational lines.

Image Collage: Social Movements (1851 - 1897)
National Women's History Museum

The Origins of the Movement

The first wave of the feminist movement is usually tied to the first formal Women's Rights Convention that was held in 1848. However, first wave feminists were influenced by the collective activism of women in various other reform movements. In particular, feminists drew strategic and tactical insight from women participating in the French Revolution, the Temperance Movement, and the Abolitionist Movement.

Women's March on Versailles (1789)
National Women's History Museum

The French Revolution

"The French Revolution marked the beginnings of the organized participation of women in politics." --Historian R.B. Rose in "Feminism, Women and the French Revolution." As the French Revolution began in 1789, women were frequently on the front lines advocating for their rights. Even though they were considered "passive citizens," these women took an active role in the political climate of their country. On October 5, 1789, thousands of armed French women marched from markets in Paris to the Palace of Versailles. They demanded that the King address their economic concerns and the drastic food shortages happening across France. Unfortunately, their fight was far from over.

Olympes De Gouges
National Women's History Museum

A few months prior, reformers were able to persuade the French National Constituent Assembly to adopt the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen." This document provided citizenship rights to various members of the population. Unfortunately, it still excluded women and other minority groups from citizenship. When this document became the preamble to the French Constitution in 1791, many women shifted their focus to gaining citizenship and equal rights.

One of these women, playwright Olympes de Gouges, wrote "Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen" in 1791. Gouges' declaration begins as follows: "Women are born free and are man's equal in law. Social distinctions can be founded solely on common utility." Her statement also includes the various rights that both men and women should possess. This document and the collective activism of the women in the French Revolution became a source of inspiration for first wave feminists.

Temperance (1540 - 1610)
National Women's History Museum

The Temperance Movement

First wave feminists were also influenced by the widespread activism of women during the temperance movement. In the early nineteenth century, many United States citizens began to promote "moral reform." In an effort to fight against immorality, the temperance movement developed in the 1820s to limit or prohibit the consumption of alcohol. For many middle-class white women who were deemed the "moral authorities of their households," drinking was considered a threat to the stability of their homes. These women, along with male supporters of temperance, began to create cartoons, pamphlets, songs and speeches about the harms of alcohol usage.

Temperance Illustrations (1835-1856)
National Women's History Museum

Temperance Illustrations: The Bible and temperance (top), The fruits of temperance (bottom), representing the benefits of an alcohol-free society.

Women's Christian Temperance Union (1911)
National Women's History Museum

By 1826, the American Society for the Promotion of Temperance (American Temperance Society) was formed in Boston, Massachusetts. The society quickly spread, with temperance activists starting local chapters all across the country. In addition, by 1831 there were over twenty-four women's organizations dedicated to the temperance movement. One of the notable groups that developed later in the movement was the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Thousands of women from this organization marched into liquor stores and bars demanding that owners sign a pledge to stop selling alcoholic beverages. As these women advocated for temperance and the affairs of their homes, they also demanded to have an equal role in public activity.

"The temperance movement, in fact, gave women the opportunity to be engaged in public political life for the first time." --Tara Isabella Burton in "The Feminist History of Prohibition"

Enslaved Family (1862)
National Women's History Museum

The Abolitionist Movement

As many of those women began to advocate for their political voice, women from different ethnicities and backgrounds were also fighting to have basic human rights. In the early nineteenth century, much of the African American population in the United States was enslaved. With the first group of enslaved Africans arriving in the early 1600s, African American men and women had been fighting for freedom and citizenship for centuries. Their collective activism was the foundation of the abolitionist movement that pushed for the end of slavery.

Phillis Wheatley

African American women were central to early nineteenth century abolitionism. During the 1820s and 1830s, these women established social and literary organizations, as well as religious groups to challenge slavery and support their communities.

On February 12, 1821, two-hundred working-class African American women established the Daughters of Africa Society in Philadelphia. This society provided support to their members, and a weekly allowance of $1.50 when they were sick. Similarly, the Colored Female Free Produce Society was formed in 1831 to boycott the exploitation of enslaved labor by only selling items that were produced by free African Americans.

Several literary societies also formed during this time that were devoted to the "diffusion of knowledge and the suppression of vice and immorality." The Female Literary Association, the Afric-American Female Intelligence Society, and the Colored Ladies Literary Society were all formed in the early 1830s.

Am I Not A Woman And A Sister (1837)
National Women's History Museum

In addition to their work establishing organizations, African American women went on extensive lecture tours across the country and published letters, poems, and slave narratives to fight for the abolition of slavery. Women like Maria Stewart, Jarena Lee, Sarah Louise Forten and Sarah Mapps Douglass all openly spoke out against slavery while advocating for women's education, and citizenship rights.

Colorized photo of Sojourner Truth
National Women's History Museum

"If not all female abolitionists became women's rights activists, pioneering feminists owed their public careers to abolition."

--Historian Manisha Sinha in The Slave's Cause: A History of Abolition

Suffrage Collage (1850)
National Women's History Museum

The Woman Question

Building on the activism of the women in these social movements, many upper and middle-class white women joined the abolitionist movement. Women like Lucretia Mott, Lucy Stone and sisters Angelina and Sarah Moore Grimké joined various white anti-slavery organizations. However, these societies were dominated by men and they often did not allow women to speak publicly in front of male audiences. When women ignored these societal rules, they were mocked and scorned. For example, the Grimké sisters were ridiculed for their writings and the General Association of Congregational Ministers of Massachusetts wrote a public statement against them for giving speeches in front of men. Abolitionist women took matters into their own hands and convened the first Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women in New York City in 1837.

Representative Women/Library of Congress (1870)
L. Schamer | National Women's History Museum

As these women pursued reform, their collective disenfranchisement became even more apparent. In 1840, the first World Anti-Slavery Convention was held in London. Unfortunately, the organizers made it clear that only men could attend the meeting. Lucretia Mott attended anyway and was joined by several other women activists including Elizabeth Cady Stanton. After hours of debate, the male organizers decided that only men would be allowed to be speak and vote at the convention. The women were sent to the spectator's gallery and were only allowed to watch and listen. After this meeting, Mott and Stanton decided to form a society and hold their own convention to advocate for women's rights.

Our Roll of Honor. Listing women and men who signed the Declaration of Sentiments
National Women's History Museum

Eight years later, Mott, Stanton, and three-hundred other women held the first Women's Rights Convention. This group of women and male supporters met in July of 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York. At this meeting, they discussed and voted on the "Declaration of Sentiments," organized by Stanton. Closely resembling the "Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen" written by Olympes de Gouges' during the French Revolution, Stanton declared that "all men and women are created equal."

The document also advocated for women's education, right to property, and organizational leadership. One of the most controversial topics on the program was women's suffrage. Although not everyone agreed, many of these women's rights activists believed that their goals would be hard to accomplish without the right to vote. After the first convention, this group of women began meeting regularly, and the growing feminist movement started to shift to focus on achieving suffrage and political power.

Elizabeth Stuyvesant (1914 - 1918)
National Women's History Museum

For the next 70 years, the central goal of the feminist movement was for women to achieve the right to vote. Although they continued to participate in other social movements, many first wave feminists believed that suffrage was the key to unlocking other rights.

However, for other groups of women, the right to vote was not only tied to their gender, but it was also tied to their race and social class. As the movement progressed, the concerns of women of color were often overlooked by first wave feminists. Despite often being uninvited or excluded from fully participating in white organizations, women of color spoke out about facing not only sexism, but also racism, and classism.

Mary Church Terrell (1920 - 1940)
National Women's History Museum

"The first and real reason that our women began to use clubs as a means of improving their own condition and that of their race is that they are PROGRESSIVE." --Mary Church Terrell, co-founder of the National Association of Colored Women

Image Collage: African American Women
National Women's History Museum

African American women advocated for women's rights alongside their fight for freedom and the wellbeing of their communities. Frances Ellen Watkins Harper was a founding member of the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) in 1869 alongside white abolitionist Lucy Stone and Frederick Douglass. Black women, like Sojourner Truth and Charlotte Forten, joined AWSA to promote universal suffrage. Forten's aunts Harriet Forten Purvis and Margaretta Forten were also two of the "chief actors" to help organize the Fifth National Woman's Rights Convention in Philadelphia.

However, African American women still faced discrimination and often had to join segregated suffrage associations. In 1876, Mary Ann Shadd Cary wrote a letter to the National Woman Suffrage Association on behalf of ninety-four black women requesting that their names be added as signers of Stanton's "Declaration of Sentiments." Unfortunately, the names of these women were never included.

On March 3, 1913, Stanton's National American Woman Suffrage Association organized their first suffrage parade held in Washington, D.C. Even though they required that African American women march in the back of the parade, black women still participated in the event, including the founders of the National Association of Colored Women.

Image Collage: Asian Women
National Women's History Museum

Asian women also fought sexism, racism, and classism to advocate for their rights. The Page Act of 1875 banned Chinese women from immigrating to the United States, and the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 prevented Chinese immigrants from attaining citizenship and voting rights. This did not stop Mabel Ping-Hua Lee from leading almost 10,000 people in the 1912 New York suffrage parade on horseback.

Two years later, she gave a speech at the Women's Political Union's Suffrage Shop encouraging the civic participation of Chinese women. Unfortunately, when women in the state of New York were granted the right to vote in 1917, the Chinese Exclusion Act still prevented Lee from voting. However, when women in California earned the right to vote in 1912, Tye Leung Schulze became the first Chinese woman to vote in the United States.

Women from the Philippines also advocated for their rights. In the 1900s, the Philippines was a colony of the United States, but these women could not vote in either location. In 1905, the Asociacion Feminista Filipina (Philippine Feminist Association) was founded to encourage the "participation of women in public affairs." Some of the members met with First Lady Florence Harding at the White house in 1922.

Image Collage: Latina Women
National Women's History Museum

Latina women also fought for women's rights while promoting social reform. In 1917, suffragist Adelina Otero-Warren was asked by the National Woman's Party (Congressional Union) to lead their New Mexico chapter. Otero-Warren advocated that suffrage literature was published in both English and Spanish, so it was accessible to Latinx audiences. She was also instrumental in the ratification of the 19th Amendment in New Mexico, granting women the right to vote.

Luisa Capetillo used a grassroots approach instead as a labor advocate and writer to promote worker's rights and education for women. In 1909 she published "Mi opinión sobre las libertades, derechos y deberes de la mujer" (My Opinion About the Rights, Liberties, and Responsibilities of Women) that became the first feminist thesis written in Puerto Rico. She also edited Puerto Rico's first feminist newspaper "La mujer" (The Woman) founded by Ana Roqué de Duprey.

Duprey was also a well-known feminist and in 1917, she established the Puerto Rican Feminist League. Along with other members of this league, she also created the Suffragist Social League, the Puerto Rican Association of Suffragist Women, and the Island Association of Voting Women.

Jeannette Rankin / Library of Congress (Aug 1, 1916)
Unknown | National Women's History Museum

As these women of color and first wave feminists pursued their goals, they were able to accomplish many small victories towards women's rights along the way. For example, in 1916, Jeannette Rankin became the first woman elected to the House of Representatives. That same year, Margaret Sanger opened the first birth control clinic in the United States, even though New York state law prohibited the distribution of contraception. She later established the clinic that became Planned Parenthood. However, first wave feminists had to wait until August of 1920 to witness the ratification of the 19th Amendment, granting women the right to vote. Unfortunately, it would take much longer for women of color to be able to exercise their right to vote due to racial discrimination.

[Hedwig Reicher as Columbia] in Suffrage Parade/Library of Congress (Mar 3, 1913) Bain News Service | National Women's History Museum

The End of the First Wave

After the ratification of the 19th Amendment, the momentum of the first wave began to dwindle. For many, the 19th Amendment was the major legislative achievement they had been fighting for. However, other women continued to advocate for their rights within local organizations and special interest groups. Militant suffragist and National Woman's Party founder Alice Paul believed that the 19th Amendment was not enough to ensure women's full equality. In 1923, she presented the Equal Rights Amendment to congress to solidify women's constitutional rights. However, many other feminists opposed this legislation because it put women's labor protections at risk. These ideological differences further separated feminists, as this chapter of the movement came to a close. The next sustained large-scale feminist surge would not be until the "second wave" in the 1960s.

Credits

Exhibit written and curated by Kerri Lee Alexander, NWHM Fellow 2018-2020

Bessieres, Yves, and Patricia Niedzwiecki. "Women in the French Revolution (1789)." Women in the French Revolution (1789). Brussels, Belgium: Institute for the Development of the European Cultural Area, 1991.

Blackett, R. J. M. Building an Antislavery Wall: Black-Americans in the Atlantic Abolitionist Movement, 1830-1860. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983.

Dannenbaum, Jed. "The Origins of Temperance Activism and Militancy among American Women." Journal of Social History 15, no. 2 (1981): 235-52. Accessed May 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/3787109.

Grady, Constance. "The Waves of Feminism, and Why People Keep Fighting over Them, Explained." Vox, March 20, 2018. https://www.vox.com/2018/3/20/16955588/feminism-waves-explained-first-second-third-fourth.

Kendrick, Ruby M. ""They Also Serve": The National Association of Colored Women, Inc." Negro History Bulletin 17, no. 8 (1954): 171-75. Accessed May 5, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44214997.

Rose, R. B. "Feminism, Women and the French Revolution." Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques 21, no. 1 (1995): 187-205. Accessed April 30, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/41299020.

Sinha, Manisha. The Slaves Cause: a History of Abolition. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2016.

Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn. African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850-1920. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1999.

Weinman Lear, Martha. "The Second Feminist Wave." The New York Times, March 10, 1968, sec. SM.

Zhu, Ming M. "The Page Act of 1875: In the Name of Morality." Harvard Law School; Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights, March 23, 2010. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1577213.

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The first wave of the feminist movement is usually tied to the first formal Women's Rights Convention that was held in 1848. However, first wave feminists were influenced by the collective activism of women in various other reform movements. In particular, feminists drew strategic and tactical insight from women participating in the French Revolution, the Temperance Movement, and the Abolitionist Movement.

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Although debated by some, many claim that a fourth wave of feminism began about 2012, with a focus on sexual harassment, body shaming, and rape culture, among other issues. A key component was the use of social media to highlight and address these concerns. The new wave arose amid a number of high-profile incidents. In December 2012 a young woman was brutally gang-raped in India and subsequently died, sparking local protests and international outrage. That was followed two years later by the Gamergate campaign, a manifestation of the so-called "men's rights movement" that had its origins on the Web site 4chan. GamerGate ostensibly sought to promote ethics in video-game journalism, but it was in reality a harassment campaign against "social justice warriors." The latter were often women who objected to female stereotypes in video games and were subsequently inundated with death threats and rape threats.

Against this background came Donald Trump's defeat of Hillary Clinton in the U.S. presidential election in 2016. Trump had made a number of inflammatory remarks about women, and the day after the election a grandmother went on Facebook to propose a march on Washington, D.C. The suggestion quickly gained traction and became a call for social change, especially in regard to gender equality. Known as the Women's March, it grew to include demonstrations across the United States and around the world. The protests took place on January 21, 2017, the day after Trump's inauguration, and as many as 4.6 million people attended the various events in the United States, making the Women's March perhaps the largest single-day demonstration in that country's history.

Arguably even more significant was the Me Too movement, which was launched in 2006 in the United States to assist survivors of sexual violence, especially females of colour. The campaign gained widespread attention beginning in 2017, after it was revealed that film mogul Harvey Weinstein had for years sexually harassed and assaulted women in the industry with impunity. Victims of sexual harassment or assault around the world-and of all ethnicities-began sharing their experiences on social media, using the hashtag #MeToo. The movement grew over the coming months to bring condemnation to dozens of powerful men in politics, business, entertainment, and the news media.
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

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Although debated by some, many claim that a fourth wave of feminism began about 2012, with a focus on sexual harassment, body shaming, and rape culture, among other issues. A key component was the use of social media to highlight and address these concerns. The new wave arose amid a number of high-profile incidents.

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What is Feminine Feminism? The Fifth Wave of Feminism Explained

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To the untrained eye, the current trend of women seeking to enhance feminine energy in their lives might look like a return to traditional…

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The Condescension of “Girlboss Feminism”

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Overcorrection in the spaces of gender and sexism plagues many different workplaces. Here’s how.

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how far we've come & where it's taking us

an essay by
NE1.

A most curious phenomena has occurred (from my observations & by listening to others) in English speaking territories over the last year or more. In the year since the end of the worldwide pandemic, i have had the chance to hear people, apropos of nothing, express their concern for the direction the #MeToo movement has taken, the wall it has driven itself into, the dead-end of what was once called Cancel Culture, which is the collective desire for condemnation without rehabilitation, without grace or forgiveness for people, especially mens many ethical failures.
From New York to California, in London pubs, even in cities like Paris, Nuremberg, & Shanghai, i have seen people who care too much about human progress roll their eyes at the state of the world. At such important ideas & movements being fumbled by torch-bearing, by the desire for revenge.

3rd wave feminism in the 1990s was defined by its inclusion of any oppressed persons, not simply the white women having their say, but by using their newfound privilege to sit back & listen & give voices to any & all groups of people who had yet to be given a voice in the mainstream rebellion.
4th wave feminism began with the dawn of the internet, with the many messages of the 3rd wave being mass-proliferated around the developed world & any underdeveloped country with internet access. And yet 4th wave came to a screeching hault, crashed into the shore as it were, during the Trump era in America, with its extremely important messages being mishandled by vilification in leiu of rehabilitation. To condemn the failures of others can never heal the problem, only suppress it; we as a people have to nurture the failures of each other, in order to prevent it in the future.

A 5th wave has already begun to roll in, & it is as heavy & wide as the ocean itself.
In contrast to the 4th waves scorched-Earth mentality toward broken men, the 5th wave, as i have heard it expressed by femme-identifying people in various cities & of various ages, is a return to the nature/nurture ways of old. A focus on healing, not only men but anyone who has acquired unhealthy habits & lamentable behaviors, any 'toxicity' as the 4th wave torch-bearers so flippantly named anyone who was struggling with the problems of anger, addiction, & anything deemed socially unsavory.

The 5th wave of what was once called feminism maintains a focus on encouraging, embracing & celebrating male tenderness, male gentility. The essential positive qualities of masculinity, congratulating them to the same extent that the negative masculine traits are lamented & condemned. A support system of the so-called divine feminine carefully observing & offering critique to the not-yet divine masculine qualities in anyone.
In one particularly striking conversation, where a black nonbinary femme was discussing a new (male) lover, they spoke even of the value of male protection & the (historically) longstanding sense of safety that being held in masculine arms (of anyone) can evoke in a hug or cuddle of a loved one.
"I felt so safe," they said. Though they said nothing as they layed together.

3rd waves inclusivity of all minorities (ergo, the big Other) has lead irrevocably to 4th waves divisiveness & desire to punish & castrate the Other for their histories. This too is a toxic behavior we now know too well.
5th wave feminism seeks to achieve a balance of these contrasts & opposites, no matter where on the spectrum a given person is currently experiencing the inherent masculine/feminine qualities of us all.

Thank you for reading.

Part 2: Heteroskepticism

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A most curious phenomena has occurred (from my observations & by listening to others) in English speaking territories over the last year or more. In the year since the end of the worldwide pandemic...

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Why Girlboss Feminism is Toxic - Liz Marie Strategy

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We’ve all seen it and maybe even fed into it a little bit, but here’s the thing: being a Girlboss completely misses the mark.

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Why Girlboss Feminism is Toxic - Liz Marie Strategy

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We’ve all seen it and maybe even fed into it a little bit, but here’s the thing: being a Girlboss completely misses the mark.

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Germaine Greer: Transgender women are 'not women' - BBC Newsnight